Andrew Hadfield
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199233656
- eISBN:
- 9780191696626
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199233656.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 16th-century and Renaissance Literature
What was the purpose of representing foreign lands for writers in the English Renaissance? This book argues that writers often used their works as vehicles to reflect on the state of contemporary ...
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What was the purpose of representing foreign lands for writers in the English Renaissance? This book argues that writers often used their works as vehicles to reflect on the state of contemporary English politics, particularly their own lack of representation in public institutions. Sometimes such analyses took the form of displaced allegories, whereby writers contrasted the advantages enjoyed, or disadvantages suffered, by foreign subjects with the political conditions of Tudor and Stuart England. Elsewhere, more often in explicitly colonial writings, authors meditated on the problems of government when faced with the possibly violent creation of a new society. If Venice was commonly held up as a beacon of republican liberty which England would do well to imitate, the fear of tyrannical Catholic Spain was ever present—inspiring and haunting much of the colonial literature from 1580 onwards. This book examines fictional and non-fictional writings, illustrating both the close connections between the two made by early modern readers and the problems involved in the usual assumption that we can make sense of the past with the categories available to us. The book explores representations of Europe, the Americas, Africa, and the Far East, selecting pertinent examples rather than attempting to embrace a total coverage. It also offers fresh readings of Shakespeare, Marlowe, More, Lyly, Hakluyt, Harriot, Nashe, and others.Less
What was the purpose of representing foreign lands for writers in the English Renaissance? This book argues that writers often used their works as vehicles to reflect on the state of contemporary English politics, particularly their own lack of representation in public institutions. Sometimes such analyses took the form of displaced allegories, whereby writers contrasted the advantages enjoyed, or disadvantages suffered, by foreign subjects with the political conditions of Tudor and Stuart England. Elsewhere, more often in explicitly colonial writings, authors meditated on the problems of government when faced with the possibly violent creation of a new society. If Venice was commonly held up as a beacon of republican liberty which England would do well to imitate, the fear of tyrannical Catholic Spain was ever present—inspiring and haunting much of the colonial literature from 1580 onwards. This book examines fictional and non-fictional writings, illustrating both the close connections between the two made by early modern readers and the problems involved in the usual assumption that we can make sense of the past with the categories available to us. The book explores representations of Europe, the Americas, Africa, and the Far East, selecting pertinent examples rather than attempting to embrace a total coverage. It also offers fresh readings of Shakespeare, Marlowe, More, Lyly, Hakluyt, Harriot, Nashe, and others.
Catherine Gallagher
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198182436
- eISBN:
- 9780191673801
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198182436.003.0012
- Subject:
- Literature, 18th-century Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
This chapter discusses three instances of realignments between politics and commerce in general and politics and the literary marketplace in particular. The first is a new discursiveness in English ...
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This chapter discusses three instances of realignments between politics and commerce in general and politics and the literary marketplace in particular. The first is a new discursiveness in English politics, and the second is the growth of what historians have called civil humanism. Finally, the third instance is the reciprocal stimulation of the national debt and the growth of speculative finance capital. These are interwoven to reveal both their individual and cumulative pressure on the crossings described in the chapter.Less
This chapter discusses three instances of realignments between politics and commerce in general and politics and the literary marketplace in particular. The first is a new discursiveness in English politics, and the second is the growth of what historians have called civil humanism. Finally, the third instance is the reciprocal stimulation of the national debt and the growth of speculative finance capital. These are interwoven to reveal both their individual and cumulative pressure on the crossings described in the chapter.
Michelle O'Callaghan
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198186380
- eISBN:
- 9780191674549
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198186380.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature, Poetry
As certain political issues were amplified by the Bohemian crisis, English politics shifted their attention to coming up with measures that would put an end to the crisis and other various conflicts. ...
