Ted Gest
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195103434
- eISBN:
- 9780199833887
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195103432.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The federal government asserted a role in fighting narcotics abuse since the early 20th century, but it was not until the Richard Nixon administration starting in 1969 that a federal “war on drugs” ...
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The federal government asserted a role in fighting narcotics abuse since the early 20th century, but it was not until the Richard Nixon administration starting in 1969 that a federal “war on drugs” became high profile. Nixon stressed drives against smuggling heroin from counties like Turkey and Mexico. His administration's efforts were marred by raids on erroneous locations by a new federal Office of Drug Law Enforcement. A successor agency called the ‘Drug Enforcement Administration’ jockeyed with the FBI for supremacy in the drug enforcement field. Drug treatment generally had lower priority when it came to funding. A scourge of “crack” cocaine spread in the mid‐1980s, causing Congress to increase penalties for drug abuse in such a way that black people who primarily used crack were punished much more severely than whites who tended to use cocaine's powder form. An effort to coordinate federal antidrug resources better resulted in the establishment of a White House director of drug control policy (“drug czar”) in 1989; the first to hold the position was former education secretary William Bennett. Drug abuse declined in the 1990s, but there was disagreement over the primary cause. Advocates credited a combination of more‐intense law enforcement, better treatment, and establishment of more than 500 “drug courts” that could ride herd on offenders. The numbers of drug abusers were creeping back up by 1999.Less
The federal government asserted a role in fighting narcotics abuse since the early 20th century, but it was not until the Richard Nixon administration starting in 1969 that a federal “war on drugs” became high profile. Nixon stressed drives against smuggling heroin from counties like Turkey and Mexico. His administration's efforts were marred by raids on erroneous locations by a new federal Office of Drug Law Enforcement. A successor agency called the ‘Drug Enforcement Administration’ jockeyed with the FBI for supremacy in the drug enforcement field. Drug treatment generally had lower priority when it came to funding. A scourge of “crack” cocaine spread in the mid‐1980s, causing Congress to increase penalties for drug abuse in such a way that black people who primarily used crack were punished much more severely than whites who tended to use cocaine's powder form. An effort to coordinate federal antidrug resources better resulted in the establishment of a White House director of drug control policy (“drug czar”) in 1989; the first to hold the position was former education secretary William Bennett. Drug abuse declined in the 1990s, but there was disagreement over the primary cause. Advocates credited a combination of more‐intense law enforcement, better treatment, and establishment of more than 500 “drug courts” that could ride herd on offenders. The numbers of drug abusers were creeping back up by 1999.
Ted Gest
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195103434
- eISBN:
- 9780199833887
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195103432.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
A major federal anticrime agency had its roots in an Office of Law Enforcement Assistance established in the presidency of Lyndon Johnson. The agency was enacted into law in a wide‐ranging crime law ...
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A major federal anticrime agency had its roots in an Office of Law Enforcement Assistance established in the presidency of Lyndon Johnson. The agency was enacted into law in a wide‐ranging crime law enacted in 1968. Its name was changed to the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA); its purpose was to distribute federal aid to state and local criminal justice programs. But Congress ordered the agency to be headed by an unwieldy troika of administrators. A succession of leaders over a decade frequently changed policy directions, setting an erratic course while spending almost $1 billion annually in some years. The agency funded some pioneering programs, such as units in prosecutors’ offices to help crime victims and witnesses. Eventually, however, its programs lacked sufficient proof of significant impact on the crime problem or the justice system. President Jimmy Carter proposed its elimination in 1980 and Congress agreed.Less
A major federal anticrime agency had its roots in an Office of Law Enforcement Assistance established in the presidency of Lyndon Johnson. The agency was enacted into law in a wide‐ranging crime law enacted in 1968. Its name was changed to the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA); its purpose was to distribute federal aid to state and local criminal justice programs. But Congress ordered the agency to be headed by an unwieldy troika of administrators. A succession of leaders over a decade frequently changed policy directions, setting an erratic course while spending almost $1 billion annually in some years. The agency funded some pioneering programs, such as units in prosecutors’ offices to help crime victims and witnesses. Eventually, however, its programs lacked sufficient proof of significant impact on the crime problem or the justice system. President Jimmy Carter proposed its elimination in 1980 and Congress agreed.
Ted Gest
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195103434
- eISBN:
- 9780199833887
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195103432.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Before the 1960s crime wave, American police officers were little trained and spent much of their time responding to citizen calls about crime. A Law Enforcement Education Program (LEEP) in the 1970s ...
