Kristopher A. Teters
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469638867
- eISBN:
- 9781469638881
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638867.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
During the first fifteen months of the Civil War, the policies and attitudes of Union officers toward emancipation in the western theater were, at best, inconsistent and fraught with internal ...
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During the first fifteen months of the Civil War, the policies and attitudes of Union officers toward emancipation in the western theater were, at best, inconsistent and fraught with internal strains. But after Congress passed the Second Confiscation Act in 1862, army policy became mostly consistent in its support of liberating the slaves in general, in spite of Union army officers' differences of opinion. By 1863 and the final Emancipation Proclamation, the army had transformed into the key force for instituting emancipation in the West. However, Kristopher Teters argues that the guiding principles behind this development in attitudes and policy were a result of military necessity and pragmatic strategies, rather than an effort to enact racial equality. Through extensive research in the letters and diaries of western Union officers, Teters demonstrates how practical considerations drove both the attitudes and policies of Union officers regarding emancipation. Officers primarily embraced emancipation and the use of black soldiers because they believed both policies would help them win the war and save the Union, but their views on race actually changed very little. In the end, however, despite its practical bent, Teters argues, the Union army was instrumental in bringing freedom to the slaves.Less
During the first fifteen months of the Civil War, the policies and attitudes of Union officers toward emancipation in the western theater were, at best, inconsistent and fraught with internal strains. But after Congress passed the Second Confiscation Act in 1862, army policy became mostly consistent in its support of liberating the slaves in general, in spite of Union army officers' differences of opinion. By 1863 and the final Emancipation Proclamation, the army had transformed into the key force for instituting emancipation in the West. However, Kristopher Teters argues that the guiding principles behind this development in attitudes and policy were a result of military necessity and pragmatic strategies, rather than an effort to enact racial equality. Through extensive research in the letters and diaries of western Union officers, Teters demonstrates how practical considerations drove both the attitudes and policies of Union officers regarding emancipation. Officers primarily embraced emancipation and the use of black soldiers because they believed both policies would help them win the war and save the Union, but their views on race actually changed very little. In the end, however, despite its practical bent, Teters argues, the Union army was instrumental in bringing freedom to the slaves.
Burrus M. Carnahan
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124636
- eISBN:
- 9780813134871
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124636.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter discusses briefly Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation. It looks at some questions that will be answered in the following chapters, and looks at the consequences of ...
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This chapter discusses briefly Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation. It looks at some questions that will be answered in the following chapters, and looks at the consequences of Lincoln's decision to rely on the law of war as a source of executive power. It further notes the irony that the same legal theory that has deprived hundreds of Guantanamo prisoners their freedom was the same theory used by Abraham Lincoln to free thousands of enslaved Americans.Less
This chapter discusses briefly Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation. It looks at some questions that will be answered in the following chapters, and looks at the consequences of Lincoln's decision to rely on the law of war as a source of executive power. It further notes the irony that the same legal theory that has deprived hundreds of Guantanamo prisoners their freedom was the same theory used by Abraham Lincoln to free thousands of enslaved Americans.
Sean A. Scott
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195395990
- eISBN:
- 9780199866557
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395990.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, History of Religion
Many religious Northerners believed that God demonstrated his care for his chosen people by chastening them when they had sinned and disobeyed his laws. Slavery was one of those national sins, and ...