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As certain political issues were amplified by the Bohemian crisis, English politics shifted their attention to coming up with measures that would put an end to the crisis and other various conflicts. While the Spanish occupation of the Palatinate brought about various anti-Catholic and anti-Spanish movements, the court had to be exposed to a range of criticisms. It was believed that James's effort at trying to set up Charles's marriage with a Spanish infant could have been influenced by the court which was somehow in favor of Spain. Because politics in this period is said to be polarized, this period also experienced a ‘revolution in the dissemination of news’ through the corantos or the first newspapers published in that era. The public sphere's extension was brought about by certain restrictions on political debates of the public.Less
As certain political issues were amplified by the Bohemian crisis, English politics shifted their attention to coming up with measures that would put an end to the crisis and other various conflicts. While the Spanish occupation of the Palatinate brought about various anti-Catholic and anti-Spanish movements, the court had to be exposed to a range of criticisms. It was believed that James's effort at trying to set up Charles's marriage with a Spanish infant could have been influenced by the court which was somehow in favor of Spain. Because politics in this period is said to be polarized, this period also experienced a ‘revolution in the dissemination of news’ through the corantos or the first newspapers published in that era. The public sphere's extension was brought about by certain restrictions on political debates of the public.
R. W. Kostal
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199551941
- eISBN:
- 9780191714320
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199551941.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Legal History
This concluding essay examines the nature and significance of the Jamaica controversy in the wider sweep of modern English political and legal history. That the Jamaica affair became so thoroughly ...
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This concluding essay examines the nature and significance of the Jamaica controversy in the wider sweep of modern English political and legal history. That the Jamaica affair became so thoroughly infused with legal ideas and procedures is a trademark of English political culture. With the advent of the Jamaica affair, leading Englishmen like John Stuart Mill attempted to use the courts to resolve (what is identified as) a defining contradiction of mid-Victorian English politics: the simultaneous commitment to law and empire. For a host of reasons their initiative failed. While the Jamaica litigation generated a number of important judicial pronouncements on the English jurisprudence of political and military power, the courts could not, perhaps cannot, provide a definitive resolution to what, after all, are timeless and intractable issues at the core of political liberalism.Less
This concluding essay examines the nature and significance of the Jamaica controversy in the wider sweep of modern English political and legal history. That the Jamaica affair became so thoroughly infused with legal ideas and procedures is a trademark of English political culture. With the advent of the Jamaica affair, leading Englishmen like John Stuart Mill attempted to use the courts to resolve (what is identified as) a defining contradiction of mid-Victorian English politics: the simultaneous commitment to law and empire. For a host of reasons their initiative failed. While the Jamaica litigation generated a number of important judicial pronouncements on the English jurisprudence of political and military power, the courts could not, perhaps cannot, provide a definitive resolution to what, after all, are timeless and intractable issues at the core of political liberalism.
Dan Hooley
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199288076
- eISBN:
- 9780191713439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199288076.003.0012
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter addresses the issue of the classic in the case of Christopher Marlowe's translation of the first book of Lucan's Bellum Civile. The chapter first explores preliminary issues concerning ...
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This chapter addresses the issue of the classic in the case of Christopher Marlowe's translation of the first book of Lucan's Bellum Civile. The chapter first explores preliminary issues concerning the nature of the classic in its reception through history. It then proceeds to discuss several of the ways in which Lucan's BC was a pertinent, politically ‘loaded’ text for Marlowe's early Elizabethan England. Finally, returning to issues attending the original's classic status outlined earlier, it addresses, by way of contrast with the last point, the ways in which it, as ‘translated classic’, cannot come wholly across — so that rather than simply renewing a traditional classic, translation in this case becomes an ambiguously prophetic dialogue with the dead.Less
This chapter addresses the issue of the classic in the case of Christopher Marlowe's translation of the first book of Lucan's Bellum Civile. The chapter first explores preliminary issues concerning the nature of the classic in its reception through history. It then proceeds to discuss several of the ways in which Lucan's BC was a pertinent, politically ‘loaded’ text for Marlowe's early Elizabethan England. Finally, returning to issues attending the original's classic status outlined earlier, it addresses, by way of contrast with the last point, the ways in which it, as ‘translated classic’, cannot come wholly across — so that rather than simply renewing a traditional classic, translation in this case becomes an ambiguously prophetic dialogue with the dead.