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Before the 1960s crime wave, American police officers were little trained and spent much of their time responding to citizen calls about crime. A Law Enforcement Education Program (LEEP) in the 1970s began to upgrade police education. A round of studies questioned the effectiveness of police patrol tactics. Analysts advocated more sophisticated methods, called ‘problem‐oriented policing’ and later the more general ‘community policing.’ New York lawyer Adam Walinsky promoted a concept called the Police Corps that would encourage more college‐educated officers. The reform ideas coalesced in the presidency of Bill Clinton, who successfully argued for federal funding for an additional 100,000 community‐oriented local officers, an idea that Walinsky complained was a watered‐down form of his concept (which still was instituted on a smaller scale). Clinton's Attorney General, Janet Reno, was initially skeptical of the massive federal program called ‘Community Oriented Policing Services’ (COPS), but she eventually backed it. It was not certain how many officers were hired and permanently funded—it may have been closer to 50,000—but the program did have a significant impact on police hiring in the nation. Less clear was the effect of COPS on the crime rate. The program's supporters asserted success, but other factors like the economy, demographics and alternate policing methods might have been just as important.Less
Before the 1960s crime wave, American police officers were little trained and spent much of their time responding to citizen calls about crime. A Law Enforcement Education Program (LEEP) in the 1970s began to upgrade police education. A round of studies questioned the effectiveness of police patrol tactics. Analysts advocated more sophisticated methods, called ‘problem‐oriented policing’ and later the more general ‘community policing.’ New York lawyer Adam Walinsky promoted a concept called the Police Corps that would encourage more college‐educated officers. The reform ideas coalesced in the presidency of Bill Clinton, who successfully argued for federal funding for an additional 100,000 community‐oriented local officers, an idea that Walinsky complained was a watered‐down form of his concept (which still was instituted on a smaller scale). Clinton's Attorney General, Janet Reno, was initially skeptical of the massive federal program called ‘Community Oriented Policing Services’ (COPS), but she eventually backed it. It was not certain how many officers were hired and permanently funded—it may have been closer to 50,000—but the program did have a significant impact on police hiring in the nation. Less clear was the effect of COPS on the crime rate. The program's supporters asserted success, but other factors like the economy, demographics and alternate policing methods might have been just as important.
Joe McGrath
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719090660
- eISBN:
- 9781781708378
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719090660.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This is the first definitive examination of the practice of corporate regulation and enforcement from the foundation of the Irish State to the present day. It analyses the transition in Ireland from ...
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This is the first definitive examination of the practice of corporate regulation and enforcement from the foundation of the Irish State to the present day. It analyses the transition in Ireland from a sanctioning, ‘command and control’ model of corporate enforcement to the compliance-orientated, responsive regulatory model. It is also unique in locating this shift in its broader sociological and jurisprudential context. It provides a definitive account of a State at a critical stage of its economic development, having moved from an agrarian and protected society to a free-market globalised economy which is trying to cope with the negative aspects of increased corporate activity, having experienced an economic boom and depression in a remarkably condensed period of time. Traditionally, corporate wrongdoing was often criminalised using conventional criminal justice methods and the ordinary police were often charged with the responsibility of enforcing the law. Since the 1990s, however, the conventional crime monopoly on corporate deviancy has become fragmented because a variety of specialist, interdisciplinary agencies with enhanced powers now address corporate wrongdoing. The exclusive dominance of conventional crime methods has also faded because corporate wrongdoing is now specifically addressed by a responsive enforcement architecture, taking compliance orientated and sanctioning approaches, using both civil and criminal enforcement mechanisms, where criminal law is now the sanction of last resort.Less
This is the first definitive examination of the practice of corporate regulation and enforcement from the foundation of the Irish State to the present day. It analyses the transition in Ireland from a sanctioning, ‘command and control’ model of corporate enforcement to the compliance-orientated, responsive regulatory model. It is also unique in locating this shift in its broader sociological and jurisprudential context. It provides a definitive account of a State at a critical stage of its economic development, having moved from an agrarian and protected society to a free-market globalised economy which is trying to cope with the negative aspects of increased corporate activity, having experienced an economic boom and depression in a remarkably condensed period of time. Traditionally, corporate wrongdoing was often criminalised using conventional criminal justice methods and the ordinary police were often charged with the responsibility of enforcing the law. Since the 1990s, however, the conventional crime monopoly on corporate deviancy has become fragmented because a variety of specialist, interdisciplinary agencies with enhanced powers now address corporate wrongdoing. The exclusive dominance of conventional crime methods has also faded because corporate wrongdoing is now specifically addressed by a responsive enforcement architecture, taking compliance orientated and sanctioning approaches, using both civil and criminal enforcement mechanisms, where criminal law is now the sanction of last resort.
