Jim Gallagher
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780197266465
- eISBN:
- 9780191879609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266465.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The asymmetry of the UK as a union means that England, unlike Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, not only has no domestic legislature but no executive of its own either. Westminster is England’s ...
More
The asymmetry of the UK as a union means that England, unlike Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, not only has no domestic legislature but no executive of its own either. Westminster is England’s Parliament and the UK Government is England’s Government. Much attention has been devoted to the (parliamentary) anomaly of the West Lothian Question, but there has been little discussion of England’s Government. This chapter asks whether the UK Government contains a ghost in the machine: an embryonic English Government, perhaps in English departments or cabinet committees, or shown in social or economic policy or in taxation and spending. It notes how deeply entangled UK and English economic and fiscal policy are, notably via the Barnett formula, and considers the options for more explicit English governance such as a ‘Minister for England’, but questions how politically salient this would be when the main issue is England’s relations with Europe.Less
The asymmetry of the UK as a union means that England, unlike Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, not only has no domestic legislature but no executive of its own either. Westminster is England’s Parliament and the UK Government is England’s Government. Much attention has been devoted to the (parliamentary) anomaly of the West Lothian Question, but there has been little discussion of England’s Government. This chapter asks whether the UK Government contains a ghost in the machine: an embryonic English Government, perhaps in English departments or cabinet committees, or shown in social or economic policy or in taxation and spending. It notes how deeply entangled UK and English economic and fiscal policy are, notably via the Barnett formula, and considers the options for more explicit English governance such as a ‘Minister for England’, but questions how politically salient this would be when the main issue is England’s relations with Europe.
Alison Games
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195335545
- eISBN:
- 9780199869039
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195335545.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter focuses on Ireland in the 1650s, illustrating England's new commitment to brute force (expressed through a new standing army and expanded navy) and to forced migration around the ...
More
This chapter focuses on Ireland in the 1650s, illustrating England's new commitment to brute force (expressed through a new standing army and expanded navy) and to forced migration around the Atlantic as a strategy for colonial success and national power. This imperial reshuffling of people linked Britain, Ireland, the Caribbean, and North America, and exposed the government's new vision of a more centralized empire devised in the wake of several decades of private enterprise.Less
This chapter focuses on Ireland in the 1650s, illustrating England's new commitment to brute force (expressed through a new standing army and expanded navy) and to forced migration around the Atlantic as a strategy for colonial success and national power. This imperial reshuffling of people linked Britain, Ireland, the Caribbean, and North America, and exposed the government's new vision of a more centralized empire devised in the wake of several decades of private enterprise.
Christopher Maginn
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199697151
- eISBN:
- 9780191739262
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199697151.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This book explores the complex relationship which existed between England and Ireland in the Tudor period using the long association of William Cecil (1520–98) with Ireland as a vehicle for ...