Colin Copus
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719071867
- eISBN:
- 9781781701379
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719071867.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book is the result of national research conducted amongst England's directly elected mayors and the councillors that serve alongside them. It assesses the impact on local politics of this new ...
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This book is the result of national research conducted amongst England's directly elected mayors and the councillors that serve alongside them. It assesses the impact on local politics of this new office and fills a gap in our understanding of how the Local Government Act 2000 has influenced local governance. The book also draws from a range of research that has focused on elected mayors—in England and overseas—to set out how the powers, roles and responsibilities of mayors and mayoral councils would need to change if English local politics is to reconnect fundamentally with citizens. It not only explores how English elected mayors are currently operating, but how the office could develop and, as such, contributes to the debate about the governance of the English localities.Less
This book is the result of national research conducted amongst England's directly elected mayors and the councillors that serve alongside them. It assesses the impact on local politics of this new office and fills a gap in our understanding of how the Local Government Act 2000 has influenced local governance. The book also draws from a range of research that has focused on elected mayors—in England and overseas—to set out how the powers, roles and responsibilities of mayors and mayoral councils would need to change if English local politics is to reconnect fundamentally with citizens. It not only explores how English elected mayors are currently operating, but how the office could develop and, as such, contributes to the debate about the governance of the English localities.
R.R. Davies
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199257249
- eISBN:
- 9780191698439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257249.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
Sir Ralph Pipard had a relatively well-to-do family as they had been tenants of the honour of Wallingford, owned estates in Southern England, and had significant positions as stewards and sheriffs. ...
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Sir Ralph Pipard had a relatively well-to-do family as they had been tenants of the honour of Wallingford, owned estates in Southern England, and had significant positions as stewards and sheriffs. Although Pipard seemed like an English county knight incarnate, his ancestors in the twelfth century experienced the English conquest of Ireland. Three or four Pipard brothers went to Ireland in 1185 where they were able to grab opportunities and secure lands in Ardee because that area had a castle, manors, a well-established settler community, and other features that they were already familiar with. Pipard soon learned about war and how bridging the gap between Ireland and England was impossible at that time. This chapter relates the Pipards’ story with political cultures in the British Isles in that period, and also focuses on how there is no common measure of idioms and practices in English politics.Less
Sir Ralph Pipard had a relatively well-to-do family as they had been tenants of the honour of Wallingford, owned estates in Southern England, and had significant positions as stewards and sheriffs. Although Pipard seemed like an English county knight incarnate, his ancestors in the twelfth century experienced the English conquest of Ireland. Three or four Pipard brothers went to Ireland in 1185 where they were able to grab opportunities and secure lands in Ardee because that area had a castle, manors, a well-established settler community, and other features that they were already familiar with. Pipard soon learned about war and how bridging the gap between Ireland and England was impossible at that time. This chapter relates the Pipards’ story with political cultures in the British Isles in that period, and also focuses on how there is no common measure of idioms and practices in English politics.
R. W. Kostal
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199551941
- eISBN:
- 9780191714320
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199551941.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Legal History
This book is about the centrality of law in the world-view of the English political class of the 1860s. Its more specific subject-matter is the prolonged conflict that arose in England over the ...
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This book is about the centrality of law in the world-view of the English political class of the 1860s. Its more specific subject-matter is the prolonged conflict that arose in England over the suppression of the Morant Bay uprising in Jamaica. The ensuing study consists respectively of seven analytical narrative chapters, an epilogue, a final thematic essay, and an historiographical appendix. The seven empirical chapters trace the historical development of the Jamaica affair in rough chronological order.Less
This book is about the centrality of law in the world-view of the English political class of the 1860s. Its more specific subject-matter is the prolonged conflict that arose in England over the suppression of the Morant Bay uprising in Jamaica. The ensuing study consists respectively of seven analytical narrative chapters, an epilogue, a final thematic essay, and an historiographical appendix. The seven empirical chapters trace the historical development of the Jamaica affair in rough chronological order.