Mitch Earleywine
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195138931
- eISBN:
- 9780199893270
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195138931.001.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Psychopharmacology
Marijuana is the world's most popular illicit drug, with hundreds of millions of regular users worldwide. One in three Americans has smoked pot at least once. The Drug Enforcement Agency estimates ...
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Marijuana is the world's most popular illicit drug, with hundreds of millions of regular users worldwide. One in three Americans has smoked pot at least once. The Drug Enforcement Agency estimates that Americans smoke five million pounds of marijuana each year; and yet marijuana remains largely misunderstood by both its advocates and its detractors. To some, marijuana is an insidious “stepping-stone” drug, enticing the inexperienced, and paving the way to the inevitable abuse of harder drugs. To others, medical marijuana is an organic means of easing the discomfort or stimulating the appetite of the gravely ill. Others still view marijuana, like alcohol, as a largely harmless indulgence, dangerous only when used immoderately. All sides of the debate have appropriated the scientific evidence on marijuana in order to satisfy their claims. What then are we to make of these conflicting portrayals of a drug with historical origins dating back to 8,000 bc? This book examines the biological, psychological, and societal impact of this controversial substance. What are the effects, for mind and body, of long-term use? Are smokers of marijuana more likely than non-users to abuse cocaine and heroine? What effect has the increasing potency of marijuana in recent years had on users and on use? Does our current legal policy toward marijuana make sense?Less
Marijuana is the world's most popular illicit drug, with hundreds of millions of regular users worldwide. One in three Americans has smoked pot at least once. The Drug Enforcement Agency estimates that Americans smoke five million pounds of marijuana each year; and yet marijuana remains largely misunderstood by both its advocates and its detractors. To some, marijuana is an insidious “stepping-stone” drug, enticing the inexperienced, and paving the way to the inevitable abuse of harder drugs. To others, medical marijuana is an organic means of easing the discomfort or stimulating the appetite of the gravely ill. Others still view marijuana, like alcohol, as a largely harmless indulgence, dangerous only when used immoderately. All sides of the debate have appropriated the scientific evidence on marijuana in order to satisfy their claims. What then are we to make of these conflicting portrayals of a drug with historical origins dating back to 8,000 bc? This book examines the biological, psychological, and societal impact of this controversial substance. What are the effects, for mind and body, of long-term use? Are smokers of marijuana more likely than non-users to abuse cocaine and heroine? What effect has the increasing potency of marijuana in recent years had on users and on use? Does our current legal policy toward marijuana make sense?
Eva Storskrubb
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199533176
- eISBN:
- 9780191714504
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533176.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
This chapter analyses the legislative history, main substantive content, and normative implications of Regulation (EC) No 805/2004 creating a European Enforcement Order for uncontested claims. The ...
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This chapter analyses the legislative history, main substantive content, and normative implications of Regulation (EC) No 805/2004 creating a European Enforcement Order for uncontested claims. The ‘EEO Regulation’ is a novel instrument of international procedural cooperation and is a step in implementing the programme of mutual recognition of judgments. Under the Regulation, uncontested judgements that fulfil certain procedural minimum criteria can be certified in the Member State of origin and are thereafter directly enforceable in all other Member States. Hence, the exequatur procedure is abolished. The chapter examines the minimum standards introduced intended to provide the judgment debtor the means to defend himself if he so wishes as well as the limited means of refusal of enforcement and of rectifying the certification. It concludes that the EEO Regulation introduces efficiency but raises concern regarding procedural guarantees of the defendant.Less
This chapter analyses the legislative history, main substantive content, and normative implications of Regulation (EC) No 805/2004 creating a European Enforcement Order for uncontested claims. The ‘EEO Regulation’ is a novel instrument of international procedural cooperation and is a step in implementing the programme of mutual recognition of judgments. Under the Regulation, uncontested judgements that fulfil certain procedural minimum criteria can be certified in the Member State of origin and are thereafter directly enforceable in all other Member States. Hence, the exequatur procedure is abolished. The chapter examines the minimum standards introduced intended to provide the judgment debtor the means to defend himself if he so wishes as well as the limited means of refusal of enforcement and of rectifying the certification. It concludes that the EEO Regulation introduces efficiency but raises concern regarding procedural guarantees of the defendant.
