Allison Dorothy Fredette
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813179155
- eISBN:
- 9780813179162
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813179155.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Not quite the Cotton Kingdom or the free labor North, the mid-nineteenth-century border South was a land in between. There, the clashing ideologies of this era—slavery and freedom, urban and rural, ...
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Not quite the Cotton Kingdom or the free labor North, the mid-nineteenth-century border South was a land in between. There, the clashing ideologies of this era—slavery and freedom, urban and rural, industrial and agrarian—met, merged, and melded. As they did, they formed something new—a fluid, flexible identity that somehow grew from these tensions while rising above them. This border identity would play a critical role in these states’ experiences during the secession crisis, the Civil War, and Reconstruction. Yet, this story—one of political division, internal warfare, and economic struggles—is only one part of the border South’s larger saga. Focusing on the heart of this complicated region, Marriage on the Border reveals how this border environment shaped the lives and loves of Kentuckians, West Virginians, and Appalachian Virginians. Inundated with conflicting messages about marriage, divorce, and gender, these border southerners set their own path. In an era when advice manuals urged all Americans to adopt new ideals of companionate marriage and loving mutuality, border southerners proved especially receptive to these notions. Additionally, when these marriages crumbled, border southerners found ways to divorce more easily than other southerners of this era. Marriage on the Border follows border southerners through their courtships and into their homes, through blissful marriages and turbulent divorce dramas, through secession, war, and reconstruction. Along the way, Marriage on the Border captures the turmoil and confusion of this era, not in its legislative halls or on the battlefield, but in the households of those who lived at the heart of the country.Less
Not quite the Cotton Kingdom or the free labor North, the mid-nineteenth-century border South was a land in between. There, the clashing ideologies of this era—slavery and freedom, urban and rural, industrial and agrarian—met, merged, and melded. As they did, they formed something new—a fluid, flexible identity that somehow grew from these tensions while rising above them. This border identity would play a critical role in these states’ experiences during the secession crisis, the Civil War, and Reconstruction. Yet, this story—one of political division, internal warfare, and economic struggles—is only one part of the border South’s larger saga. Focusing on the heart of this complicated region, Marriage on the Border reveals how this border environment shaped the lives and loves of Kentuckians, West Virginians, and Appalachian Virginians. Inundated with conflicting messages about marriage, divorce, and gender, these border southerners set their own path. In an era when advice manuals urged all Americans to adopt new ideals of companionate marriage and loving mutuality, border southerners proved especially receptive to these notions. Additionally, when these marriages crumbled, border southerners found ways to divorce more easily than other southerners of this era. Marriage on the Border follows border southerners through their courtships and into their homes, through blissful marriages and turbulent divorce dramas, through secession, war, and reconstruction. Along the way, Marriage on the Border captures the turmoil and confusion of this era, not in its legislative halls or on the battlefield, but in the households of those who lived at the heart of the country.
Kristopher A. Teters
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469638867
- eISBN:
- 9781469638881
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638867.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
During the first fifteen months of the Civil War, the policies and attitudes of Union officers toward emancipation in the western theater were, at best, inconsistent and fraught with internal ...
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During the first fifteen months of the Civil War, the policies and attitudes of Union officers toward emancipation in the western theater were, at best, inconsistent and fraught with internal strains. But after Congress passed the Second Confiscation Act in 1862, army policy became mostly consistent in its support of liberating the slaves in general, in spite of Union army officers' differences of opinion. By 1863 and the final Emancipation Proclamation, the army had transformed into the key force for instituting emancipation in the West. However, Kristopher Teters argues that the guiding principles behind this development in attitudes and policy were a result of military necessity and pragmatic strategies, rather than an effort to enact racial equality. Through extensive research in the letters and diaries of western Union officers, Teters demonstrates how practical considerations drove both the attitudes and policies of Union officers regarding emancipation. Officers primarily embraced emancipation and the use of black soldiers because they believed both policies would help them win the war and save the Union, but their views on race actually changed very little. In the end, however, despite its practical bent, Teters argues, the Union army was instrumental in bringing freedom to the slaves.Less
During the first fifteen months of the Civil War, the policies and attitudes of Union officers toward emancipation in the western theater were, at best, inconsistent and fraught with internal strains. But after Congress passed the Second Confiscation Act in 1862, army policy became mostly consistent in its support of liberating the slaves in general, in spite of Union army officers' differences of opinion. By 1863 and the final Emancipation Proclamation, the army had transformed into the key force for instituting emancipation in the West. However, Kristopher Teters argues that the guiding principles behind this development in attitudes and policy were a result of military necessity and pragmatic strategies, rather than an effort to enact racial equality. Through extensive research in the letters and diaries of western Union officers, Teters demonstrates how practical considerations drove both the attitudes and policies of Union officers regarding emancipation. Officers primarily embraced emancipation and the use of black soldiers because they believed both policies would help them win the war and save the Union, but their views on race actually changed very little. In the end, however, despite its practical bent, Teters argues, the Union army was instrumental in bringing freedom to the slaves.