More
This book explores the complex relationship which existed between England and Ireland in the Tudor period using the long association of William Cecil (1520–98) with Ireland as a vehicle for historical enquiry. That Cecil, Queen Elizabeth’s most trusted adviser and the most important figure in England after the queen herself, consistently devoted his attention and considerable energies to the kingdom of Ireland is a seldom‐explored aspect of his life and his place in the Tudor age. Yet amid his handling of a broad assortment of matters relating to England and Wales, the kingdom of Scotland, continental Europe, and beyond, William Cecil’s thoughts regularly turned to the kingdom of Ireland. He personally compiled genealogies of Ireland’s Irish and English families and pored over dozens of national and regional maps of Ireland. Cecil served as chancellor of Ireland’s first university and, most importantly for the historian, penned, received, and studied thousands of papers on subjects relating to Ireland and the crown’s political, economic, social, and religious policies there. Cecil would have understood all of this broadly as ‘Ireland matters’, a subject which he came to know in greater depth and detail than anyone at the court of Queen Elizabeth I. The book’s extended analysis of Cecil’s long relationship with Ireland helps to make sense of Anglo‐Irish interaction in Tudor times and shows that this relationship was characterized by more than the basic binary features of conquest and resistance. At another level, this book demonstrates that the second half of the sixteenth century witnessed the political, social, and cultural integration of Ireland into the multinational Tudor state and that it was William Cecil who, more than any other figure, consciously worked to achieve that integration.Less
This book explores the complex relationship which existed between England and Ireland in the Tudor period using the long association of William Cecil (1520–98) with Ireland as a vehicle for historical enquiry. That Cecil, Queen Elizabeth’s most trusted adviser and the most important figure in England after the queen herself, consistently devoted his attention and considerable energies to the kingdom of Ireland is a seldom‐explored aspect of his life and his place in the Tudor age. Yet amid his handling of a broad assortment of matters relating to England and Wales, the kingdom of Scotland, continental Europe, and beyond, William Cecil’s thoughts regularly turned to the kingdom of Ireland. He personally compiled genealogies of Ireland’s Irish and English families and pored over dozens of national and regional maps of Ireland. Cecil served as chancellor of Ireland’s first university and, most importantly for the historian, penned, received, and studied thousands of papers on subjects relating to Ireland and the crown’s political, economic, social, and religious policies there. Cecil would have understood all of this broadly as ‘Ireland matters’, a subject which he came to know in greater depth and detail than anyone at the court of Queen Elizabeth I. The book’s extended analysis of Cecil’s long relationship with Ireland helps to make sense of Anglo‐Irish interaction in Tudor times and shows that this relationship was characterized by more than the basic binary features of conquest and resistance. At another level, this book demonstrates that the second half of the sixteenth century witnessed the political, social, and cultural integration of Ireland into the multinational Tudor state and that it was William Cecil who, more than any other figure, consciously worked to achieve that integration.
Jonathan Scott
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780300243598
- eISBN:
- 9780300249361
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300243598.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter covers the period between the years 1649 and 1653. It was during this time when England embarked on a revolution — the real ‘first modern revolution’ — with profound and permanent ...
More
This chapter covers the period between the years 1649 and 1653. It was during this time when England embarked on a revolution — the real ‘first modern revolution’ — with profound and permanent consequences. This would involve a jarring process of change, over two generations, in the course of which the institutions, administration, power-structures, and policies of English government were remade to be capable of competing with their Dutch model. That model was not only political, military, and economic but also religious, cultural, and moral. From the Dutch the English republic would take the post-dynastic policies, and the fiscal and administrative practices, of a modern, mercantile, and Protestant free state. These would be applied to the construction of a state and empire which were, or became distinct, by measures directed in the first place against the competing economic pretensions of the Dutch themselves.Less
This chapter covers the period between the years 1649 and 1653. It was during this time when England embarked on a revolution — the real ‘first modern revolution’ — with profound and permanent consequences. This would involve a jarring process of change, over two generations, in the course of which the institutions, administration, power-structures, and policies of English government were remade to be capable of competing with their Dutch model. That model was not only political, military, and economic but also religious, cultural, and moral. From the Dutch the English republic would take the post-dynastic policies, and the fiscal and administrative practices, of a modern, mercantile, and Protestant free state. These would be applied to the construction of a state and empire which were, or became distinct, by measures directed in the first place against the competing economic pretensions of the Dutch themselves.
Colin Copus
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719071867
- eISBN:
- 9781781701379
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719071867.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter places Tony Blair government's modernisation agenda within the context of arguments about the configuration of local political decision-making. It addresses a number of vital questions ...