Peter Barton Hutt
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231171182
- eISBN:
- 9780231540070
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231171182.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Medical Law
This chapter provides an overview of FDA’s history as a regulatory institution that now touches products comprising twenty-five cents out of every dollar spent by U.S. consumers, outlining agency ...
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This chapter provides an overview of FDA’s history as a regulatory institution that now touches products comprising twenty-five cents out of every dollar spent by U.S. consumers, outlining agency management, rulemaking, use of guidance documents, enforcement, the birth and impact of user fees, and more.Less
This chapter provides an overview of FDA’s history as a regulatory institution that now touches products comprising twenty-five cents out of every dollar spent by U.S. consumers, outlining agency management, rulemaking, use of guidance documents, enforcement, the birth and impact of user fees, and more.
Patrick O’Leary
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231171182
- eISBN:
- 9780231540070
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231171182.003.0012
- Subject:
- Law, Medical Law
The federal government's approach to enforcement in the biomedical industry—emphasizing massive fines and restrictive corporate integrity agreements—has proven ineffective as a deterrent to ...
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The federal government's approach to enforcement in the biomedical industry—emphasizing massive fines and restrictive corporate integrity agreements—has proven ineffective as a deterrent to misconduct. While one way to bridge this deterrence gap is by holding individual corporate officers accountable, it is vital that the agencies doing so use their authority responsibly, consistently, and in accordance with common principles emphasizing, above all, the public-health mission that justifies such authority in the first place.Less
The federal government's approach to enforcement in the biomedical industry—emphasizing massive fines and restrictive corporate integrity agreements—has proven ineffective as a deterrent to misconduct. While one way to bridge this deterrence gap is by holding individual corporate officers accountable, it is vital that the agencies doing so use their authority responsibly, consistently, and in accordance with common principles emphasizing, above all, the public-health mission that justifies such authority in the first place.
Joel Slemrod and Christian Gillitzer
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780262026727
- eISBN:
- 9780262319003
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262026727.003.0013
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Financial Economics
This chapter assimilates the book’s contributions by revisiting the tax phenomena presented in Chapter1 and showing how they are illuminated by a tax-systems perspective. One conclusion is that for ...
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This chapter assimilates the book’s contributions by revisiting the tax phenomena presented in Chapter1 and showing how they are illuminated by a tax-systems perspective. One conclusion is that for the most part standard theoretical tools of public economics can be applied insightfully to tax-systems issues. Another is that policy makers should recognize the interrelationships among tax rates, bases, enforcement, and administration.Less
This chapter assimilates the book’s contributions by revisiting the tax phenomena presented in Chapter1 and showing how they are illuminated by a tax-systems perspective. One conclusion is that for the most part standard theoretical tools of public economics can be applied insightfully to tax-systems issues. Another is that policy makers should recognize the interrelationships among tax rates, bases, enforcement, and administration.
Elaine Frantz Parsons
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469625423
- eISBN:
- 9781469625447
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625423.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Northern newspapers used the Klan to talk about the nature of citizenship, the expansion of the state, and their anxieties that the individual was subject to manipulation by an increasingly robust ...
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Northern newspapers used the Klan to talk about the nature of citizenship, the expansion of the state, and their anxieties that the individual was subject to manipulation by an increasingly robust and centralized government and centralized newspaper press. The national conversation about the Klan largely occurred during two periods—the first from early 1868 through early 1869, the second from late 1870 through 1872—and the nature of the discussion differed dramatically between those two periods, revealing changing approaches to Klan violence. Throughout, it is striking how few articles on the Klan include descriptions and mentions of actual Klan attacks on freedpeople and their white allies. Rather, northern newspaper articles on the Klan became a way to reflect on broader issues. By the 1871 and 1872, northern newspapers had adopted a strikingly sympathetic posture to Ku-Klux, who they increasingly portrayed as victims of federal aggression rather than as perpetrators of attacks on freedpeople.Less
Northern newspapers used the Klan to talk about the nature of citizenship, the expansion of the state, and their anxieties that the individual was subject to manipulation by an increasingly robust and centralized government and centralized newspaper press. The national conversation about the Klan largely occurred during two periods—the first from early 1868 through early 1869, the second from late 1870 through 1872—and the nature of the discussion differed dramatically between those two periods, revealing changing approaches to Klan violence. Throughout, it is striking how few articles on the Klan include descriptions and mentions of actual Klan attacks on freedpeople and their white allies. Rather, northern newspaper articles on the Klan became a way to reflect on broader issues. By the 1871 and 1872, northern newspapers had adopted a strikingly sympathetic posture to Ku-Klux, who they increasingly portrayed as victims of federal aggression rather than as perpetrators of attacks on freedpeople.
