Hans L. Trefousse
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823224685
- eISBN:
- 9780823234936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823224685.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter talks about the second year of Abraham Lincoln's presidency. It explores how Abraham Lincoln was able to sustain his popularity among Americans through his advance administration ...
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This chapter talks about the second year of Abraham Lincoln's presidency. It explores how Abraham Lincoln was able to sustain his popularity among Americans through his advance administration programs. His opposition to slavery (through his enactment of the Emancipation Proclamation) won the hearts of many slaves, for they were suddenly freed from their oppressors.Less
This chapter talks about the second year of Abraham Lincoln's presidency. It explores how Abraham Lincoln was able to sustain his popularity among Americans through his advance administration programs. His opposition to slavery (through his enactment of the Emancipation Proclamation) won the hearts of many slaves, for they were suddenly freed from their oppressors.
Sean A. Scott
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195395990
- eISBN:
- 9780199866557
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395990.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, History of Religion
Many religious Northerners believed that God demonstrated his care for his chosen people by chastening them when they had sinned and disobeyed his laws. Slavery was one of those national sins, and ...
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Many religious Northerners believed that God demonstrated his care for his chosen people by chastening them when they had sinned and disobeyed his laws. Slavery was one of those national sins, and devout civilians often asserted that God intended the war to destroy the peculiar institution. By the second year of war, many observers claimed that victories had been few because the government had failed to act decisively against slavery. President Lincoln, however, had determined to settle the matter by issuing the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. In contrast to most religious Northerners, he did not presume to know the mind of God but sounded a note of humble uncertainty regarding the Divine Will. The politicization of the pulpit continued as ministers promoted the war and claimed that God would preserve the Union, but some church members expressed concern that political interests had detracted from genuine spiritual vitality.Less
Many religious Northerners believed that God demonstrated his care for his chosen people by chastening them when they had sinned and disobeyed his laws. Slavery was one of those national sins, and devout civilians often asserted that God intended the war to destroy the peculiar institution. By the second year of war, many observers claimed that victories had been few because the government had failed to act decisively against slavery. President Lincoln, however, had determined to settle the matter by issuing the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. In contrast to most religious Northerners, he did not presume to know the mind of God but sounded a note of humble uncertainty regarding the Divine Will. The politicization of the pulpit continued as ministers promoted the war and claimed that God would preserve the Union, but some church members expressed concern that political interests had detracted from genuine spiritual vitality.
Eric Foner
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263242
- eISBN:
- 9780191734014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263242.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This lecture discusses the evolution of Abraham Lincoln's views on slavery and race. It looks at his eventual role as the Great Emancipator, which was given to him in light of the events of the Civil ...
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This lecture discusses the evolution of Abraham Lincoln's views on slavery and race. It looks at his eventual role as the Great Emancipator, which was given to him in light of the events of the Civil War. During the War Lincoln accepted the idea of ‘colonizing’ former slaves and developed concrete policies regarding slavery. Even before and after the War Lincoln made steps to improve the situation of slaves in America. The Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 is discussed in the lecture as well.Less
This lecture discusses the evolution of Abraham Lincoln's views on slavery and race. It looks at his eventual role as the Great Emancipator, which was given to him in light of the events of the Civil War. During the War Lincoln accepted the idea of ‘colonizing’ former slaves and developed concrete policies regarding slavery. Even before and after the War Lincoln made steps to improve the situation of slaves in America. The Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 is discussed in the lecture as well.
Burrus M. Carnahan
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124636
- eISBN:
- 9780813134871
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124636.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter discusses briefly Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation. It looks at some questions that will be answered in the following chapters, and looks at the consequences of ...
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This chapter discusses briefly Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation. It looks at some questions that will be answered in the following chapters, and looks at the consequences of Lincoln's decision to rely on the law of war as a source of executive power. It further notes the irony that the same legal theory that has deprived hundreds of Guantanamo prisoners their freedom was the same theory used by Abraham Lincoln to free thousands of enslaved Americans.Less
This chapter discusses briefly Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation. It looks at some questions that will be answered in the following chapters, and looks at the consequences of Lincoln's decision to rely on the law of war as a source of executive power. It further notes the irony that the same legal theory that has deprived hundreds of Guantanamo prisoners their freedom was the same theory used by Abraham Lincoln to free thousands of enslaved Americans.