Burrus M. Carnahan
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124636
- eISBN:
- 9780813134871
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124636.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter discusses briefly Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation. It looks at some questions that will be answered in the following chapters, and looks at the consequences of ...
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This chapter discusses briefly Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation. It looks at some questions that will be answered in the following chapters, and looks at the consequences of Lincoln's decision to rely on the law of war as a source of executive power. It further notes the irony that the same legal theory that has deprived hundreds of Guantanamo prisoners their freedom was the same theory used by Abraham Lincoln to free thousands of enslaved Americans.Less
This chapter discusses briefly Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation. It looks at some questions that will be answered in the following chapters, and looks at the consequences of Lincoln's decision to rely on the law of war as a source of executive power. It further notes the irony that the same legal theory that has deprived hundreds of Guantanamo prisoners their freedom was the same theory used by Abraham Lincoln to free thousands of enslaved Americans.
Robert Tracy McKenzie
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195182941
- eISBN:
- 9780199788897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195182941.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter spans the period from the onset of Union occupation of Knoxville until March 1865. It focuses on two themes, the range of responses among Confederate civilians to Federal military ...
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This chapter spans the period from the onset of Union occupation of Knoxville until March 1865. It focuses on two themes, the range of responses among Confederate civilians to Federal military occupation, and the growing schism among local Unionists over emancipation. Abraham Lincoln did not include Tennessee in the Emancipation Proclamation, but by early 1864 it was clear that the presence of Union troops was promoting the collapse of the institution nonetheless. A minority of Unionists labored to preserve slavery and forge an alliance with northern Democrats who were similarly objecting to the Republican emancipation policies. The majority, however, came to accept the end of slavery as an inevitable product of the war and endorsed emancipation as a justifiable response to treason. The chapter closes with local Unionists' overwhelming endorsement of a state referendum abolishing slavery in February 1865, only two months before the conclusion of the war.Less
This chapter spans the period from the onset of Union occupation of Knoxville until March 1865. It focuses on two themes, the range of responses among Confederate civilians to Federal military occupation, and the growing schism among local Unionists over emancipation. Abraham Lincoln did not include Tennessee in the Emancipation Proclamation, but by early 1864 it was clear that the presence of Union troops was promoting the collapse of the institution nonetheless. A minority of Unionists labored to preserve slavery and forge an alliance with northern Democrats who were similarly objecting to the Republican emancipation policies. The majority, however, came to accept the end of slavery as an inevitable product of the war and endorsed emancipation as a justifiable response to treason. The chapter closes with local Unionists' overwhelming endorsement of a state referendum abolishing slavery in February 1865, only two months before the conclusion of the war.
Sean A. Scott
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195395990
- eISBN:
- 9780199866557
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395990.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, History of Religion
Many religious Northerners believed that God demonstrated his care for his chosen people by chastening them when they had sinned and disobeyed his laws. Slavery was one of those national sins, and ...
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Many religious Northerners believed that God demonstrated his care for his chosen people by chastening them when they had sinned and disobeyed his laws. Slavery was one of those national sins, and devout civilians often asserted that God intended the war to destroy the peculiar institution. By the second year of war, many observers claimed that victories had been few because the government had failed to act decisively against slavery. President Lincoln, however, had determined to settle the matter by issuing the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. In contrast to most religious Northerners, he did not presume to know the mind of God but sounded a note of humble uncertainty regarding the Divine Will. The politicization of the pulpit continued as ministers promoted the war and claimed that God would preserve the Union, but some church members expressed concern that political interests had detracted from genuine spiritual vitality.Less
Many religious Northerners believed that God demonstrated his care for his chosen people by chastening them when they had sinned and disobeyed his laws. Slavery was one of those national sins, and devout civilians often asserted that God intended the war to destroy the peculiar institution. By the second year of war, many observers claimed that victories had been few because the government had failed to act decisively against slavery. President Lincoln, however, had determined to settle the matter by issuing the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. In contrast to most religious Northerners, he did not presume to know the mind of God but sounded a note of humble uncertainty regarding the Divine Will. The politicization of the pulpit continued as ministers promoted the war and claimed that God would preserve the Union, but some church members expressed concern that political interests had detracted from genuine spiritual vitality.