More
This chapter places Tony Blair government's modernisation agenda within the context of arguments about the configuration of local political decision-making. It addresses a number of vital questions that are raised by the introduction of a directly elected form of local political leadership. Local government in England is the means by which the provision of local services is brought together with the world of politics, and party politics in particular. Some common themes of past examinations of local government have been low levels of public awareness and engagement, the intensity and appropriateness of party politics, and the lack of visibility and transparency in political decision-making. The advent of directly elected mayors within English local government raises a wide but simple set of questions about the effect of direct election to executive political office on local democracy and representation. Finally, an overview of the chapters included in this book is shown.Less
This chapter places Tony Blair government's modernisation agenda within the context of arguments about the configuration of local political decision-making. It addresses a number of vital questions that are raised by the introduction of a directly elected form of local political leadership. Local government in England is the means by which the provision of local services is brought together with the world of politics, and party politics in particular. Some common themes of past examinations of local government have been low levels of public awareness and engagement, the intensity and appropriateness of party politics, and the lack of visibility and transparency in political decision-making. The advent of directly elected mayors within English local government raises a wide but simple set of questions about the effect of direct election to executive political office on local democracy and representation. Finally, an overview of the chapters included in this book is shown.
Alvin Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199593996
- eISBN:
- 9780191731419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199593996.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Economic History
Parliamentary union was an established motif in the politics of both 17th-century Ireland and 17th-century Scotland. Moreover, ‘incorporating’ union was not merely an airy ideal (or, equally, a ...
More
Parliamentary union was an established motif in the politics of both 17th-century Ireland and 17th-century Scotland. Moreover, ‘incorporating’ union was not merely an airy ideal (or, equally, a threat): for both the Irish and the Scots it had been a Cromwellian reality, however bloody and transient, and however different the resonances in the two nations. Later, the Scots and the Irish Acts of Union were launched against a shared background of European war, political and religious threat, and economic dislocation. Though each union was sanctioned by parliamentarians who were subsequently damned as corrupt in their respective national demonologies, the ‘parcel’ of Scottish and Irish ‘rogues’ in 1707 and 1801 had each exercised a much greater measure of legislative independence in the eighteen years preceding union than any earlier generation of representative. For the English, Scots, and Irish,
union was tied up with history, religion, war, political stability, and economic opportunity. But the relative strength and truculence of the national parliaments before 1707 and 1801, particularly in the context of bloody and threatening European conflicts, meant that union was more desirable, indeed necessary, than hitherto for the English government: this strength also meant that the Scots and (to a lesser extent) the Irish now had forms of bargaining position where once there had only been the unanswerable eloquence of English economic and military dominion. This chapter compares this array of contexts, with a view to assessing their impact upon the forms of union inaugurated in 1707 and 1801.Less
Parliamentary union was an established motif in the politics of both 17th-century Ireland and 17th-century Scotland. Moreover, ‘incorporating’ union was not merely an airy ideal (or, equally, a threat): for both the Irish and the Scots it had been a Cromwellian reality, however bloody and transient, and however different the resonances in the two nations. Later, the Scots and the Irish Acts of Union were launched against a shared background of European war, political and religious threat, and economic dislocation. Though each union was sanctioned by parliamentarians who were subsequently damned as corrupt in their respective national demonologies, the ‘parcel’ of Scottish and Irish ‘rogues’ in 1707 and 1801 had each exercised a much greater measure of legislative independence in the eighteen years preceding union than any earlier generation of representative. For the English, Scots, and Irish,
union was tied up with history, religion, war, political stability, and economic opportunity. But the relative strength and truculence of the national parliaments before 1707 and 1801, particularly in the context of bloody and threatening European conflicts, meant that union was more desirable, indeed necessary, than hitherto for the English government: this strength also meant that the Scots and (to a lesser extent) the Irish now had forms of bargaining position where once there had only been the unanswerable eloquence of English economic and military dominion. This chapter compares this array of contexts, with a view to assessing their impact upon the forms of union inaugurated in 1707 and 1801.
Colin Copus
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719071867
- eISBN:
- 9781781701379
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719071867.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the arrival of the elected mayor within English local government through referendums and subsequent elections. It considers the powers of the elected mayor in England and ...