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Many religious Northerners believed that God demonstrated his care for his chosen people by chastening them when they had sinned and disobeyed his laws. Slavery was one of those national sins, and devout civilians often asserted that God intended the war to destroy the peculiar institution. By the second year of war, many observers claimed that victories had been few because the government had failed to act decisively against slavery. President Lincoln, however, had determined to settle the matter by issuing the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. In contrast to most religious Northerners, he did not presume to know the mind of God but sounded a note of humble uncertainty regarding the Divine Will. The politicization of the pulpit continued as ministers promoted the war and claimed that God would preserve the Union, but some church members expressed concern that political interests had detracted from genuine spiritual vitality.Less
Many religious Northerners believed that God demonstrated his care for his chosen people by chastening them when they had sinned and disobeyed his laws. Slavery was one of those national sins, and devout civilians often asserted that God intended the war to destroy the peculiar institution. By the second year of war, many observers claimed that victories had been few because the government had failed to act decisively against slavery. President Lincoln, however, had determined to settle the matter by issuing the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. In contrast to most religious Northerners, he did not presume to know the mind of God but sounded a note of humble uncertainty regarding the Divine Will. The politicization of the pulpit continued as ministers promoted the war and claimed that God would preserve the Union, but some church members expressed concern that political interests had detracted from genuine spiritual vitality.
Patrick A. Lewis
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813160795
- eISBN:
- 9780813165509
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160795.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Through a biography of Kentucky lawyer, soldier, and politician Benjamin F. Buckner (1836–1901), this book reorients the narrative of Civil War–era Kentucky around the experience of conservative ...
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Through a biography of Kentucky lawyer, soldier, and politician Benjamin F. Buckner (1836–1901), this book reorients the narrative of Civil War–era Kentucky around the experience of conservative proslavery unionists such as Buckner who resisted secession in 1861 because they believed slavery had safer prospects in the United States than in the new Confederacy. After the Emancipation Proclamation was issued, this faith in a proslavery federal government collapsed, and Buckner, who had led Union troops in combat in 1861 and 1862, resigned from the army in April 1863. The book is built around these war years and a revealing body of personal correspondence from Buckner to his rebel fiancée, Helen Martin. Looking both forward and backward in time from Buckner’s war experience, the book uses Buckner’s life and career to reintegrate the fractured historiographies of slavery, secession, politics, war, domesticity, emancipation, Civil War memory, industrialization, and regionalism in Kentucky. The collapse of slavery provided a window of opportunity across the South for significant social change. That window was never truly opened in Kentucky ironically because of its wartime loyalty to the Union. Though they could not save slavery, Buckner and political allies leveraged their loyalty during Reconstruction to delay the advent of civil rights for African Americans, suppress those rights by paramilitary violence, and undermine the Fifteenth Amendment in a pivotal Supreme Court case. Buckner’s life shows how many of the same inequalities, conflicts, and contradictions inherent in antebellum Kentucky were consciously re-created, expanded upon, and reinforced in the latter decades of the nineteenth century.Less
Through a biography of Kentucky lawyer, soldier, and politician Benjamin F. Buckner (1836–1901), this book reorients the narrative of Civil War–era Kentucky around the experience of conservative proslavery unionists such as Buckner who resisted secession in 1861 because they believed slavery had safer prospects in the United States than in the new Confederacy. After the Emancipation Proclamation was issued, this faith in a proslavery federal government collapsed, and Buckner, who had led Union troops in combat in 1861 and 1862, resigned from the army in April 1863. The book is built around these war years and a revealing body of personal correspondence from Buckner to his rebel fiancée, Helen Martin. Looking both forward and backward in time from Buckner’s war experience, the book uses Buckner’s life and career to reintegrate the fractured historiographies of slavery, secession, politics, war, domesticity, emancipation, Civil War memory, industrialization, and regionalism in Kentucky. The collapse of slavery provided a window of opportunity across the South for significant social change. That window was never truly opened in Kentucky ironically because of its wartime loyalty to the Union. Though they could not save slavery, Buckner and political allies leveraged their loyalty during Reconstruction to delay the advent of civil rights for African Americans, suppress those rights by paramilitary violence, and undermine the Fifteenth Amendment in a pivotal Supreme Court case. Buckner’s life shows how many of the same inequalities, conflicts, and contradictions inherent in antebellum Kentucky were consciously re-created, expanded upon, and reinforced in the latter decades of the nineteenth century.
Robert Tracy McKenzie
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195182941
- eISBN:
- 9780199788897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195182941.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter spans the period from the onset of Union occupation of Knoxville until March 1865. It focuses on two themes, the range of responses among Confederate civilians to Federal military ...