Burrus M. Carnahan
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124636
- eISBN:
- 9780813134871
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124636.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter discusses the final form of the Emancipation Proclamation, which was based on two of the belligerent rights of the government under the law of war. It relied on the right to seize and ...
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This chapter discusses the final form of the Emancipation Proclamation, which was based on two of the belligerent rights of the government under the law of war. It relied on the right to seize and destroy enemy property for reasons of military necessity, and on the right to seek allies through promising liberty to an oppressed people.Less
This chapter discusses the final form of the Emancipation Proclamation, which was based on two of the belligerent rights of the government under the law of war. It relied on the right to seize and destroy enemy property for reasons of military necessity, and on the right to seek allies through promising liberty to an oppressed people.
Patrick A. Lewis
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813160795
- eISBN:
- 9780813165509
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160795.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Through a biography of Kentucky lawyer, soldier, and politician Benjamin F. Buckner (1836–1901), this book reorients the narrative of Civil War–era Kentucky around the experience of conservative ...
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Through a biography of Kentucky lawyer, soldier, and politician Benjamin F. Buckner (1836–1901), this book reorients the narrative of Civil War–era Kentucky around the experience of conservative proslavery unionists such as Buckner who resisted secession in 1861 because they believed slavery had safer prospects in the United States than in the new Confederacy. After the Emancipation Proclamation was issued, this faith in a proslavery federal government collapsed, and Buckner, who had led Union troops in combat in 1861 and 1862, resigned from the army in April 1863. The book is built around these war years and a revealing body of personal correspondence from Buckner to his rebel fiancée, Helen Martin. Looking both forward and backward in time from Buckner’s war experience, the book uses Buckner’s life and career to reintegrate the fractured historiographies of slavery, secession, politics, war, domesticity, emancipation, Civil War memory, industrialization, and regionalism in Kentucky. The collapse of slavery provided a window of opportunity across the South for significant social change. That window was never truly opened in Kentucky ironically because of its wartime loyalty to the Union. Though they could not save slavery, Buckner and political allies leveraged their loyalty during Reconstruction to delay the advent of civil rights for African Americans, suppress those rights by paramilitary violence, and undermine the Fifteenth Amendment in a pivotal Supreme Court case. Buckner’s life shows how many of the same inequalities, conflicts, and contradictions inherent in antebellum Kentucky were consciously re-created, expanded upon, and reinforced in the latter decades of the nineteenth century.Less
Through a biography of Kentucky lawyer, soldier, and politician Benjamin F. Buckner (1836–1901), this book reorients the narrative of Civil War–era Kentucky around the experience of conservative proslavery unionists such as Buckner who resisted secession in 1861 because they believed slavery had safer prospects in the United States than in the new Confederacy. After the Emancipation Proclamation was issued, this faith in a proslavery federal government collapsed, and Buckner, who had led Union troops in combat in 1861 and 1862, resigned from the army in April 1863. The book is built around these war years and a revealing body of personal correspondence from Buckner to his rebel fiancée, Helen Martin. Looking both forward and backward in time from Buckner’s war experience, the book uses Buckner’s life and career to reintegrate the fractured historiographies of slavery, secession, politics, war, domesticity, emancipation, Civil War memory, industrialization, and regionalism in Kentucky. The collapse of slavery provided a window of opportunity across the South for significant social change. That window was never truly opened in Kentucky ironically because of its wartime loyalty to the Union. Though they could not save slavery, Buckner and political allies leveraged their loyalty during Reconstruction to delay the advent of civil rights for African Americans, suppress those rights by paramilitary violence, and undermine the Fifteenth Amendment in a pivotal Supreme Court case. Buckner’s life shows how many of the same inequalities, conflicts, and contradictions inherent in antebellum Kentucky were consciously re-created, expanded upon, and reinforced in the latter decades of the nineteenth century.
Robert Tracy McKenzie
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195182941
- eISBN:
- 9780199788897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195182941.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter spans the period from the onset of Union occupation of Knoxville until March 1865. It focuses on two themes, the range of responses among Confederate civilians to Federal military ...