Ronald Hutton
- Published in print:
- 1989
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198229117
- eISBN:
- 9780191678851
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198229117.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter discusses and described the next four years of King Charles II's reign. The discussion presented in this chapter adds three new contributions to the previous accounts made by past ...
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This chapter discusses and described the next four years of King Charles II's reign. The discussion presented in this chapter adds three new contributions to the previous accounts made by past historians and scholars. The first is that the information stated in this chapter hopefully will make its own interpretations of the facts and add fresh details. The second contribution is that it aims to trace the interpretation of English politics from the viewpoint of those of other realms. Finally, the third contribution aims to take up a slightly different perspective upon the whole period.Less
This chapter discusses and described the next four years of King Charles II's reign. The discussion presented in this chapter adds three new contributions to the previous accounts made by past historians and scholars. The first is that the information stated in this chapter hopefully will make its own interpretations of the facts and add fresh details. The second contribution is that it aims to trace the interpretation of English politics from the viewpoint of those of other realms. Finally, the third contribution aims to take up a slightly different perspective upon the whole period.
F.P. Lock
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199226634
- eISBN:
- 9780191696244
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226634.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Ideas
Edmund Burke (1730–1797) was one of the most profound, versatile, and accomplished thinkers of the eighteenth century. Born and educated in Dublin, he moved to London to study law, but remained to ...
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Edmund Burke (1730–1797) was one of the most profound, versatile, and accomplished thinkers of the eighteenth century. Born and educated in Dublin, he moved to London to study law, but remained to make a career in English politics, completing A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1757) before entering the political arena. A Member of Parliament for nearly thirty years, his speeches are still read and studied as classics of political thought, and through his best-known work, Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790), he has continued to exercise a posthumous influence as ‘the father of conservatism’. This, the first of two volumes, covers the years between 1730–1784, and describes Burke's Irish upbringing and education, early writing, and his parliamentary career throughout the momentous years of the American War of Independence. Lavishly illustrated, the book provides an authoritative account of the complexity and breadth of Burke's philosophical and political writing and examines its origins in his personal experiences and the political world of his day.Less
Edmund Burke (1730–1797) was one of the most profound, versatile, and accomplished thinkers of the eighteenth century. Born and educated in Dublin, he moved to London to study law, but remained to make a career in English politics, completing A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1757) before entering the political arena. A Member of Parliament for nearly thirty years, his speeches are still read and studied as classics of political thought, and through his best-known work, Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790), he has continued to exercise a posthumous influence as ‘the father of conservatism’. This, the first of two volumes, covers the years between 1730–1784, and describes Burke's Irish upbringing and education, early writing, and his parliamentary career throughout the momentous years of the American War of Independence. Lavishly illustrated, the book provides an authoritative account of the complexity and breadth of Burke's philosophical and political writing and examines its origins in his personal experiences and the political world of his day.
Colin Copus
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719071867
- eISBN:
- 9781781701379
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719071867.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter considers the powers, responsibilities and activities of English mayors against the expectation. It also addresses the development of the office of elected mayor in England and some ...
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This chapter considers the powers, responsibilities and activities of English mayors against the expectation. It also addresses the development of the office of elected mayor in England and some options for how that development might occur. The directly elected mayors have expressed their frustrations with the configuration of political power within their councils. It is noted that holding local executive political office is not the sole property of the political party. Mayoral power and responsibility rest currently on the type of council the mayor inhabits: district, county, unitary or London borough. As usual in English politics, greater power has to be earned, not granted as a right, and elected mayors must prove a case for more power, for both their office and their council. The English mayor requires a different legislative framework, a different political and institutional set of arrangements, and considerably more political and governing power.Less
This chapter considers the powers, responsibilities and activities of English mayors against the expectation. It also addresses the development of the office of elected mayor in England and some options for how that development might occur. The directly elected mayors have expressed their frustrations with the configuration of political power within their councils. It is noted that holding local executive political office is not the sole property of the political party. Mayoral power and responsibility rest currently on the type of council the mayor inhabits: district, county, unitary or London borough. As usual in English politics, greater power has to be earned, not granted as a right, and elected mayors must prove a case for more power, for both their office and their council. The English mayor requires a different legislative framework, a different political and institutional set of arrangements, and considerably more political and governing power.
