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In a university startup ecosystem, there are a number of stakeholders. The faculty founder is one of the key stakeholders, being one of the inventors of the innovation, a founder of the startup, and likely engaged with the startup’s product development and fundraising. They need to understand their motivations founding the company and expectations for the roles they can play in helping the company. They also need to understand the constraints placed on them in terms of conflict of interest and commitment. The entrepreneur is one of the key external stakeholders who typically partners with the faculty founder to launch and grow the startup. For entrepreneurs, they need to understand the nuances of working with a faculty founder as well as working with the university to license the innovation. For these two stakeholders, a number of “lessons learned” are provided experienced faculty founders and entrepreneurs. The final stakeholder is the university administration. They need to understand the types of programs and policies that can help build and support a thriving entrepreneurial ecosystem.

Through a close reading of Foucault's 1979 lectures on neoliberalism, The Birth of Biopolitics, I explore the implications of a non-ideological approach to neoliberalism. More specifically, I excavate the central categorical and epistemological transformations that Foucault argues occur in the shifts from classical liberalism to neoliberalism: the sites and mechanisms of truth (from the contract to the market; from the protection of ownership to the expansion of maximizing interests); dominant social values (from utility to human capital); concepts of freedom (from Rights of Man to subjects of interests); concepts of subjectivity (from “citizen” to “entrepreneur”); and modes of rationality (from juridical to calculative).

In chapter 5, the book concludes by analyzing the contradictory representations and structures of feeling associated with the entrepreneur figure. In many of Jia’s films, this figure is a threatening criminal who represents and evokes the anxiety surrounding market reforms in the early Reform era, and produces a structure of feeling that embodies the confusion, economic abuses, and fear of changing to a market economy. However, some of the films also present the figure of the rushang, who is a businessperson imbued with traditional Confucian characteristics, who is depicted as philosophical, friendly, and inspirational, and is tempered by traditional Confucian values, such as filial piety, patriotism, and anti-materialism, making it a figure to be lauded, not feared. These benign entrepreneurs have adapted to the new economy and are thriving because of it, but are also altruistic towards the common people and thus serve as inspirational models. This rushang is not the “New Socialist Human” that was the aspiration for the previous Maoist period, but is rather a “New Reform Human” for the Reform era – the resulting construction from the destruction of the Maoist state.

Public Benefit Corporations (“PBCs”) are a revolutionary new form of business organization that overturn the fundamental corporate principle of shareholder wealth maximization. Of the many questions that surround this new entity type, perhaps the most perplexing is why Delaware – the most influential and important state for corporate law by far – chose to adopt it. I explore this troubling question through qualitative empirical research. I find that Delaware primarily wanted to serve the needs of social entrepreneurs and financiers, but also hoped to harness the power of capitalism to remedy social ills that government has so far failed to fix. The PBC statute rather poorly implements either of these goals. The PBC statute is not a very good enforcement tool. On the other hand, the statute may prove an effective reinforcement tool, aiding sincere social entrepreneurs to pursue their various missions. Also, private ordering, such as certification by outside entities like B Lab, may fill many of the important gaps left by the law.

Part I reviews what is known about the entrepreneurial personality and entrepreneurial behavior and explores how motivation theories apply to entrepreneurs. Part II identifies potential diaspora advantages for entrepreneurism. First, there may be a correlation between diasporans and entrepreneurs in terms of personal characteristics, leading to an overrepresentation of entrepreneurs within diasporas (most likely among those who have electively migrated). Second, the migration experience may reinforce some of these personal characteristics and entrepreneurial behavior. Third, the diaspora identity itself—mixing two sociocultural worlds—may suggest advantages. Fourth, the diaspora identity and experience can inspire motivation to target entrepreneurial behavior to the country of origin. The chapter identifies a typology of entrepreneurs, which may have application beyond diaspora communities, and concludes with important caveats. Not all diasporans will manifest potential advantages for entrepreneurism.

The chapter theorizes the inner life of terrorist cells, and presents a new model for interpreting data on radicalization and recruitment. It distinguishes between four ideal-type terrorists: the entrepreneur, the protégé, the misfit and the drifter, who join militancy differently. The chapter highlights the role of ideologically motivated entrepreneurs in building terrorist cells on behalf of armed jihadis in conflict zones. Entrepreneurs bring structure and organization to the disaffected majority of misfits and drifters, turning them into tools for groups such as al-Qaida and IS. This dynamic makes the threat more organized and transnational than is commonly assumed.