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This chapter spans the period from the onset of Union occupation of Knoxville until March 1865. It focuses on two themes, the range of responses among Confederate civilians to Federal military occupation, and the growing schism among local Unionists over emancipation. Abraham Lincoln did not include Tennessee in the Emancipation Proclamation, but by early 1864 it was clear that the presence of Union troops was promoting the collapse of the institution nonetheless. A minority of Unionists labored to preserve slavery and forge an alliance with northern Democrats who were similarly objecting to the Republican emancipation policies. The majority, however, came to accept the end of slavery as an inevitable product of the war and endorsed emancipation as a justifiable response to treason. The chapter closes with local Unionists' overwhelming endorsement of a state referendum abolishing slavery in February 1865, only two months before the conclusion of the war.Less
This chapter spans the period from the onset of Union occupation of Knoxville until March 1865. It focuses on two themes, the range of responses among Confederate civilians to Federal military occupation, and the growing schism among local Unionists over emancipation. Abraham Lincoln did not include Tennessee in the Emancipation Proclamation, but by early 1864 it was clear that the presence of Union troops was promoting the collapse of the institution nonetheless. A minority of Unionists labored to preserve slavery and forge an alliance with northern Democrats who were similarly objecting to the Republican emancipation policies. The majority, however, came to accept the end of slavery as an inevitable product of the war and endorsed emancipation as a justifiable response to treason. The chapter closes with local Unionists' overwhelming endorsement of a state referendum abolishing slavery in February 1865, only two months before the conclusion of the war.
Berry Craig
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813146928
- eISBN:
- 9780813151441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813146928.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Kentucky, added more strain to the fraying relationship between Lincoln and his native state. All along, almost all Kentucky Unionists favored a Union with slavery. Nearly every Kentucky soldier in ...
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Kentucky, added more strain to the fraying relationship between Lincoln and his native state. All along, almost all Kentucky Unionists favored a Union with slavery. Nearly every Kentucky soldier in blue was fighting for the preservation of the Union, not for the abolition of slavery. Across the state, thousands of Kentuckians who were prowar turned to the “Peace” Democrats. The Purchase stayed stubbornly secessionist.Less
Kentucky, added more strain to the fraying relationship between Lincoln and his native state. All along, almost all Kentucky Unionists favored a Union with slavery. Nearly every Kentucky soldier in blue was fighting for the preservation of the Union, not for the abolition of slavery. Across the state, thousands of Kentuckians who were prowar turned to the “Peace” Democrats. The Purchase stayed stubbornly secessionist.
David Brion Davis
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195089110
- eISBN:
- 9780199853830
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195089110.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The Emancipation Proclamation by Lincoln was a historic moment for men and women alike who continued to experience new forms of bondage and oppression. Martin Luther King's rhetoric at the Lincoln ...
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The Emancipation Proclamation by Lincoln was a historic moment for men and women alike who continued to experience new forms of bondage and oppression. Martin Luther King's rhetoric at the Lincoln Memorial highlights the curious fact that Americans have customarily honored the abolition of slavery as a glorious moment of national rebirth and in the next breath have acknowledged that emancipation was in many ways a failure. The chapter argues that “manumission” was only a voluntary speech act that annihilated a status without altering the status quo. Therefore, the ritual of “national rebirth” merely legitimated a new relationship that had already evolved. For example, over half the manumissions in Maryland were delayed until an adult had worked for a specified number of years or until a child had reached the age of thirty.Less
The Emancipation Proclamation by Lincoln was a historic moment for men and women alike who continued to experience new forms of bondage and oppression. Martin Luther King's rhetoric at the Lincoln Memorial highlights the curious fact that Americans have customarily honored the abolition of slavery as a glorious moment of national rebirth and in the next breath have acknowledged that emancipation was in many ways a failure. The chapter argues that “manumission” was only a voluntary speech act that annihilated a status without altering the status quo. Therefore, the ritual of “national rebirth” merely legitimated a new relationship that had already evolved. For example, over half the manumissions in Maryland were delayed until an adult had worked for a specified number of years or until a child had reached the age of thirty.
Andrew Billingsley
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195161793
- eISBN:
- 9780199849512
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195161793.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter discusses the contribution of General William T. Sherman to the black church. Gen. Sherman's brilliant and bloody march through Georgia and the Carolinas during the fall and winter of ...