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This chapter spans the period from the onset of Union occupation of Knoxville until March 1865. It focuses on two themes, the range of responses among Confederate civilians to Federal military occupation, and the growing schism among local Unionists over emancipation. Abraham Lincoln did not include Tennessee in the Emancipation Proclamation, but by early 1864 it was clear that the presence of Union troops was promoting the collapse of the institution nonetheless. A minority of Unionists labored to preserve slavery and forge an alliance with northern Democrats who were similarly objecting to the Republican emancipation policies. The majority, however, came to accept the end of slavery as an inevitable product of the war and endorsed emancipation as a justifiable response to treason. The chapter closes with local Unionists' overwhelming endorsement of a state referendum abolishing slavery in February 1865, only two months before the conclusion of the war.Less
This chapter spans the period from the onset of Union occupation of Knoxville until March 1865. It focuses on two themes, the range of responses among Confederate civilians to Federal military occupation, and the growing schism among local Unionists over emancipation. Abraham Lincoln did not include Tennessee in the Emancipation Proclamation, but by early 1864 it was clear that the presence of Union troops was promoting the collapse of the institution nonetheless. A minority of Unionists labored to preserve slavery and forge an alliance with northern Democrats who were similarly objecting to the Republican emancipation policies. The majority, however, came to accept the end of slavery as an inevitable product of the war and endorsed emancipation as a justifiable response to treason. The chapter closes with local Unionists' overwhelming endorsement of a state referendum abolishing slavery in February 1865, only two months before the conclusion of the war.
Chris Gilligan
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780719086526
- eISBN:
- 9781526128621
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719086526.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This book makes a contribution to the discussion on the crisis of anti-racism and the need to rethink anti-racism. The author argues that rethinking anti-racism necessitates clearing up some ...
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This book makes a contribution to the discussion on the crisis of anti-racism and the need to rethink anti-racism. The author argues that rethinking anti-racism necessitates clearing up some important confusions regarding racism and anti-racism. The author argues that capitalism creates the conditions for both racism and anti-racism. The author argues that anti-racism and racism express the contradiction between the ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity on the one hand and the reality of restrictions on human freedom, inequality and ‘racial’ division on the other. The book illustrates the argument through an in depth analysis of racisms (and anti-racisms) in Northern Ireland. The book places the development of anti-racism in the region in the wider context of the development of anti-racism globally and in the UK. The author argues that the failure to include Northern Ireland in broader discussions about racisms in the UK has had a detrimental impact on emancipatory anti-racism in the UK. The author argues that rethinking anti-racism needs to involve an examination of the whole of the UK, not just the UK minus Northern Ireland.Less
This book makes a contribution to the discussion on the crisis of anti-racism and the need to rethink anti-racism. The author argues that rethinking anti-racism necessitates clearing up some important confusions regarding racism and anti-racism. The author argues that capitalism creates the conditions for both racism and anti-racism. The author argues that anti-racism and racism express the contradiction between the ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity on the one hand and the reality of restrictions on human freedom, inequality and ‘racial’ division on the other. The book illustrates the argument through an in depth analysis of racisms (and anti-racisms) in Northern Ireland. The book places the development of anti-racism in the region in the wider context of the development of anti-racism globally and in the UK. The author argues that the failure to include Northern Ireland in broader discussions about racisms in the UK has had a detrimental impact on emancipatory anti-racism in the UK. The author argues that rethinking anti-racism needs to involve an examination of the whole of the UK, not just the UK minus Northern Ireland.
James E. Crimmins
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198277415
- eISBN:
- 9780191684173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277415.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter begins with a discussion of Bentham's case against oaths. It then looks at Church-of-Englandism as it was planned by Bentham in 1812 and its goal to aid the cause of Catholic ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of Bentham's case against oaths. It then looks at Church-of-Englandism as it was planned by Bentham in 1812 and its goal to aid the cause of Catholic Emancipation and his rejection of the belief that there should be punishment for the supposed crime of blasphemy.Less
This chapter begins with a discussion of Bentham's case against oaths. It then looks at Church-of-Englandism as it was planned by Bentham in 1812 and its goal to aid the cause of Catholic Emancipation and his rejection of the belief that there should be punishment for the supposed crime of blasphemy.