Horace A. Bartilow
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781469652559
- eISBN:
- 9781469652573
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469652559.001.0001
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health
In this book, Horace Bartilow develops a theory of embedded corporatism to explain the U.S. government’s war on drugs. Stemming from President Richard Nixon’s 1971 call for an international approach ...
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In this book, Horace Bartilow develops a theory of embedded corporatism to explain the U.S. government’s war on drugs. Stemming from President Richard Nixon’s 1971 call for an international approach to this “war,” U.S. drug enforcement policy has persisted with few changes to the present day, despite widespread criticism of its effectiveness and of its unequal effects on hundreds of millions of people across the Americas. While researchers consistently emphasize the role of race in U.S. drug enforcement, Bartilow’s empirical analysis highlights the class dimension of the drug war and the immense power that American corporations wield within the regime.
Drawing on qualitative case study methods, declassified U.S. government documents, and advanced econometric estimators that analyze cross-national data, Bartilow demonstrates how corporate power is projected and embedded—in lobbying, financing of federal elections, funding of policy think tanks, and interlocks with the federal government and the military. Embedded corporatism, he explains, creates the conditions by which the interests of state and nonstate members of the regime converge to promote capital accumulation. The subsequent human rights repression, illiberal democratic governments, antiworker practices, and widening income inequality throughout the Americas, Bartilow argues, are the pathological policy outcomes of embedded corporatism in drug enforcement.Less
In this book, Horace Bartilow develops a theory of embedded corporatism to explain the U.S. government’s war on drugs. Stemming from President Richard Nixon’s 1971 call for an international approach to this “war,” U.S. drug enforcement policy has persisted with few changes to the present day, despite widespread criticism of its effectiveness and of its unequal effects on hundreds of millions of people across the Americas. While researchers consistently emphasize the role of race in U.S. drug enforcement, Bartilow’s empirical analysis highlights the class dimension of the drug war and the immense power that American corporations wield within the regime.
Drawing on qualitative case study methods, declassified U.S. government documents, and advanced econometric estimators that analyze cross-national data, Bartilow demonstrates how corporate power is projected and embedded—in lobbying, financing of federal elections, funding of policy think tanks, and interlocks with the federal government and the military. Embedded corporatism, he explains, creates the conditions by which the interests of state and nonstate members of the regime converge to promote capital accumulation. The subsequent human rights repression, illiberal democratic governments, antiworker practices, and widening income inequality throughout the Americas, Bartilow argues, are the pathological policy outcomes of embedded corporatism in drug enforcement.
Dale Maharidge
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520262478
- eISBN:
- 9780520948792
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520262478.003.0022
- Subject:
- Anthropology, American and Canadian Cultural Anthropology
May 12, 2009, began typically for Leopoldo Arteaga, owner of Mesa Groundskeeper, a landscaping company in a suburb of Phoenix, this chapter states. At six a.m., Leo, in his mid-sixties and a worker, ...
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May 12, 2009, began typically for Leopoldo Arteaga, owner of Mesa Groundskeeper, a landscaping company in a suburb of Phoenix, this chapter states. At six a.m., Leo, in his mid-sixties and a worker, began trimming 400 linear feet of oleander, a bush that grows aggressively in the Arizona heat. By eleven o'clock, the men had filled an eight-by-twenty-foot trailer with oleander clippings. Leo began towing the trailer to the landfill in nearby Pima County. He was driving east on Apache Trail Road and was about to leave the city of Mesa when he stopped at a red light. On the green, he started to move forward but noticed a Maricopa County sheriff's unit with its roof lights blazing behind him. Leo pulled to the side of the road. He looked in the mirror and saw three sheriff's cars, followed by a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement van. This chapter describes what happens.Less
May 12, 2009, began typically for Leopoldo Arteaga, owner of Mesa Groundskeeper, a landscaping company in a suburb of Phoenix, this chapter states. At six a.m., Leo, in his mid-sixties and a worker, began trimming 400 linear feet of oleander, a bush that grows aggressively in the Arizona heat. By eleven o'clock, the men had filled an eight-by-twenty-foot trailer with oleander clippings. Leo began towing the trailer to the landfill in nearby Pima County. He was driving east on Apache Trail Road and was about to leave the city of Mesa when he stopped at a red light. On the green, he started to move forward but noticed a Maricopa County sheriff's unit with its roof lights blazing behind him. Leo pulled to the side of the road. He looked in the mirror and saw three sheriff's cars, followed by a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement van. This chapter describes what happens.