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This chapter discusses the contribution of General William T. Sherman to the black church. Gen. Sherman's brilliant and bloody march through Georgia and the Carolinas during the fall and winter of 1864–65 profoundly affected the black community and the black church. Just as profoundly did the black people and their church affect the success of Sherman's mission. After Sherman's conquest, the Zion Baptist Church would become separate and free, and Brother Ephraim would lead this independent church into the early years of freedom. The quest of Gen. Sherman from Atlanta to Savannah is described. Twenty black religious leaders were the special guests of the general. They were summoned to help the general and President Lincoln on how to implement the Emancipation Proclamation. After six weeks in Savannah, Sherman left the city for his campaign through the Carolinas.Less
This chapter discusses the contribution of General William T. Sherman to the black church. Gen. Sherman's brilliant and bloody march through Georgia and the Carolinas during the fall and winter of 1864–65 profoundly affected the black community and the black church. Just as profoundly did the black people and their church affect the success of Sherman's mission. After Sherman's conquest, the Zion Baptist Church would become separate and free, and Brother Ephraim would lead this independent church into the early years of freedom. The quest of Gen. Sherman from Atlanta to Savannah is described. Twenty black religious leaders were the special guests of the general. They were summoned to help the general and President Lincoln on how to implement the Emancipation Proclamation. After six weeks in Savannah, Sherman left the city for his campaign through the Carolinas.
Gerald Horne
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814773499
- eISBN:
- 9780814790502
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814773499.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter considers the impact of the Emancipation Proclamation against the backdrop of the Civil War. London perceived a lack of consistency in the measure, as it freed the enslaved in areas ...
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This chapter considers the impact of the Emancipation Proclamation against the backdrop of the Civil War. London perceived a lack of consistency in the measure, as it freed the enslaved in areas where he had no control and allowed bondage to persist in areas where he did have control. It expressed concern over the practical effect of declaring emancipation, not as an act of justice and benevolence but as an act of punishment and retaliation. Jefferson Davis remarked that this decree could “lead to one of three possible consequences: the annihilation of the slaves, the exile of the whole white population from the Confederacy, or the absolute and total separation of these States from the United States”. The chapter also describes how the end of the war and slavery's extinction normalized relations between the republic and the Crown.Less
This chapter considers the impact of the Emancipation Proclamation against the backdrop of the Civil War. London perceived a lack of consistency in the measure, as it freed the enslaved in areas where he had no control and allowed bondage to persist in areas where he did have control. It expressed concern over the practical effect of declaring emancipation, not as an act of justice and benevolence but as an act of punishment and retaliation. Jefferson Davis remarked that this decree could “lead to one of three possible consequences: the annihilation of the slaves, the exile of the whole white population from the Confederacy, or the absolute and total separation of these States from the United States”. The chapter also describes how the end of the war and slavery's extinction normalized relations between the republic and the Crown.
Paul C. Gutjahr
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199740420
- eISBN:
- 9780199894703
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199740420.003.0051
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Chapter fifty-one examines Hodge’s growing animosity toward slavery. While his biblical position on slavery never changed, he became convinced during the Civil War that slavery as it was practiced in ...
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Chapter fifty-one examines Hodge’s growing animosity toward slavery. While his biblical position on slavery never changed, he became convinced during the Civil War that slavery as it was practiced in the South with its high racial component was a great evil. He stood against polygenism. Through a series of important Repertory articles on the War, Hodge showed his support for Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation, his complete commitment to monogenism and his aversion to England coming to the aid of the South.Less
Chapter fifty-one examines Hodge’s growing animosity toward slavery. While his biblical position on slavery never changed, he became convinced during the Civil War that slavery as it was practiced in the South with its high racial component was a great evil. He stood against polygenism. Through a series of important Repertory articles on the War, Hodge showed his support for Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation, his complete commitment to monogenism and his aversion to England coming to the aid of the South.
Kristopher A. Teters
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469638867
- eISBN:
- 9781469638881
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638867.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
During the first fifteen months of the Civil War, the policies and attitudes of Union officers toward emancipation in the western theater were, at best, inconsistent and fraught with internal ...