Christy Clark-Pujara
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781479870424
- eISBN:
- 9781479822898
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479870424.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This book is about slavery, emancipation, and black freedom in the North, and Rhode Island in particular. It uses an economic lens to explore the ways the business begets experience, specifically ...
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This book is about slavery, emancipation, and black freedom in the North, and Rhode Island in particular. It uses an economic lens to explore the ways the business begets experience, specifically investigating how the business of slavery (economic activity that was directly related to the maintenance of the slaveholding in the Americas such as the buying and selling of people, food, and goods) shaped the establishment and growth of life-long inheritable bondage in the North. Moreover, it explores how those businesses affected the process of emancipation, and black freedom. Like their northern neighbors, Rhode Islanders invested in the business of slavery; however, nowhere was this business more important. During the colonial period, West Indian planters provided Rhode Islanders with molasses the key ingredient for their number one export—rum. Moreover, more than sixty percent of all the slave ships that left North America left from Rhode Island. In the antebellum era, Rhode Islanders were also the leading producers of “negro cloth,” a coarse wool-cotton material made especially for enslaved blacks in the American South. This book argues that business of slavery encouraged slaveholding, slowed emancipation and led to circumscribed black freedom; nevertheless, enslaved and free black people pushed back against their bondage and the restrictions placed on their freedom.Less
This book is about slavery, emancipation, and black freedom in the North, and Rhode Island in particular. It uses an economic lens to explore the ways the business begets experience, specifically investigating how the business of slavery (economic activity that was directly related to the maintenance of the slaveholding in the Americas such as the buying and selling of people, food, and goods) shaped the establishment and growth of life-long inheritable bondage in the North. Moreover, it explores how those businesses affected the process of emancipation, and black freedom. Like their northern neighbors, Rhode Islanders invested in the business of slavery; however, nowhere was this business more important. During the colonial period, West Indian planters provided Rhode Islanders with molasses the key ingredient for their number one export—rum. Moreover, more than sixty percent of all the slave ships that left North America left from Rhode Island. In the antebellum era, Rhode Islanders were also the leading producers of “negro cloth,” a coarse wool-cotton material made especially for enslaved blacks in the American South. This book argues that business of slavery encouraged slaveholding, slowed emancipation and led to circumscribed black freedom; nevertheless, enslaved and free black people pushed back against their bondage and the restrictions placed on their freedom.
Eric Foner
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263242
- eISBN:
- 9780191734014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263242.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This lecture discusses the evolution of Abraham Lincoln's views on slavery and race. It looks at his eventual role as the Great Emancipator, which was given to him in light of the events of the Civil ...
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This lecture discusses the evolution of Abraham Lincoln's views on slavery and race. It looks at his eventual role as the Great Emancipator, which was given to him in light of the events of the Civil War. During the War Lincoln accepted the idea of ‘colonizing’ former slaves and developed concrete policies regarding slavery. Even before and after the War Lincoln made steps to improve the situation of slaves in America. The Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 is discussed in the lecture as well.Less
This lecture discusses the evolution of Abraham Lincoln's views on slavery and race. It looks at his eventual role as the Great Emancipator, which was given to him in light of the events of the Civil War. During the War Lincoln accepted the idea of ‘colonizing’ former slaves and developed concrete policies regarding slavery. Even before and after the War Lincoln made steps to improve the situation of slaves in America. The Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 is discussed in the lecture as well.
Robert L. Allen
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036453
- eISBN:
- 9780252093487
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036453.003.0019
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter argues that African Americans, despite being critical to Obama's election, will not get specific attention to issues of discrimination and equity unless they unite in a social movement ...