Steven E. Nash
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469626246
- eISBN:
- 9781469628080
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626246.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Reconstruction typically brings to mind war-torn plantations and battles over the meaning of freedom after the Civil War. Slavery was such a central part of southern life—permeating every aspect of ...
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Reconstruction typically brings to mind war-torn plantations and battles over the meaning of freedom after the Civil War. Slavery was such a central part of southern life—permeating every aspect of southern society—that its demise affected every southerner across the region. Emancipation stands at the heart of post-Civil War southern history for good reason. But when historians examine western North Carolina, part of overwhelmingly white Southern Appalachia, other postwar issues demand consideration. Persistent wartime loyalties informed bitter power struggles between groups of white mountaineers determined to rule. For a brief period, an influx of federal governmental power enabled white anti-Confederates to ally with former slaves in order to lift the Republican Party to power at home and in the state as a whole. Republican success led to a violent response from a transformed class of white elites, clinging to the legitimacy of the antebellum period while pushing for greater integration into the market-oriented New South. Western North Carolina—far from “exceptional”—highlights the complex array of issues ranging from wartime loyalties, race, federal state power, and the integration of the mountain South into a national market system that made Reconstruction a pivotal moment in American history. It also reorients our view of reconstruction from the plantation districts to include the complex and diverse realities across the South that reshaped federal policy at the grassroots. Regions like western North Carolina played a critical part in that process.Less
Reconstruction typically brings to mind war-torn plantations and battles over the meaning of freedom after the Civil War. Slavery was such a central part of southern life—permeating every aspect of southern society—that its demise affected every southerner across the region. Emancipation stands at the heart of post-Civil War southern history for good reason. But when historians examine western North Carolina, part of overwhelmingly white Southern Appalachia, other postwar issues demand consideration. Persistent wartime loyalties informed bitter power struggles between groups of white mountaineers determined to rule. For a brief period, an influx of federal governmental power enabled white anti-Confederates to ally with former slaves in order to lift the Republican Party to power at home and in the state as a whole. Republican success led to a violent response from a transformed class of white elites, clinging to the legitimacy of the antebellum period while pushing for greater integration into the market-oriented New South. Western North Carolina—far from “exceptional”—highlights the complex array of issues ranging from wartime loyalties, race, federal state power, and the integration of the mountain South into a national market system that made Reconstruction a pivotal moment in American history. It also reorients our view of reconstruction from the plantation districts to include the complex and diverse realities across the South that reshaped federal policy at the grassroots. Regions like western North Carolina played a critical part in that process.
Patrick A. Lewis
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813160795
- eISBN:
- 9780813165509
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160795.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Through a biography of Kentucky lawyer, soldier, and politician Benjamin F. Buckner (1836–1901), this book reorients the narrative of Civil War–era Kentucky around the experience of conservative ...