L. G. Mitchell
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201045
- eISBN:
- 9780191674815
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201045.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
Charles James Fox was born on 24 January 1749, in Conduit St in London. The dominant influence on Fox was his father, Henry Fox, whose deep love for his son made it impossible for him to restrain the ...
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Charles James Fox was born on 24 January 1749, in Conduit St in London. The dominant influence on Fox was his father, Henry Fox, whose deep love for his son made it impossible for him to restrain the boy's exuberance or hobble his personality. In return, Fox adored his father and defended his father's political reputation for the whole of his career. By the end of 1774, contemporaries found it hard to decide whether the gothic quality of Fox's private life was more to be wondered at than the extraordinary quality of his forays into politics. He was clearly a prodigy. He knew Paris and London. He was the club-friend of the leading writers and artists of the day. He had twice been in government and had twice left it. He was one of the most amusing men in London and one of the most dissolute, and he had earned the undying enmity of his king. He was still only 25.Less
Charles James Fox was born on 24 January 1749, in Conduit St in London. The dominant influence on Fox was his father, Henry Fox, whose deep love for his son made it impossible for him to restrain the boy's exuberance or hobble his personality. In return, Fox adored his father and defended his father's political reputation for the whole of his career. By the end of 1774, contemporaries found it hard to decide whether the gothic quality of Fox's private life was more to be wondered at than the extraordinary quality of his forays into politics. He was clearly a prodigy. He knew Paris and London. He was the club-friend of the leading writers and artists of the day. He had twice been in government and had twice left it. He was one of the most amusing men in London and one of the most dissolute, and he had earned the undying enmity of his king. He was still only 25.
Robert Harris
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203780
- eISBN:
- 9780191675973
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203780.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book studies the polemical press of the 1740s, and provides an investigation of the politics of the Pelham regime. It examines the vigorous and wide-ranging debate in tracts and periodicals ...
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This book studies the polemical press of the 1740s, and provides an investigation of the politics of the Pelham regime. It examines the vigorous and wide-ranging debate in tracts and periodicals about the principal issues of the day — the fall of Walpole, the influence of Hanover, the Forty-Five, and the War of the Austrian Succession. This book's detailed analysis of the confusing and fragmented politics of the 1740s sheds important light on patterns of change and continuity in the political culture of mid-18th-century English politics.Less
This book studies the polemical press of the 1740s, and provides an investigation of the politics of the Pelham regime. It examines the vigorous and wide-ranging debate in tracts and periodicals about the principal issues of the day — the fall of Walpole, the influence of Hanover, the Forty-Five, and the War of the Austrian Succession. This book's detailed analysis of the confusing and fragmented politics of the 1740s sheds important light on patterns of change and continuity in the political culture of mid-18th-century English politics.
Conrad Russell
- Published in print:
- 1979
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198224822
- eISBN:
- 9780191678578
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198224822.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Political History
The object of this book is to reconstruct the Parliamentary history of the 1620s using a set of analytical tools which owe more to local studies than to previous Parliamentary studies. Its central ...
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The object of this book is to reconstruct the Parliamentary history of the 1620s using a set of analytical tools which owe more to local studies than to previous Parliamentary studies. Its central contention is that the sort of men who assembled at Westminster were not widely different in character and outlook from the same men as they have become familiar to us as Justices of the Peace. The Justices of the Peace were not an opposition: they were, within certain partly self-imposed limits, loyal and hard-working servants of the Crown. Their service to the Crown, however, normally took third place behind their concern for the welfare of their countries and for their own pockets. If we study Justices of the Peace, we do not find a body of men itching to take over responsibility for national government, or for the conduct of foreign affairs. We find a combination of loyalty and obstruction of hard work and parochialism, of dedication and dishonesty. Above all, they almost always put concern for their own counties above any concept of the national interest.Less
The object of this book is to reconstruct the Parliamentary history of the 1620s using a set of analytical tools which owe more to local studies than to previous Parliamentary studies. Its central contention is that the sort of men who assembled at Westminster were not widely different in character and outlook from the same men as they have become familiar to us as Justices of the Peace. The Justices of the Peace were not an opposition: they were, within certain partly self-imposed limits, loyal and hard-working servants of the Crown. Their service to the Crown, however, normally took third place behind their concern for the welfare of their countries and for their own pockets. If we study Justices of the Peace, we do not find a body of men itching to take over responsibility for national government, or for the conduct of foreign affairs. We find a combination of loyalty and obstruction of hard work and parochialism, of dedication and dishonesty. Above all, they almost always put concern for their own counties above any concept of the national interest.