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This chapter argues that African Americans, despite being critical to Obama's election, will not get specific attention to issues of discrimination and equity unless they unite in a social movement that compels the president and Congress to take up these issues. Whether Obama is avoiding “race” issues from a desire not to alienate white voters or he is motivated by commitment to a “colorblind” approach to policy, African Americans will get the president's attention only to the extent that there is an independent social movement that can bring political pressure to bear. The chapter goes on to discuss three occasions in U.S. history that stand out as historical moments when African Americans, independently organized and mobilized and with militant, progressive leadership, made successful interventions with U.S. presidents that resulted in major civil rights gains, and sometimes economic and political gains: Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation; Franklin Roosevelt and Executive Order 8802; and the Kennedy–Johnson administration and civil rights legislation.Less
This chapter argues that African Americans, despite being critical to Obama's election, will not get specific attention to issues of discrimination and equity unless they unite in a social movement that compels the president and Congress to take up these issues. Whether Obama is avoiding “race” issues from a desire not to alienate white voters or he is motivated by commitment to a “colorblind” approach to policy, African Americans will get the president's attention only to the extent that there is an independent social movement that can bring political pressure to bear. The chapter goes on to discuss three occasions in U.S. history that stand out as historical moments when African Americans, independently organized and mobilized and with militant, progressive leadership, made successful interventions with U.S. presidents that resulted in major civil rights gains, and sometimes economic and political gains: Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation; Franklin Roosevelt and Executive Order 8802; and the Kennedy–Johnson administration and civil rights legislation.
Kristopher A. Teters
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469638867
- eISBN:
- 9781469638881
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638867.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Military History
During the second half of 1862, most Union officers in the West adopted more emancipationist policies. They routinely confiscated the slaves of rebels and employed many of them as scouts, spies, ...
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During the second half of 1862, most Union officers in the West adopted more emancipationist policies. They routinely confiscated the slaves of rebels and employed many of them as scouts, spies, laborers, cooks, etc. This became the predominant policy across the several armies operating in the West. Official policy not only authorized confiscation but also made the practice more uniform. In July of 1862, Congress passed the Second Confiscation Act, which allowed for the seizure of any slaves belonging to rebels. At the same time, army commanders such as Samuel Curtis and Benjamin Butler began to realize how slaves could serve the Union army and the military necessity of taking them away from rebels, and developed pro-emancipationist policies and attitudes as a result. Though some radical officers, like John Phelps, were on a mission to eliminate slavery, Butler and many others were simply hard-nosed realists who shifted towards emancipationist policies out of military necessity. There remained conflict over the status of fugitive and confiscated states, mainly in border states like Kentucky and Missouri. Yet on the whole, by the end of 1862, Union armies were much more consistent and emancipationist in their policies.Less
During the second half of 1862, most Union officers in the West adopted more emancipationist policies. They routinely confiscated the slaves of rebels and employed many of them as scouts, spies, laborers, cooks, etc. This became the predominant policy across the several armies operating in the West. Official policy not only authorized confiscation but also made the practice more uniform. In July of 1862, Congress passed the Second Confiscation Act, which allowed for the seizure of any slaves belonging to rebels. At the same time, army commanders such as Samuel Curtis and Benjamin Butler began to realize how slaves could serve the Union army and the military necessity of taking them away from rebels, and developed pro-emancipationist policies and attitudes as a result. Though some radical officers, like John Phelps, were on a mission to eliminate slavery, Butler and many others were simply hard-nosed realists who shifted towards emancipationist policies out of military necessity. There remained conflict over the status of fugitive and confiscated states, mainly in border states like Kentucky and Missouri. Yet on the whole, by the end of 1862, Union armies were much more consistent and emancipationist in their policies.
Paul C. Gutjahr
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199740420
- eISBN:
- 9780199894703
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199740420.003.0051
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Chapter fifty-one examines Hodge’s growing animosity toward slavery. While his biblical position on slavery never changed, he became convinced during the Civil War that slavery as it was practiced in ...