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Through a biography of Kentucky lawyer, soldier, and politician Benjamin F. Buckner (1836–1901), this book reorients the narrative of Civil War–era Kentucky around the experience of conservative proslavery unionists such as Buckner who resisted secession in 1861 because they believed slavery had safer prospects in the United States than in the new Confederacy. After the Emancipation Proclamation was issued, this faith in a proslavery federal government collapsed, and Buckner, who had led Union troops in combat in 1861 and 1862, resigned from the army in April 1863. The book is built around these war years and a revealing body of personal correspondence from Buckner to his rebel fiancée, Helen Martin. Looking both forward and backward in time from Buckner’s war experience, the book uses Buckner’s life and career to reintegrate the fractured historiographies of slavery, secession, politics, war, domesticity, emancipation, Civil War memory, industrialization, and regionalism in Kentucky. The collapse of slavery provided a window of opportunity across the South for significant social change. That window was never truly opened in Kentucky ironically because of its wartime loyalty to the Union. Though they could not save slavery, Buckner and political allies leveraged their loyalty during Reconstruction to delay the advent of civil rights for African Americans, suppress those rights by paramilitary violence, and undermine the Fifteenth Amendment in a pivotal Supreme Court case. Buckner’s life shows how many of the same inequalities, conflicts, and contradictions inherent in antebellum Kentucky were consciously re-created, expanded upon, and reinforced in the latter decades of the nineteenth century.Less
Through a biography of Kentucky lawyer, soldier, and politician Benjamin F. Buckner (1836–1901), this book reorients the narrative of Civil War–era Kentucky around the experience of conservative proslavery unionists such as Buckner who resisted secession in 1861 because they believed slavery had safer prospects in the United States than in the new Confederacy. After the Emancipation Proclamation was issued, this faith in a proslavery federal government collapsed, and Buckner, who had led Union troops in combat in 1861 and 1862, resigned from the army in April 1863. The book is built around these war years and a revealing body of personal correspondence from Buckner to his rebel fiancée, Helen Martin. Looking both forward and backward in time from Buckner’s war experience, the book uses Buckner’s life and career to reintegrate the fractured historiographies of slavery, secession, politics, war, domesticity, emancipation, Civil War memory, industrialization, and regionalism in Kentucky. The collapse of slavery provided a window of opportunity across the South for significant social change. That window was never truly opened in Kentucky ironically because of its wartime loyalty to the Union. Though they could not save slavery, Buckner and political allies leveraged their loyalty during Reconstruction to delay the advent of civil rights for African Americans, suppress those rights by paramilitary violence, and undermine the Fifteenth Amendment in a pivotal Supreme Court case. Buckner’s life shows how many of the same inequalities, conflicts, and contradictions inherent in antebellum Kentucky were consciously re-created, expanded upon, and reinforced in the latter decades of the nineteenth century.
W.J. Mc Cormack
- Published in print:
- 1985
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198128069
- eISBN:
- 9780191671630
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198128069.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
This chapter discusses some of the stages of the evolution of the 1770s neologism into the timeless language of Augustan elitism. In this chapter, several critical literatures, writings, and essays ...
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This chapter discusses some of the stages of the evolution of the 1770s neologism into the timeless language of Augustan elitism. In this chapter, several critical literatures, writings, and essays to the Protestant Ascendancy, system of land tenure, the Emancipation Period, and the Irish Church are discussed. Among the literary products discussed here are the works of Tresham Dames Gregg, Sir William Scott, and Le Fanu. In addition, several critical essays and novels are mentioned.Less
This chapter discusses some of the stages of the evolution of the 1770s neologism into the timeless language of Augustan elitism. In this chapter, several critical literatures, writings, and essays to the Protestant Ascendancy, system of land tenure, the Emancipation Period, and the Irish Church are discussed. Among the literary products discussed here are the works of Tresham Dames Gregg, Sir William Scott, and Le Fanu. In addition, several critical essays and novels are mentioned.
John Wolffe
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201991
- eISBN:
- 9780191675119
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201991.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Religion
This is a study of the organized anti-Catholic movement in nineteenth-century Britain. The passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829 was in some respects a triumph for religious toleration, ...
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This is a study of the organized anti-Catholic movement in nineteenth-century Britain. The passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829 was in some respects a triumph for religious toleration, but it was followed by a substantial Protestant backlash. This was further stimulated by the theological and evangelistic concerns of evangelicals, the growth of Catholicism in Britain, and the political actions of Irish and British Tories. This book examines anti-Catholic societies which played an important part in the shaping of public opinion, and which exercised significant leverage on politics, notably in 1834–5 and between 1845 and 1855. The book explores the cultural and social dimensions of anti-Catholicism, relating them to the values and impact of evangelicalism at a variety of social levels. The book contributes to our understanding of Victorian religion, particularly in respect of the interaction between England, Ireland, and Scotland, demonstrating that, while the Protestant crusade failed in terms of most of its specific objectives, its impact on the life of the nation was nevertheless far-reaching.Less
This is a study of the organized anti-Catholic movement in nineteenth-century Britain. The passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829 was in some respects a triumph for religious toleration, but it was followed by a substantial Protestant backlash. This was further stimulated by the theological and evangelistic concerns of evangelicals, the growth of Catholicism in Britain, and the political actions of Irish and British Tories. This book examines anti-Catholic societies which played an important part in the shaping of public opinion, and which exercised significant leverage on politics, notably in 1834–5 and between 1845 and 1855. The book explores the cultural and social dimensions of anti-Catholicism, relating them to the values and impact of evangelicalism at a variety of social levels. The book contributes to our understanding of Victorian religion, particularly in respect of the interaction between England, Ireland, and Scotland, demonstrating that, while the Protestant crusade failed in terms of most of its specific objectives, its impact on the life of the nation was nevertheless far-reaching.