Arthur Aughey
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719068720
- eISBN:
- 9781781701300
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719068720.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the politics, legends and anxieties of Englishness. It comments on the public display of English flags in the 2002 World Cup and suggests that ...
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This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the politics, legends and anxieties of Englishness. It comments on the public display of English flags in the 2002 World Cup and suggests that the ubiquity of the Cross of St. George has diluted any partisan political intent. The chapter contrasts the English case with that of Northern Ireland, where flags are used either to demarcate territory by the proclamation of allegiance or to intimidate and deter outsiders. It contends that the idiom of English politics and the legends of Englishness have been modified and will continue to be modified. What England has thought of itself has induced not only complacency but also anxiety, and these complacencies and anxieties have informed the tone in which the national conversation has been conducted and will continue to be conducted.Less
This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the politics, legends and anxieties of Englishness. It comments on the public display of English flags in the 2002 World Cup and suggests that the ubiquity of the Cross of St. George has diluted any partisan political intent. The chapter contrasts the English case with that of Northern Ireland, where flags are used either to demarcate territory by the proclamation of allegiance or to intimidate and deter outsiders. It contends that the idiom of English politics and the legends of Englishness have been modified and will continue to be modified. What England has thought of itself has induced not only complacency but also anxiety, and these complacencies and anxieties have informed the tone in which the national conversation has been conducted and will continue to be conducted.
Michael Brown
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748633326
- eISBN:
- 9780748672127
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748633326.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
Bannockburn did not end the war between Robert Bruce and Edward of England. It ended the manning of Scottish castles against Bruce, and open opposition to his royal rights and title within Scotland. ...
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Bannockburn did not end the war between Robert Bruce and Edward of England. It ended the manning of Scottish castles against Bruce, and open opposition to his royal rights and title within Scotland. Defeat had cost Edward much of his remaining authority. There was a connection between the battle and the shape of English politics. Bannockburn had presented the Bruces with the opportunity to extend the war beyond Scotland into King Edward's dominions. The Bruces had an attraction as the opponents of the Plantagenet administration. The capture of Berwick was a victory almost as great as that of Bannockburn. The king's victory over his enemies demonstrated the residual strength of the English crown. Though the years of warfare between Robert Bruce and Edward II would be ended by the truce, conflict over Scottish crown and realm would last far longer.Less
Bannockburn did not end the war between Robert Bruce and Edward of England. It ended the manning of Scottish castles against Bruce, and open opposition to his royal rights and title within Scotland. Defeat had cost Edward much of his remaining authority. There was a connection between the battle and the shape of English politics. Bannockburn had presented the Bruces with the opportunity to extend the war beyond Scotland into King Edward's dominions. The Bruces had an attraction as the opponents of the Plantagenet administration. The capture of Berwick was a victory almost as great as that of Bannockburn. The king's victory over his enemies demonstrated the residual strength of the English crown. Though the years of warfare between Robert Bruce and Edward II would be ended by the truce, conflict over Scottish crown and realm would last far longer.
JAMES LYDON
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199539703
- eISBN:
- 9780191701184
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199539703.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
This chapter discusses the following: the new king and the Anglo-Irish magnates; revolt of Hugh de Lacy; Cathal Crobderg and royal authority; de Burgh ambitions; the confiscation of Connacht; English ...