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Chapter fifty-one examines Hodge’s growing animosity toward slavery. While his biblical position on slavery never changed, he became convinced during the Civil War that slavery as it was practiced in the South with its high racial component was a great evil. He stood against polygenism. Through a series of important Repertory articles on the War, Hodge showed his support for Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation, his complete commitment to monogenism and his aversion to England coming to the aid of the South.Less
Chapter fifty-one examines Hodge’s growing animosity toward slavery. While his biblical position on slavery never changed, he became convinced during the Civil War that slavery as it was practiced in the South with its high racial component was a great evil. He stood against polygenism. Through a series of important Repertory articles on the War, Hodge showed his support for Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation, his complete commitment to monogenism and his aversion to England coming to the aid of the South.
Paul C. Gutjahr
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199740420
- eISBN:
- 9780199894703
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199740420.003.0052
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Chapter fifty-two discusses at length Hodge’s sympathetic views of Lincoln. Lincoln’s death came a severe blow to Hodge, who considered the martyred President as one of America’s greatest men. He ...
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Chapter fifty-two discusses at length Hodge’s sympathetic views of Lincoln. Lincoln’s death came a severe blow to Hodge, who considered the martyred President as one of America’s greatest men. He published his “President Lincoln” article in the Repertory as an attempt to make sense of God’s providence in Lincoln’s assassination. After the end of the War, Hodge wished to see the Old School Presbyterians from North and South reunited, but such a reunion was doomed to failure. Hodge was also criticized for his commitment to gradual emancipation, and once again defended his biblical position on slavery even after the end of the War.Less
Chapter fifty-two discusses at length Hodge’s sympathetic views of Lincoln. Lincoln’s death came a severe blow to Hodge, who considered the martyred President as one of America’s greatest men. He published his “President Lincoln” article in the Repertory as an attempt to make sense of God’s providence in Lincoln’s assassination. After the end of the War, Hodge wished to see the Old School Presbyterians from North and South reunited, but such a reunion was doomed to failure. Hodge was also criticized for his commitment to gradual emancipation, and once again defended his biblical position on slavery even after the end of the War.
Andrew Billingsley
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195161793
- eISBN:
- 9780199849512
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195161793.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter discusses the contribution of General William T. Sherman to the black church. Gen. Sherman's brilliant and bloody march through Georgia and the Carolinas during the fall and winter of ...
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This chapter discusses the contribution of General William T. Sherman to the black church. Gen. Sherman's brilliant and bloody march through Georgia and the Carolinas during the fall and winter of 1864–65 profoundly affected the black community and the black church. Just as profoundly did the black people and their church affect the success of Sherman's mission. After Sherman's conquest, the Zion Baptist Church would become separate and free, and Brother Ephraim would lead this independent church into the early years of freedom. The quest of Gen. Sherman from Atlanta to Savannah is described. Twenty black religious leaders were the special guests of the general. They were summoned to help the general and President Lincoln on how to implement the Emancipation Proclamation. After six weeks in Savannah, Sherman left the city for his campaign through the Carolinas.Less
This chapter discusses the contribution of General William T. Sherman to the black church. Gen. Sherman's brilliant and bloody march through Georgia and the Carolinas during the fall and winter of 1864–65 profoundly affected the black community and the black church. Just as profoundly did the black people and their church affect the success of Sherman's mission. After Sherman's conquest, the Zion Baptist Church would become separate and free, and Brother Ephraim would lead this independent church into the early years of freedom. The quest of Gen. Sherman from Atlanta to Savannah is described. Twenty black religious leaders were the special guests of the general. They were summoned to help the general and President Lincoln on how to implement the Emancipation Proclamation. After six weeks in Savannah, Sherman left the city for his campaign through the Carolinas.
W.J. Mc Cormack
- Published in print:
- 1985
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198128069
- eISBN:
- 9780191671630
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198128069.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
This chapter discusses some of the stages of the evolution of the 1770s neologism into the timeless language of Augustan elitism. In this chapter, several critical literatures, writings, and essays ...