Chris Gilligan
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780719086526
- eISBN:
- 9781526128621
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719086526.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This book makes a contribution to the discussion on the crisis of anti-racism and the need to rethink anti-racism. The author argues that rethinking anti-racism necessitates clearing up some ...
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This book makes a contribution to the discussion on the crisis of anti-racism and the need to rethink anti-racism. The author argues that rethinking anti-racism necessitates clearing up some important confusions regarding racism and anti-racism. The author argues that capitalism creates the conditions for both racism and anti-racism. The author argues that anti-racism and racism express the contradiction between the ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity on the one hand and the reality of restrictions on human freedom, inequality and ‘racial’ division on the other. The book illustrates the argument through an in depth analysis of racisms (and anti-racisms) in Northern Ireland. The book places the development of anti-racism in the region in the wider context of the development of anti-racism globally and in the UK. The author argues that the failure to include Northern Ireland in broader discussions about racisms in the UK has had a detrimental impact on emancipatory anti-racism in the UK. The author argues that rethinking anti-racism needs to involve an examination of the whole of the UK, not just the UK minus Northern Ireland.Less
This book makes a contribution to the discussion on the crisis of anti-racism and the need to rethink anti-racism. The author argues that rethinking anti-racism necessitates clearing up some important confusions regarding racism and anti-racism. The author argues that capitalism creates the conditions for both racism and anti-racism. The author argues that anti-racism and racism express the contradiction between the ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity on the one hand and the reality of restrictions on human freedom, inequality and ‘racial’ division on the other. The book illustrates the argument through an in depth analysis of racisms (and anti-racisms) in Northern Ireland. The book places the development of anti-racism in the region in the wider context of the development of anti-racism globally and in the UK. The author argues that the failure to include Northern Ireland in broader discussions about racisms in the UK has had a detrimental impact on emancipatory anti-racism in the UK. The author argues that rethinking anti-racism needs to involve an examination of the whole of the UK, not just the UK minus Northern Ireland.
James E. Crimmins
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198277415
- eISBN:
- 9780191684173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277415.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter begins with a discussion of Bentham's case against oaths. It then looks at Church-of-Englandism as it was planned by Bentham in 1812 and its goal to aid the cause of Catholic ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of Bentham's case against oaths. It then looks at Church-of-Englandism as it was planned by Bentham in 1812 and its goal to aid the cause of Catholic Emancipation and his rejection of the belief that there should be punishment for the supposed crime of blasphemy.Less
This chapter begins with a discussion of Bentham's case against oaths. It then looks at Church-of-Englandism as it was planned by Bentham in 1812 and its goal to aid the cause of Catholic Emancipation and his rejection of the belief that there should be punishment for the supposed crime of blasphemy.
Robert L. Allen
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036453
- eISBN:
- 9780252093487
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036453.003.0019
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter argues that African Americans, despite being critical to Obama's election, will not get specific attention to issues of discrimination and equity unless they unite in a social movement ...
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This chapter argues that African Americans, despite being critical to Obama's election, will not get specific attention to issues of discrimination and equity unless they unite in a social movement that compels the president and Congress to take up these issues. Whether Obama is avoiding “race” issues from a desire not to alienate white voters or he is motivated by commitment to a “colorblind” approach to policy, African Americans will get the president's attention only to the extent that there is an independent social movement that can bring political pressure to bear. The chapter goes on to discuss three occasions in U.S. history that stand out as historical moments when African Americans, independently organized and mobilized and with militant, progressive leadership, made successful interventions with U.S. presidents that resulted in major civil rights gains, and sometimes economic and political gains: Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation; Franklin Roosevelt and Executive Order 8802; and the Kennedy–Johnson administration and civil rights legislation.Less
This chapter argues that African Americans, despite being critical to Obama's election, will not get specific attention to issues of discrimination and equity unless they unite in a social movement that compels the president and Congress to take up these issues. Whether Obama is avoiding “race” issues from a desire not to alienate white voters or he is motivated by commitment to a “colorblind” approach to policy, African Americans will get the president's attention only to the extent that there is an independent social movement that can bring political pressure to bear. The chapter goes on to discuss three occasions in U.S. history that stand out as historical moments when African Americans, independently organized and mobilized and with militant, progressive leadership, made successful interventions with U.S. presidents that resulted in major civil rights gains, and sometimes economic and political gains: Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation; Franklin Roosevelt and Executive Order 8802; and the Kennedy–Johnson administration and civil rights legislation.