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During the first fifteen months of the Civil War, the policies and attitudes of Union officers toward emancipation in the western theater were, at best, inconsistent and fraught with internal strains. But after Congress passed the Second Confiscation Act in 1862, army policy became mostly consistent in its support of liberating the slaves in general, in spite of Union army officers' differences of opinion. By 1863 and the final Emancipation Proclamation, the army had transformed into the key force for instituting emancipation in the West. However, Kristopher Teters argues that the guiding principles behind this development in attitudes and policy were a result of military necessity and pragmatic strategies, rather than an effort to enact racial equality. Through extensive research in the letters and diaries of western Union officers, Teters demonstrates how practical considerations drove both the attitudes and policies of Union officers regarding emancipation. Officers primarily embraced emancipation and the use of black soldiers because they believed both policies would help them win the war and save the Union, but their views on race actually changed very little. In the end, however, despite its practical bent, Teters argues, the Union army was instrumental in bringing freedom to the slaves.Less
During the first fifteen months of the Civil War, the policies and attitudes of Union officers toward emancipation in the western theater were, at best, inconsistent and fraught with internal strains. But after Congress passed the Second Confiscation Act in 1862, army policy became mostly consistent in its support of liberating the slaves in general, in spite of Union army officers' differences of opinion. By 1863 and the final Emancipation Proclamation, the army had transformed into the key force for instituting emancipation in the West. However, Kristopher Teters argues that the guiding principles behind this development in attitudes and policy were a result of military necessity and pragmatic strategies, rather than an effort to enact racial equality. Through extensive research in the letters and diaries of western Union officers, Teters demonstrates how practical considerations drove both the attitudes and policies of Union officers regarding emancipation. Officers primarily embraced emancipation and the use of black soldiers because they believed both policies would help them win the war and save the Union, but their views on race actually changed very little. In the end, however, despite its practical bent, Teters argues, the Union army was instrumental in bringing freedom to the slaves.
Kristopher A. Teters
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469638867
- eISBN:
- 9781469638881
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638867.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Military History
After the final Emancipation Proclamation went into effect in January 1863, western armies generally liberated slaves quite vigorously. But always driving this emancipation policy first and foremost ...
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After the final Emancipation Proclamation went into effect in January 1863, western armies generally liberated slaves quite vigorously. But always driving this emancipation policy first and foremost were practical military considerations. Many officers supported emancipation because it would help win the war, and this was exactly how they carried out the policy. As much as possible, officers focused on freeing slaves for the army’s benefit, often targeting able-bodied men who could be of most use as teamsters, pioneers, laborers, and soldiers. Given these military priorities, officers frequently saw the slave women and children flocking to their camps as a military burden and usually sent them to hellish contraband camps or to labor for wages on plantations. In the politically sensitive border states of Kentucky and Missouri, emancipation was especially slow and conflict ridden. Yet even there, military necessity forced commanders to eventually adopt increasingly emancipationist policies. A few officers did support emancipation for moral reasons, but moral imperatives had very little influence on emancipation policies in the field. Officers’ prevailing racial beliefs help explain why many of them were more concerned with former slaves’ ability to help the army than with their welfare.Less
After the final Emancipation Proclamation went into effect in January 1863, western armies generally liberated slaves quite vigorously. But always driving this emancipation policy first and foremost were practical military considerations. Many officers supported emancipation because it would help win the war, and this was exactly how they carried out the policy. As much as possible, officers focused on freeing slaves for the army’s benefit, often targeting able-bodied men who could be of most use as teamsters, pioneers, laborers, and soldiers. Given these military priorities, officers frequently saw the slave women and children flocking to their camps as a military burden and usually sent them to hellish contraband camps or to labor for wages on plantations. In the politically sensitive border states of Kentucky and Missouri, emancipation was especially slow and conflict ridden. Yet even there, military necessity forced commanders to eventually adopt increasingly emancipationist policies. A few officers did support emancipation for moral reasons, but moral imperatives had very little influence on emancipation policies in the field. Officers’ prevailing racial beliefs help explain why many of them were more concerned with former slaves’ ability to help the army than with their welfare.
Pellom McDaniels III
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813142715
- eISBN:
- 9780813144276
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813142715.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter covers the beginning to Civil War, the recruitment of black men into the Union army, and the challenges their families faced both in their absence and as a result of their military ...