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This chapter discusses some of the stages of the evolution of the 1770s neologism into the timeless language of Augustan elitism. In this chapter, several critical literatures, writings, and essays to the Protestant Ascendancy, system of land tenure, the Emancipation Period, and the Irish Church are discussed. Among the literary products discussed here are the works of Tresham Dames Gregg, Sir William Scott, and Le Fanu. In addition, several critical essays and novels are mentioned.Less
This chapter discusses some of the stages of the evolution of the 1770s neologism into the timeless language of Augustan elitism. In this chapter, several critical literatures, writings, and essays to the Protestant Ascendancy, system of land tenure, the Emancipation Period, and the Irish Church are discussed. Among the literary products discussed here are the works of Tresham Dames Gregg, Sir William Scott, and Le Fanu. In addition, several critical essays and novels are mentioned.
Randall M. Miller (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823243440
- eISBN:
- 9780823243488
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823243440.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This book of original essays on “Lincoln and Leadership,” by leading Lincoln and Civil War scholars, explores Lincoln’s understandings and uses of leadership during the Civil War. The essays focus ...
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This book of original essays on “Lincoln and Leadership,” by leading Lincoln and Civil War scholars, explores Lincoln’s understandings and uses of leadership during the Civil War. The essays focus especially on Lincoln as Commander in Chief and war president, as party leader, and as moral guide by looking at his talents and practices in decision-making in critical moments of his presidency. They assess the myths of Lincoln by examining his ability to understand and direct military strategy, communicate with military men, shape public opinion, manage party affairs, move himself and the nation toward emancipation as policy and then as fact, accept the use of black troops, grapple with the moral and religious meaning of the war, empathize with the sufferings of his people, and explain the purpose of the war to the nation and posterity. They emphasize Lincoln’s ability to establish priorities, most especially the preservation of the Union and democratic government at all costs and the realization of the promise of freedom embodied in the Declaration of Independence, which gave Lincoln a unity of purpose and clarity that informed and emboldened his leadership, while they also show Lincoln’s flexibility as to means, which gave Lincoln the flexibility to adapt to changing circumstances, deal with contending interests, and gain support for his policies.Less
This book of original essays on “Lincoln and Leadership,” by leading Lincoln and Civil War scholars, explores Lincoln’s understandings and uses of leadership during the Civil War. The essays focus especially on Lincoln as Commander in Chief and war president, as party leader, and as moral guide by looking at his talents and practices in decision-making in critical moments of his presidency. They assess the myths of Lincoln by examining his ability to understand and direct military strategy, communicate with military men, shape public opinion, manage party affairs, move himself and the nation toward emancipation as policy and then as fact, accept the use of black troops, grapple with the moral and religious meaning of the war, empathize with the sufferings of his people, and explain the purpose of the war to the nation and posterity. They emphasize Lincoln’s ability to establish priorities, most especially the preservation of the Union and democratic government at all costs and the realization of the promise of freedom embodied in the Declaration of Independence, which gave Lincoln a unity of purpose and clarity that informed and emboldened his leadership, while they also show Lincoln’s flexibility as to means, which gave Lincoln the flexibility to adapt to changing circumstances, deal with contending interests, and gain support for his policies.
Stewart J. Brown
- Published in print:
- 1983
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780192131140
- eISBN:
- 9780191670039
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780192131140.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity, Church History
Chalmers went to England to see if his St. John system would work in the Church of England. Unfortunately it did not. This chapter relates Chalmers's views on the Kennedy Bill and his activities at ...