Judith N. McArthur and Orville Vernon Burton
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195093124
- eISBN:
- 9780199853915
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195093124.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter presents Griffin's wartime letters to his wife Leila dated from December 1, 1864 to February 27, 1865. These letters are about Griffin's first fear of invasion because while the Union ...
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This chapter presents Griffin's wartime letters to his wife Leila dated from December 1, 1864 to February 27, 1865. These letters are about Griffin's first fear of invasion because while the Union forces threatened from without, the home front also had enemies from within which include Confederate deserters. Griffin was appointed colonel of the First South Carolina Militia and his letters were filled with nationalism and patriotism. He was also concerned about his slaves because the Union army were already enforcing the Emancipation Proclamation.Less
This chapter presents Griffin's wartime letters to his wife Leila dated from December 1, 1864 to February 27, 1865. These letters are about Griffin's first fear of invasion because while the Union forces threatened from without, the home front also had enemies from within which include Confederate deserters. Griffin was appointed colonel of the First South Carolina Militia and his letters were filled with nationalism and patriotism. He was also concerned about his slaves because the Union army were already enforcing the Emancipation Proclamation.
Louis P. Masur (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195098372
- eISBN:
- 9780199853908
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195098372.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Harriet Beecher Stowe, at age twenty-one, moved with her family from Hartford to Cincinnati, where her father headed Lane Theological Seminary and where she met her husband, Calvin Ellis Stowe. It ...
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Harriet Beecher Stowe, at age twenty-one, moved with her family from Hartford to Cincinnati, where her father headed Lane Theological Seminary and where she met her husband, Calvin Ellis Stowe. It was here that she became interested in the public questions of the day, especially abolition. She later published, in 1852, Uncle Tom's Cabin; or, Life among the Lowly became, next to the Bible, the best-selling book of the century. In 1853, she received a document from the women of Great Britain and Ireland, some half-million of them, imploring their sisters in America to devote themselves to the destruction of slavery. The address remained unanswered, until the British themselves disgusted Stowe and other Unionists with their tacit support of the Confederacy, until Abraham Lincoln gave assurances that the Emancipation Proclamation would indeed be issued on the first of January.Less
Harriet Beecher Stowe, at age twenty-one, moved with her family from Hartford to Cincinnati, where her father headed Lane Theological Seminary and where she met her husband, Calvin Ellis Stowe. It was here that she became interested in the public questions of the day, especially abolition. She later published, in 1852, Uncle Tom's Cabin; or, Life among the Lowly became, next to the Bible, the best-selling book of the century. In 1853, she received a document from the women of Great Britain and Ireland, some half-million of them, imploring their sisters in America to devote themselves to the destruction of slavery. The address remained unanswered, until the British themselves disgusted Stowe and other Unionists with their tacit support of the Confederacy, until Abraham Lincoln gave assurances that the Emancipation Proclamation would indeed be issued on the first of January.
David Brion Davis
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195089110
- eISBN:
- 9780199853830
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195089110.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The Emancipation Proclamation by Lincoln was a historic moment for men and women alike who continued to experience new forms of bondage and oppression. Martin Luther King's rhetoric at the Lincoln ...