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This chapter discusses the following: the new king and the Anglo-Irish magnates; revolt of Hugh de Lacy; Cathal Crobderg and royal authority; de Burgh ambitions; the confiscation of Connacht; English politics and Irish power; the conquest of Connacht: subinfeudation and prosperity; development of Leinster; extinction of the Marshal family; expansion in the south west; administrative problems; relations with the king; and demands on Ireland.Less
This chapter discusses the following: the new king and the Anglo-Irish magnates; revolt of Hugh de Lacy; Cathal Crobderg and royal authority; de Burgh ambitions; the confiscation of Connacht; English politics and Irish power; the conquest of Connacht: subinfeudation and prosperity; development of Leinster; extinction of the Marshal family; expansion in the south west; administrative problems; relations with the king; and demands on Ireland.
T.M. Devine (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748635412
- eISBN:
- 9780748672202
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748635412.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter considers the future of Anglo-Scottish Union. It is noted that any serious Tory revival could carry the party to an almost impregnable domination of English politics — as long as those ...
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This chapter considers the future of Anglo-Scottish Union. It is noted that any serious Tory revival could carry the party to an almost impregnable domination of English politics — as long as those Scottish MPs aren't there to spoil it. Scotophobia in England is largely a media invention and has not been very efficient in its own terms. Politicians and journalists with an agenda have agitated a general Scotophobia. There is now discontent with the 1997 devolution settlement on both sides of the Border. The notion of ‘Britain’ is weakening as identity politics — already embedded in Scotland and Wales — take root in England. From this moment, the real strain will begin to bear down on the devolution settlement after its first easy decade.Less
This chapter considers the future of Anglo-Scottish Union. It is noted that any serious Tory revival could carry the party to an almost impregnable domination of English politics — as long as those Scottish MPs aren't there to spoil it. Scotophobia in England is largely a media invention and has not been very efficient in its own terms. Politicians and journalists with an agenda have agitated a general Scotophobia. There is now discontent with the 1997 devolution settlement on both sides of the Border. The notion of ‘Britain’ is weakening as identity politics — already embedded in Scotland and Wales — take root in England. From this moment, the real strain will begin to bear down on the devolution settlement after its first easy decade.
David Carpenter
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780300238358
- eISBN:
- 9780300255508
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300238358.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History
This chapter discusses the period from Henry III's birth to the end of the minority. Henry was born on October 1, 1207, in the royal castle of Winchester. Henry's birth strengthened King John's ...
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This chapter discusses the period from Henry III's birth to the end of the minority. Henry was born on October 1, 1207, in the royal castle of Winchester. Henry's birth strengthened King John's immediate political position and secured the future of his dynasty, what he later called ‘our perpetual hereditary succession’. Around 1211 or 1212, John made a major decision about Henry's future by entrusting him to the guardianship of Peter des Roches, bishop of Winchester. Bishop Peter was still impacting on Henry's life and envenoming English politics more than twenty years later. The chapter then details Henry's accession to the throne, after which his governors issued a new version of Magna Carta.Less
This chapter discusses the period from Henry III's birth to the end of the minority. Henry was born on October 1, 1207, in the royal castle of Winchester. Henry's birth strengthened King John's immediate political position and secured the future of his dynasty, what he later called ‘our perpetual hereditary succession’. Around 1211 or 1212, John made a major decision about Henry's future by entrusting him to the guardianship of Peter des Roches, bishop of Winchester. Bishop Peter was still impacting on Henry's life and envenoming English politics more than twenty years later. The chapter then details Henry's accession to the throne, after which his governors issued a new version of Magna Carta.
Robert Colls
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199579884
- eISBN:
- 9780191804496
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199579884.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter presents a story of how, after years of feeling disaffected and disassociated from his country, George Orwell found at last an England to believe in and, in so doing, changed the study ...
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This chapter presents a story of how, after years of feeling disaffected and disassociated from his country, George Orwell found at last an England to believe in and, in so doing, changed the study of English politics and culture.Less
This chapter presents a story of how, after years of feeling disaffected and disassociated from his country, George Orwell found at last an England to believe in and, in so doing, changed the study of English politics and culture.