More
This chapter examines the arrival of the elected mayor within English local government through referendums and subsequent elections. It considers the powers of the elected mayor in England and compares them with those of the council leader. The referendum campaigns and results show that despite the power of local political parties, a strong, well resourced and organised independent campaign can succeed against the local political elite. Voters used the elections either to signal discontent with the local political elite or to support its regime and policies. England's elected mayors are required by law to appoint a member of the council as a deputy mayor; the mayor can also dismiss that individual. The elected mayors in England have resources which can be used to develop the influence attached to the office. They have neither the power nor the political resources to face adequately the complex array of governing pressures they experience.Less
This chapter examines the arrival of the elected mayor within English local government through referendums and subsequent elections. It considers the powers of the elected mayor in England and compares them with those of the council leader. The referendum campaigns and results show that despite the power of local political parties, a strong, well resourced and organised independent campaign can succeed against the local political elite. Voters used the elections either to signal discontent with the local political elite or to support its regime and policies. England's elected mayors are required by law to appoint a member of the council as a deputy mayor; the mayor can also dismiss that individual. The elected mayors in England have resources which can be used to develop the influence attached to the office. They have neither the power nor the political resources to face adequately the complex array of governing pressures they experience.
Colin Copus
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719071867
- eISBN:
- 9781781701379
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719071867.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter investigates the notions of local political leadership and asks what is meant by this concept in England and how it applies to elected mayors, council leaders and councillors. The most ...
More
This chapter investigates the notions of local political leadership and asks what is meant by this concept in England and how it applies to elected mayors, council leaders and councillors. The most powerful context in which English mayors find themselves is the domination of local politics by political parties. The separation of powers, the mayoral political focus and the mayoral dichotomy bring together a range of issues which help uncover the richness of the English experiment with elected mayors. The separation of powers within English mayoral councils has the elected mayor as the head of the executive and political head of the council. The party-detached mayor deliberately places some distance between himself or herself and the party group of councillors. The ward/division and the authority of English local government have elected representatives to ‘lead’ within their own areas.Less
This chapter investigates the notions of local political leadership and asks what is meant by this concept in England and how it applies to elected mayors, council leaders and councillors. The most powerful context in which English mayors find themselves is the domination of local politics by political parties. The separation of powers, the mayoral political focus and the mayoral dichotomy bring together a range of issues which help uncover the richness of the English experiment with elected mayors. The separation of powers within English mayoral councils has the elected mayor as the head of the executive and political head of the council. The party-detached mayor deliberately places some distance between himself or herself and the party group of councillors. The ward/division and the authority of English local government have elected representatives to ‘lead’ within their own areas.
Jane Wills
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781447323037
- eISBN:
- 9781447323051
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447323037.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter takes a long view of the British state and its geographical division of powers. Stretching over 500 years the chapter looks at the history of local government and its origins in the ...
More
This chapter takes a long view of the British state and its geographical division of powers. Stretching over 500 years the chapter looks at the history of local government and its origins in the parish. It then focuses on the gradual centralisation and standardisation that took place from the early nineteenth century. The chapter also looks at the rise of democratic social movements that promoted new forms of localism during the 1960s. This legacy frames the challenges in developing localist statecraft and citizenship today. The chapter ends with an overview of the shifting spatial orders of English government from the seventeenth century to the present day.Less
This chapter takes a long view of the British state and its geographical division of powers. Stretching over 500 years the chapter looks at the history of local government and its origins in the parish. It then focuses on the gradual centralisation and standardisation that took place from the early nineteenth century. The chapter also looks at the rise of democratic social movements that promoted new forms of localism during the 1960s. This legacy frames the challenges in developing localist statecraft and citizenship today. The chapter ends with an overview of the shifting spatial orders of English government from the seventeenth century to the present day.
Luke Mayville
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691171531
- eISBN:
- 9781400883691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691171531.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter considers John Adams' Defence of the Constitutions within a transatlantic debate about the desirability of English-style balanced government—a constitutional model that attempted to ...