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The Emancipation Proclamation by Lincoln was a historic moment for men and women alike who continued to experience new forms of bondage and oppression. Martin Luther King's rhetoric at the Lincoln Memorial highlights the curious fact that Americans have customarily honored the abolition of slavery as a glorious moment of national rebirth and in the next breath have acknowledged that emancipation was in many ways a failure. The chapter argues that “manumission” was only a voluntary speech act that annihilated a status without altering the status quo. Therefore, the ritual of “national rebirth” merely legitimated a new relationship that had already evolved. For example, over half the manumissions in Maryland were delayed until an adult had worked for a specified number of years or until a child had reached the age of thirty.Less
The Emancipation Proclamation by Lincoln was a historic moment for men and women alike who continued to experience new forms of bondage and oppression. Martin Luther King's rhetoric at the Lincoln Memorial highlights the curious fact that Americans have customarily honored the abolition of slavery as a glorious moment of national rebirth and in the next breath have acknowledged that emancipation was in many ways a failure. The chapter argues that “manumission” was only a voluntary speech act that annihilated a status without altering the status quo. Therefore, the ritual of “national rebirth” merely legitimated a new relationship that had already evolved. For example, over half the manumissions in Maryland were delayed until an adult had worked for a specified number of years or until a child had reached the age of thirty.
Arthur M. Jr. Schlesinger
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195089110
- eISBN:
- 9780199853830
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195089110.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter gives a striking account of two American presidents who confronted national emergencies that demanded bold and preemptive action—Lincoln and Roosevelt. The chapter describes them as ...
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This chapter gives a striking account of two American presidents who confronted national emergencies that demanded bold and preemptive action—Lincoln and Roosevelt. The chapter describes them as mysterious, crafty, and ruthless as politicians, discussing significantly their policies at handling war-making power and internal security. Lincoln's involvement in the war was huge and he chose to act independently of the Congress. He exaggerated the threat to national security but the stakes were high as in the case of a foreign war in Roosevelt's time. Franklin Roosevelt's emergency was different in form but he was completely mindful of Congress. Amidst an utterly divided Congress, he pushed toward enacting the Lend-Lease bill that would align the United States in the most unequivocal manner with Britain in its war against the Axis states.Less
This chapter gives a striking account of two American presidents who confronted national emergencies that demanded bold and preemptive action—Lincoln and Roosevelt. The chapter describes them as mysterious, crafty, and ruthless as politicians, discussing significantly their policies at handling war-making power and internal security. Lincoln's involvement in the war was huge and he chose to act independently of the Congress. He exaggerated the threat to national security but the stakes were high as in the case of a foreign war in Roosevelt's time. Franklin Roosevelt's emergency was different in form but he was completely mindful of Congress. Amidst an utterly divided Congress, he pushed toward enacting the Lend-Lease bill that would align the United States in the most unequivocal manner with Britain in its war against the Axis states.
Christy Clark-Pujara
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781479870424
- eISBN:
- 9781479822898
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479870424.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This book is about slavery, emancipation, and black freedom in the North, and Rhode Island in particular. It uses an economic lens to explore the ways the business begets experience, specifically ...
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This book is about slavery, emancipation, and black freedom in the North, and Rhode Island in particular. It uses an economic lens to explore the ways the business begets experience, specifically investigating how the business of slavery (economic activity that was directly related to the maintenance of the slaveholding in the Americas such as the buying and selling of people, food, and goods) shaped the establishment and growth of life-long inheritable bondage in the North. Moreover, it explores how those businesses affected the process of emancipation, and black freedom. Like their northern neighbors, Rhode Islanders invested in the business of slavery; however, nowhere was this business more important. During the colonial period, West Indian planters provided Rhode Islanders with molasses the key ingredient for their number one export—rum. Moreover, more than sixty percent of all the slave ships that left North America left from Rhode Island. In the antebellum era, Rhode Islanders were also the leading producers of “negro cloth,” a coarse wool-cotton material made especially for enslaved blacks in the American South. This book argues that business of slavery encouraged slaveholding, slowed emancipation and led to circumscribed black freedom; nevertheless, enslaved and free black people pushed back against their bondage and the restrictions placed on their freedom.Less
This book is about slavery, emancipation, and black freedom in the North, and Rhode Island in particular. It uses an economic lens to explore the ways the business begets experience, specifically investigating how the business of slavery (economic activity that was directly related to the maintenance of the slaveholding in the Americas such as the buying and selling of people, food, and goods) shaped the establishment and growth of life-long inheritable bondage in the North. Moreover, it explores how those businesses affected the process of emancipation, and black freedom. Like their northern neighbors, Rhode Islanders invested in the business of slavery; however, nowhere was this business more important. During the colonial period, West Indian planters provided Rhode Islanders with molasses the key ingredient for their number one export—rum. Moreover, more than sixty percent of all the slave ships that left North America left from Rhode Island. In the antebellum era, Rhode Islanders were also the leading producers of “negro cloth,” a coarse wool-cotton material made especially for enslaved blacks in the American South. This book argues that business of slavery encouraged slaveholding, slowed emancipation and led to circumscribed black freedom; nevertheless, enslaved and free black people pushed back against their bondage and the restrictions placed on their freedom.