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This chapter covers the beginning to Civil War, the recruitment of black men into the Union army, and the challenges their families faced both in their absence and as a result of their military service. African American men such as Jerry Skillman, America Murphy's husband and Isaac's father, enlisted to fight for his and his family's freedom. The chapter discusses events at Camp Nelson, where the wives and children of the black soldiers stationed there came for protection. At one point, the families were turned out, with tragic consequences, but eventually Camp Nelson became an educational resource for the newly freed. The chapter also recognizes the colored regiments that served with distinction during the Civil War, especially those attached to the Twenty-Fifth Corps led by Major General Godfrey Weitzel, a man of considerable integrity and honor.Less
This chapter covers the beginning to Civil War, the recruitment of black men into the Union army, and the challenges their families faced both in their absence and as a result of their military service. African American men such as Jerry Skillman, America Murphy's husband and Isaac's father, enlisted to fight for his and his family's freedom. The chapter discusses events at Camp Nelson, where the wives and children of the black soldiers stationed there came for protection. At one point, the families were turned out, with tragic consequences, but eventually Camp Nelson became an educational resource for the newly freed. The chapter also recognizes the colored regiments that served with distinction during the Civil War, especially those attached to the Twenty-Fifth Corps led by Major General Godfrey Weitzel, a man of considerable integrity and honor.
John Y. Simon, Harold Holzer, and Dawn Vogel
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823227365
- eISBN:
- 9780823240869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823227365.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Most of this criticism focuses on the pre-Emancipation Proclamation Abraham Lincoln and all, but ignores Lincoln's handling of black freedom after the Proclamation. This chapter takes up the subject ...
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Most of this criticism focuses on the pre-Emancipation Proclamation Abraham Lincoln and all, but ignores Lincoln's handling of black freedom after the Proclamation. This chapter takes up the subject of what Lincoln learned and did not learn during the war. First, it examines the subject of Lincoln's effort to colonize African-Americans outside the United States. Then the chapter turns to the large subject of Lincoln's attitudes toward the intellectual capacities of African-Americans. The chapter poses the question on how Lincoln's attitudes toward African-Americans in the post-Proclamation period might inform the understanding of the wisdom, necessity, and possible process of some modern system of restitution for the crime of American slavery. It also argues that Lincoln's emphasis on education for the freed people may have helped sow the seeds of failure during the Reconstruction era, and funding for African-American education today may again do only half the work that is needed.Less
Most of this criticism focuses on the pre-Emancipation Proclamation Abraham Lincoln and all, but ignores Lincoln's handling of black freedom after the Proclamation. This chapter takes up the subject of what Lincoln learned and did not learn during the war. First, it examines the subject of Lincoln's effort to colonize African-Americans outside the United States. Then the chapter turns to the large subject of Lincoln's attitudes toward the intellectual capacities of African-Americans. The chapter poses the question on how Lincoln's attitudes toward African-Americans in the post-Proclamation period might inform the understanding of the wisdom, necessity, and possible process of some modern system of restitution for the crime of American slavery. It also argues that Lincoln's emphasis on education for the freed people may have helped sow the seeds of failure during the Reconstruction era, and funding for African-American education today may again do only half the work that is needed.
Daniel Lord Smail
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814771228
- eISBN:
- 9780814737828
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814771228.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter comments on the previous chapter's essay by Professor Larry Arnhart, suggesting that the question is not whether biology and neuroscience are relevant to fields like politics, economics, ...
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This chapter comments on the previous chapter's essay by Professor Larry Arnhart, suggesting that the question is not whether biology and neuroscience are relevant to fields like politics, economics, and history, but how they are going to be relevant. At the outset, Arnhart notes that some political scientists have been complaining about the deficiencies of their discipline, and the main target of the seven-point critique that follows is the principle of the rational maximization of self-interest. The implication of this critique is that the principle would do a poor job of accounting for Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863, which Arnhart hopes to explain. Hence the need for a biopolitical science and the more robust understanding of human nature that such a science can offer.Less
This chapter comments on the previous chapter's essay by Professor Larry Arnhart, suggesting that the question is not whether biology and neuroscience are relevant to fields like politics, economics, and history, but how they are going to be relevant. At the outset, Arnhart notes that some political scientists have been complaining about the deficiencies of their discipline, and the main target of the seven-point critique that follows is the principle of the rational maximization of self-interest. The implication of this critique is that the principle would do a poor job of accounting for Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863, which Arnhart hopes to explain. Hence the need for a biopolitical science and the more robust understanding of human nature that such a science can offer.