Daniela Donno
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199991280
- eISBN:
- 9780199363230
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199991280.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Comparative Politics
Although nearly every country in the world today holds multiparty elections, these contests are often blatantly unfair. Governments that engage in electoral misconduct may reap the benefits of higher ...
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Although nearly every country in the world today holds multiparty elections, these contests are often blatantly unfair. Governments that engage in electoral misconduct may reap the benefits of higher vote shares, but misconduct is also a risky practice in that it represents a violation of international standards for free and fair elections. In Defending Democratic Norms, Daniela Donno examines how international actors respond to these norm violations. Which governments are punished for manipulating elections? Does international norm enforcement make a difference? Donno shows that although enforcement is selective and relatively rare, when international actors do employ tools of conditionality, diplomacy, mediation and shaming in response to electoral misconduct, they can have transformative effects on both the conduct and outcome of elections. Specifically, enforcement works by empowering the domestic opposition and increasing the government’s incentives to reform institutions of electoral management and oversight. These effects depend, however, on the presence of a viable opposition movement, as well as on the strength and credibility of the enforcement effort itself. Regional international organizations are shown to possess unique sources of leverage and legitimacy that make them the most consistently effective norm defenders, even compared to more materially powerful actors like the United States. Patterns of international enforcement are analyzed with an original dataset that records the use of conditionality and diplomatic engagement by 15 international actors in 668 elections around the world. The quantitative analysis is complemented by in-depth case studies of electoral politics in the Dominican Republic, Serbia, Armenia, Kenya and Cambodia.Less
Although nearly every country in the world today holds multiparty elections, these contests are often blatantly unfair. Governments that engage in electoral misconduct may reap the benefits of higher vote shares, but misconduct is also a risky practice in that it represents a violation of international standards for free and fair elections. In Defending Democratic Norms, Daniela Donno examines how international actors respond to these norm violations. Which governments are punished for manipulating elections? Does international norm enforcement make a difference? Donno shows that although enforcement is selective and relatively rare, when international actors do employ tools of conditionality, diplomacy, mediation and shaming in response to electoral misconduct, they can have transformative effects on both the conduct and outcome of elections. Specifically, enforcement works by empowering the domestic opposition and increasing the government’s incentives to reform institutions of electoral management and oversight. These effects depend, however, on the presence of a viable opposition movement, as well as on the strength and credibility of the enforcement effort itself. Regional international organizations are shown to possess unique sources of leverage and legitimacy that make them the most consistently effective norm defenders, even compared to more materially powerful actors like the United States. Patterns of international enforcement are analyzed with an original dataset that records the use of conditionality and diplomatic engagement by 15 international actors in 668 elections around the world. The quantitative analysis is complemented by in-depth case studies of electoral politics in the Dominican Republic, Serbia, Armenia, Kenya and Cambodia.
Ruth Milkman
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520267541
- eISBN:
- 9780520948914
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520267541.003.0010
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
The aftereffects of the massive immigrant rights marches of spring 2006 are evident on multiple fronts. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) dramatically stepped up its workplace raids and ...
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The aftereffects of the massive immigrant rights marches of spring 2006 are evident on multiple fronts. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) dramatically stepped up its workplace raids and deportations of undocumented immigrants soon after the marches, while intensifying its efforts to police the U.S.-Mexico border. Immigrants themselves have been actively pursuing all available opportunities for greater political incorporation. Among those eligible, naturalization applications along with new voter registrations soared in the immediate aftermath of the protests, directly contributing to the expanded and heavily Democratic Latino vote in the 2006 and 2008 elections. As immigrant unionization gained traction in Los Angeles and elsewhere in California, another kind of organizing among foreign-born workers was also taking shape. The “worker center” movement began in the 1990s, offering low-wage immigrant workers assistance in pursuing their legal rights. The unprecedented political mobilization among California’s immigrants stimulated by Proposition 187 became a bonanza for the Democratic Party, with which organized labor already had a long-standing relationship. The fears that Proposition 187’s passage provoked among immigrants in 1994 galvanized the Latinos.Less
The aftereffects of the massive immigrant rights marches of spring 2006 are evident on multiple fronts. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) dramatically stepped up its workplace raids and deportations of undocumented immigrants soon after the marches, while intensifying its efforts to police the U.S.-Mexico border. Immigrants themselves have been actively pursuing all available opportunities for greater political incorporation. Among those eligible, naturalization applications along with new voter registrations soared in the immediate aftermath of the protests, directly contributing to the expanded and heavily Democratic Latino vote in the 2006 and 2008 elections. As immigrant unionization gained traction in Los Angeles and elsewhere in California, another kind of organizing among foreign-born workers was also taking shape. The “worker center” movement began in the 1990s, offering low-wage immigrant workers assistance in pursuing their legal rights. The unprecedented political mobilization among California’s immigrants stimulated by Proposition 187 became a bonanza for the Democratic Party, with which organized labor already had a long-standing relationship. The fears that Proposition 187’s passage provoked among immigrants in 1994 galvanized the Latinos.