Joan D. Hedrick
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195096392
- eISBN:
- 9780199854288
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195096392.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
A two-part series written by Harriet Beecher Stowe wrote for the New-York Evangelist, the following winter at Catharine Beecher's urging, demonstrates the extent to which she had taken up the Beecher ...
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A two-part series written by Harriet Beecher Stowe wrote for the New-York Evangelist, the following winter at Catharine Beecher's urging, demonstrates the extent to which she had taken up the Beecher family causes, with all their associated provincialisms and nativistic assumptions. This series was a plea for Protestant education in the West to counter the well organized efforts of the Jesuits and the Roman Catholic nuns. At the same time, Stowe's understanding of the Bible as a literary as well as a religious resource provided the groundwork for a national literature. In true Protestant style, she viewed the Bible as a book of the people. In an essay in the New-York Evangelist she went even further, characterizing the Bible in a homely way that made it the apotheosis of parlor literature. A sketch entitled “Immediate Emancipation,” published in January 1845, also shows her moving in with deftness on the dialect, moral principles, and plot that would bring her international fame.Less
A two-part series written by Harriet Beecher Stowe wrote for the New-York Evangelist, the following winter at Catharine Beecher's urging, demonstrates the extent to which she had taken up the Beecher family causes, with all their associated provincialisms and nativistic assumptions. This series was a plea for Protestant education in the West to counter the well organized efforts of the Jesuits and the Roman Catholic nuns. At the same time, Stowe's understanding of the Bible as a literary as well as a religious resource provided the groundwork for a national literature. In true Protestant style, she viewed the Bible as a book of the people. In an essay in the New-York Evangelist she went even further, characterizing the Bible in a homely way that made it the apotheosis of parlor literature. A sketch entitled “Immediate Emancipation,” published in January 1845, also shows her moving in with deftness on the dialect, moral principles, and plot that would bring her international fame.
Eric Foner
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263242
- eISBN:
- 9780191734014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263242.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This lecture discusses the evolution of Abraham Lincoln's views on slavery and race. It looks at his eventual role as the Great Emancipator, which was given to him in light of the events of the Civil ...
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This lecture discusses the evolution of Abraham Lincoln's views on slavery and race. It looks at his eventual role as the Great Emancipator, which was given to him in light of the events of the Civil War. During the War Lincoln accepted the idea of ‘colonizing’ former slaves and developed concrete policies regarding slavery. Even before and after the War Lincoln made steps to improve the situation of slaves in America. The Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 is discussed in the lecture as well.Less
This lecture discusses the evolution of Abraham Lincoln's views on slavery and race. It looks at his eventual role as the Great Emancipator, which was given to him in light of the events of the Civil War. During the War Lincoln accepted the idea of ‘colonizing’ former slaves and developed concrete policies regarding slavery. Even before and after the War Lincoln made steps to improve the situation of slaves in America. The Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 is discussed in the lecture as well.
John Wolffe
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201991
- eISBN:
- 9780191675119
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201991.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Religion
This chapter examines the history and origins of anti-Catholicism in Great Britain during the period from 1829 to 1860. It suggests that history of anti-Catholicism can be traced to the decision of ...
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This chapter examines the history and origins of anti-Catholicism in Great Britain during the period from 1829 to 1860. It suggests that history of anti-Catholicism can be traced to the decision of George IV to give his assent to Catholic Emancipation in April 1829. Just two years after Emancipation, Catholic writers started to complain about the polemical onslaught which was being waged against the faith, on platforms and in the press, associated with the gross misrepresentation of Catholic practices and principles. The effect of the Emancipation is comparable to the Gordon Riots which happened fifty years earlier.Less
This chapter examines the history and origins of anti-Catholicism in Great Britain during the period from 1829 to 1860. It suggests that history of anti-Catholicism can be traced to the decision of George IV to give his assent to Catholic Emancipation in April 1829. Just two years after Emancipation, Catholic writers started to complain about the polemical onslaught which was being waged against the faith, on platforms and in the press, associated with the gross misrepresentation of Catholic practices and principles. The effect of the Emancipation is comparable to the Gordon Riots which happened fifty years earlier.