Paul Frymer
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691166056
- eISBN:
- 9781400885350
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691166056.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the question of how the nation would eventually respond to the increasing numbers of free blacks as well as the impending end of legalized African slavery. It considers the ...
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This chapter examines the question of how the nation would eventually respond to the increasing numbers of free blacks as well as the impending end of legalized African slavery. It considers the popularity of black colonization and why this effort at a second removal of a large population was defeated. In particular, it looks at the two-year period in the first congressional session during the Lincoln administration, when the idea of black colonization seemingly had its greatest momentum yet suffered its most resounding defeat. The chapter first provides an overview of colonization schemes in the first two years of the Lincoln administration, Abraham Lincoln's foreign policy adventures, and his Emancipation Proclamation before discussing how the ambitions of American majorities for an all-white nation clashed with the realities of making such an event a reality in the context of a relatively weak American state.Less
This chapter examines the question of how the nation would eventually respond to the increasing numbers of free blacks as well as the impending end of legalized African slavery. It considers the popularity of black colonization and why this effort at a second removal of a large population was defeated. In particular, it looks at the two-year period in the first congressional session during the Lincoln administration, when the idea of black colonization seemingly had its greatest momentum yet suffered its most resounding defeat. The chapter first provides an overview of colonization schemes in the first two years of the Lincoln administration, Abraham Lincoln's foreign policy adventures, and his Emancipation Proclamation before discussing how the ambitions of American majorities for an all-white nation clashed with the realities of making such an event a reality in the context of a relatively weak American state.
Judith N. McArthur and Orville Vernon Burton
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195093124
- eISBN:
- 9780199853915
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195093124.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter presents Griffin's wartime letters to his wife Leila dated from December 1, 1864 to February 27, 1865. These letters are about Griffin's first fear of invasion because while the Union ...
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This chapter presents Griffin's wartime letters to his wife Leila dated from December 1, 1864 to February 27, 1865. These letters are about Griffin's first fear of invasion because while the Union forces threatened from without, the home front also had enemies from within which include Confederate deserters. Griffin was appointed colonel of the First South Carolina Militia and his letters were filled with nationalism and patriotism. He was also concerned about his slaves because the Union army were already enforcing the Emancipation Proclamation.Less
This chapter presents Griffin's wartime letters to his wife Leila dated from December 1, 1864 to February 27, 1865. These letters are about Griffin's first fear of invasion because while the Union forces threatened from without, the home front also had enemies from within which include Confederate deserters. Griffin was appointed colonel of the First South Carolina Militia and his letters were filled with nationalism and patriotism. He was also concerned about his slaves because the Union army were already enforcing the Emancipation Proclamation.
Paul C. Gutjahr
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199740420
- eISBN:
- 9780199894703
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199740420.003.0052
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Chapter fifty-two discusses at length Hodge’s sympathetic views of Lincoln. Lincoln’s death came a severe blow to Hodge, who considered the martyred President as one of America’s greatest men. He ...
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Chapter fifty-two discusses at length Hodge’s sympathetic views of Lincoln. Lincoln’s death came a severe blow to Hodge, who considered the martyred President as one of America’s greatest men. He published his “President Lincoln” article in the Repertory as an attempt to make sense of God’s providence in Lincoln’s assassination. After the end of the War, Hodge wished to see the Old School Presbyterians from North and South reunited, but such a reunion was doomed to failure. Hodge was also criticized for his commitment to gradual emancipation, and once again defended his biblical position on slavery even after the end of the War.Less
Chapter fifty-two discusses at length Hodge’s sympathetic views of Lincoln. Lincoln’s death came a severe blow to Hodge, who considered the martyred President as one of America’s greatest men. He published his “President Lincoln” article in the Repertory as an attempt to make sense of God’s providence in Lincoln’s assassination. After the end of the War, Hodge wished to see the Old School Presbyterians from North and South reunited, but such a reunion was doomed to failure. Hodge was also criticized for his commitment to gradual emancipation, and once again defended his biblical position on slavery even after the end of the War.