More
This chapter considers John Adams' Defence of the Constitutions within a transatlantic debate about the desirability of English-style balanced government—a constitutional model that attempted to counterpose the monarchic, aristocratic, and democratic social elements together within the same government. The debate was most pronounced in Paris in the years preceding the French Revolution, when Anglomanes who sympathized with balanced government defended the model from the attacks of French reformers. It argues that Adams, though a defender of a certain idea of balanced government, departed from the prevalent theory. Whereas conventional Anglomanes had emphasized the danger to such balance posed by the popular, democratic element, Adams was preoccupied instead with the threat to that balance posed by an overweening aristocratic class.Less
This chapter considers John Adams' Defence of the Constitutions within a transatlantic debate about the desirability of English-style balanced government—a constitutional model that attempted to counterpose the monarchic, aristocratic, and democratic social elements together within the same government. The debate was most pronounced in Paris in the years preceding the French Revolution, when Anglomanes who sympathized with balanced government defended the model from the attacks of French reformers. It argues that Adams, though a defender of a certain idea of balanced government, departed from the prevalent theory. Whereas conventional Anglomanes had emphasized the danger to such balance posed by the popular, democratic element, Adams was preoccupied instead with the threat to that balance posed by an overweening aristocratic class.
David Carpenter
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780300238358
- eISBN:
- 9780300255508
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300238358.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History
This chapter explores the Gascon expedition and the beginnings of the Sicilian affair. After the great parliament of May 1253, Henry III knew there was no escaping Gascony. His letters now spoke of ...
More
This chapter explores the Gascon expedition and the beginnings of the Sicilian affair. After the great parliament of May 1253, Henry III knew there was no escaping Gascony. His letters now spoke of ‘the war and great disturbance’ and the fear that Gascony, ‘unless it is quickly succoured, may soon be lost forever’. On May 25, Henry formally told the Gascons he was coming. By this time Henry was already assembling the ships for his passage. As for men, Henry called on his tenants-in-chief. Henry paid close attention to the government of England in his absence, placing the queen at the summit of his plans. But there was no Gascon victory, or not immediately. In December of 1254, Henry's own fear of a Castilian invasion reached a peak. In February of 1254, at the very time that he was agreeing the Castilian terms, Henry accepted a papal offer to put Edmund, his second son, on the throne of Sicily.Less
This chapter explores the Gascon expedition and the beginnings of the Sicilian affair. After the great parliament of May 1253, Henry III knew there was no escaping Gascony. His letters now spoke of ‘the war and great disturbance’ and the fear that Gascony, ‘unless it is quickly succoured, may soon be lost forever’. On May 25, Henry formally told the Gascons he was coming. By this time Henry was already assembling the ships for his passage. As for men, Henry called on his tenants-in-chief. Henry paid close attention to the government of England in his absence, placing the queen at the summit of his plans. But there was no Gascon victory, or not immediately. In December of 1254, Henry's own fear of a Castilian invasion reached a peak. In February of 1254, at the very time that he was agreeing the Castilian terms, Henry accepted a papal offer to put Edmund, his second son, on the throne of Sicily.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226645490
- eISBN:
- 9780226645520
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226645520.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter analyzes Montesquieu's views on republican slavery, the commercial republic and its religiosity, liberal constitutionalism and its religiosity, and the application of the standard found ...
More
This chapter analyzes Montesquieu's views on republican slavery, the commercial republic and its religiosity, liberal constitutionalism and its religiosity, and the application of the standard found in England. Montesquieu is keenly aware that the natural tendency or drift of despotism is toward stupid impoverishment and recurring chaotic self-destruction. But he believes that there is hopeful evidence that some major despots are learning to listen to the voice of the reasoning required by economic self-interest rightly understood.Less
This chapter analyzes Montesquieu's views on republican slavery, the commercial republic and its religiosity, liberal constitutionalism and its religiosity, and the application of the standard found in England. Montesquieu is keenly aware that the natural tendency or drift of despotism is toward stupid impoverishment and recurring chaotic self-destruction. But he believes that there is hopeful evidence that some major despots are learning to listen to the voice of the reasoning required by economic self-interest rightly understood.