Shlomi Dinar and Ariel Dinar
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520283077
- eISBN:
- 9780520958906
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520283077.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter focuses on the role of institutions in facilitating treaty effectiveness. It discusses the importance of international agreements in promoting and sustaining cooperation. It considers ...
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This chapter focuses on the role of institutions in facilitating treaty effectiveness. It discusses the importance of international agreements in promoting and sustaining cooperation. It considers treaty design to further reflect on the type of treaties, and the various mechanisms stipulated in these agreements, that contribute to treaty effectiveness by assuaging conflict in situations of water scarcity and increased variability. The chapter argues that the design of a treaty seems particularly relevant in regions where climate change and water variability could impact the ability of basin states to effectively manage shared water. The chapter demonstrates how various mechanisms such as different water allocation mechanisms, as well as additional stipulations, such as, side-payments, issue-linkage, benefit-sharing, adaptability, and information exchange, affect the performance of the treaty in the context of water scarcity and variability. These mechanisms are examined from an empirical and large-n perspective, assessing how treaties with such mechanisms fare compared to treaties devoid of these mechanisms.Less
This chapter focuses on the role of institutions in facilitating treaty effectiveness. It discusses the importance of international agreements in promoting and sustaining cooperation. It considers treaty design to further reflect on the type of treaties, and the various mechanisms stipulated in these agreements, that contribute to treaty effectiveness by assuaging conflict in situations of water scarcity and increased variability. The chapter argues that the design of a treaty seems particularly relevant in regions where climate change and water variability could impact the ability of basin states to effectively manage shared water. The chapter demonstrates how various mechanisms such as different water allocation mechanisms, as well as additional stipulations, such as, side-payments, issue-linkage, benefit-sharing, adaptability, and information exchange, affect the performance of the treaty in the context of water scarcity and variability. These mechanisms are examined from an empirical and large-n perspective, assessing how treaties with such mechanisms fare compared to treaties devoid of these mechanisms.
DANIELA DONNO
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199991280
- eISBN:
- 9780199363230
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199991280.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Comparative Politics
The majority of elections held around the world today are marked by systematic government interference and manipulation. But what consequences do governments face for engaging in electoral ...
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The majority of elections held around the world today are marked by systematic government interference and manipulation. But what consequences do governments face for engaging in electoral misconduct? Do international actors punish countries that violate democratic norms? Do these efforts make a difference? The goals of this book are two-fold: first, to explain variation in norm enforcement; second, to explain the impact of enforcement—when it is applied—on electoral conduct and outcomes. This chapter introduces the argument and research design of the study, and situates the book within the broader literatures on democratization, electoral misconduct, international institutions and international norms.Less
The majority of elections held around the world today are marked by systematic government interference and manipulation. But what consequences do governments face for engaging in electoral misconduct? Do international actors punish countries that violate democratic norms? Do these efforts make a difference? The goals of this book are two-fold: first, to explain variation in norm enforcement; second, to explain the impact of enforcement—when it is applied—on electoral conduct and outcomes. This chapter introduces the argument and research design of the study, and situates the book within the broader literatures on democratization, electoral misconduct, international institutions and international norms.
DANIELA DONNO
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199991280
- eISBN:
- 9780199363230
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199991280.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Comparative Politics
Do international actors enforce democratic norms in countries that hold flawed elections? Do their efforts make a difference? This chapter develops the theory of the causes and effects of norm ...
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Do international actors enforce democratic norms in countries that hold flawed elections? Do their efforts make a difference? This chapter develops the theory of the causes and effects of norm enforcement. Beginning with simple assumptions about the interactions between the government, opposition and international enforcers, it argues that the likelihood of enforcement is shaped, at the country-level, by variation in geopolitical interests and in the quality of information about electoral misconduct. Turning to the domestic effects of enforcement, the chapter identifies biased institutions and a weak opposition as two key barriers to democratic change after flawed elections. By employing tools of conditionality and diplomatic engagement, international actors can mitigate these barriers and provide a crucial push for improved elections. Outside pressure is unlikely to directly alter the government’s preference for manipulation, however. Instead, it works by incentivizing institutional reform, encouraging opposition unity, empowering post-election protests, and increasing the opposition’s electoral support. Building from these mechanisms, the chapter derives testable hypotheses about the effects of enforcement, which are contrasted with alternative hypotheses about “passive” forms of international influence.Less
Do international actors enforce democratic norms in countries that hold flawed elections? Do their efforts make a difference? This chapter develops the theory of the causes and effects of norm enforcement. Beginning with simple assumptions about the interactions between the government, opposition and international enforcers, it argues that the likelihood of enforcement is shaped, at the country-level, by variation in geopolitical interests and in the quality of information about electoral misconduct. Turning to the domestic effects of enforcement, the chapter identifies biased institutions and a weak opposition as two key barriers to democratic change after flawed elections. By employing tools of conditionality and diplomatic engagement, international actors can mitigate these barriers and provide a crucial push for improved elections. Outside pressure is unlikely to directly alter the government’s preference for manipulation, however. Instead, it works by incentivizing institutional reform, encouraging opposition unity, empowering post-election protests, and increasing the opposition’s electoral support. Building from these mechanisms, the chapter derives testable hypotheses about the effects of enforcement, which are contrasted with alternative hypotheses about “passive” forms of international influence.
Stephen B. Wicker
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199915354
- eISBN:
- 9780199366736
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199915354.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter examines the legal protections provided to the user by the U.S. Constitution and recent legislation. It discusses the evolution of Fourth Amendment protection, with an emphasis on the ...
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This chapter examines the legal protections provided to the user by the U.S. Constitution and recent legislation. It discusses the evolution of Fourth Amendment protection, with an emphasis on the increasingly problematic distinction between content and context. It also covers the Electronic Communications Privacy Act (ECPA), the Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act (CALEA), and the PATRIOT Act.Less
This chapter examines the legal protections provided to the user by the U.S. Constitution and recent legislation. It discusses the evolution of Fourth Amendment protection, with an emphasis on the increasingly problematic distinction between content and context. It also covers the Electronic Communications Privacy Act (ECPA), the Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act (CALEA), and the PATRIOT Act.
Jennifer Carlson
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- April 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199347551
- eISBN:
- 9780190236595
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199347551.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter examines how a version of citizenship presented in NRA training courses is enacted in everyday life by gun carriers. It revisits the historical relationship between the state’s power to ...
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This chapter examines how a version of citizenship presented in NRA training courses is enacted in everyday life by gun carriers. It revisits the historical relationship between the state’s power to police and masculinity to examine how gun carriers use firearms to address concerns about public law enforcement by refuting their own personal dependency on the state and claiming a right to self-defense. It then shows that gun carriers embrace firearms not just to protect themselves but also to protect others: their families, friends, and even strangers. This “duty to protect” provides a new basis upon which men can assert their utility, relevance, and authority to their families and broader communities.Less
This chapter examines how a version of citizenship presented in NRA training courses is enacted in everyday life by gun carriers. It revisits the historical relationship between the state’s power to police and masculinity to examine how gun carriers use firearms to address concerns about public law enforcement by refuting their own personal dependency on the state and claiming a right to self-defense. It then shows that gun carriers embrace firearms not just to protect themselves but also to protect others: their families, friends, and even strangers. This “duty to protect” provides a new basis upon which men can assert their utility, relevance, and authority to their families and broader communities.
Ines Wagner
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781501729157
- eISBN:
- 9781501729171
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501729157.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work
Chapter 2 shows how transnational regulation and de-territorialization impact employment relations in the German construction and the meat slaughtering industries. The aim of this chapter is to ...
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Chapter 2 shows how transnational regulation and de-territorialization impact employment relations in the German construction and the meat slaughtering industries. The aim of this chapter is to examine how this opened up exit options for capital and constrained the rights of unions, works councils, and mobile workers, thereby creating a space that allows for the importation of informal work practices. It relates the literature on labor market dualization to the changes in the nature and organization of the Westphalian state system. Findings of the chapter show that declining territorial boundedness allows firms to circumvent key German industrial relations institutions.Less
Chapter 2 shows how transnational regulation and de-territorialization impact employment relations in the German construction and the meat slaughtering industries. The aim of this chapter is to examine how this opened up exit options for capital and constrained the rights of unions, works councils, and mobile workers, thereby creating a space that allows for the importation of informal work practices. It relates the literature on labor market dualization to the changes in the nature and organization of the Westphalian state system. Findings of the chapter show that declining territorial boundedness allows firms to circumvent key German industrial relations institutions.