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Chalmers went to England to see if his St. John system would work in the Church of England. Unfortunately it did not. This chapter relates Chalmers's views on the Kennedy Bill and his activities at St. Andrews University. His renewed influence with the General Assembly resulted largely from the revival of the plurality issue. Chalmers's greatest oratorical moment was his speech on the Emancipation of Catholics. After Andrew Thomson died of a heart attack, Chalmers became the likely successor to the leadership of the Evangelical Party. The affair of the Ecclesiastical History chair had contributed to Chalmers's estrangement from the Whig Government. It raised serious doubts about Chalmers's capacity to take up Thomson's fallen mantle. In thwarting John Lee's appointment and in applying pressure upon David Aitken, he showed a domineering manner, devoid of consideration.Less
Chalmers went to England to see if his St. John system would work in the Church of England. Unfortunately it did not. This chapter relates Chalmers's views on the Kennedy Bill and his activities at St. Andrews University. His renewed influence with the General Assembly resulted largely from the revival of the plurality issue. Chalmers's greatest oratorical moment was his speech on the Emancipation of Catholics. After Andrew Thomson died of a heart attack, Chalmers became the likely successor to the leadership of the Evangelical Party. The affair of the Ecclesiastical History chair had contributed to Chalmers's estrangement from the Whig Government. It raised serious doubts about Chalmers's capacity to take up Thomson's fallen mantle. In thwarting John Lee's appointment and in applying pressure upon David Aitken, he showed a domineering manner, devoid of consideration.
Graham Russell Gao Hodges
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813056036
- eISBN:
- 9780813053806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813056036.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter explores the extent, meaning, and impact of enslaved African-American flight during the era of the American Revolution. Its temporal boundaries range roughly from 1763, the onset of ...
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This chapter explores the extent, meaning, and impact of enslaved African-American flight during the era of the American Revolution. Its temporal boundaries range roughly from 1763, the onset of Revolutionary activities and discourses, to state-level “First Emancipation,” to the last act of Gradual Emancipation in New Jersey in 1804. Geographically, the article covers the Atlantic seaboard colonies and later states. The chapter argues that black self-emancipation via flight—including individual actions but also the mass movements of the Revolutionary Black Loyalists—was the single greatest method for enslaved people to gain freedom in this rapidly changing political landscape. Slave flight indeed had a profound impact on that landscape and affected American construction of slave laws during the Revolutionary Era.Less
This chapter explores the extent, meaning, and impact of enslaved African-American flight during the era of the American Revolution. Its temporal boundaries range roughly from 1763, the onset of Revolutionary activities and discourses, to state-level “First Emancipation,” to the last act of Gradual Emancipation in New Jersey in 1804. Geographically, the article covers the Atlantic seaboard colonies and later states. The chapter argues that black self-emancipation via flight—including individual actions but also the mass movements of the Revolutionary Black Loyalists—was the single greatest method for enslaved people to gain freedom in this rapidly changing political landscape. Slave flight indeed had a profound impact on that landscape and affected American construction of slave laws during the Revolutionary Era.
James Loughlin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199583119
- eISBN:
- 9780191744822
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583119.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
The primary political division in Ulster is that between unionist and nationalist. Politically and constitutionally, the Act of Union was the great legislative landmark in Ireland between 1800 and ...
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The primary political division in Ulster is that between unionist and nationalist. Politically and constitutionally, the Act of Union was the great legislative landmark in Ireland between 1800 and 1920. In the decades after the Union there are instances of interdenominational co-operation but also of increasing political polarisation. Catholic Emancipation in 1829, the growth of nationalism, the resurgence of the Orange Order, the widely-held Protestant belief that the Union underpinned economic progress all contributed to this. This polarisation became especially obvious after Gladstone's conversion to Home Rule in 1885. The militarisation of the unionist-nationalist conflict between 1912 and 1914, and the concentration of unionists in the north-east, pointed towards partition, as did the Sinn Fein victory in the 1918 General Election. An accumulation of unaddressed nationalist grievances found effective expression in the civil rights campaign of the 1960s and gave rise to unprecedented challenges to the government of Northern Ireland.Less
The primary political division in Ulster is that between unionist and nationalist. Politically and constitutionally, the Act of Union was the great legislative landmark in Ireland between 1800 and 1920. In the decades after the Union there are instances of interdenominational co-operation but also of increasing political polarisation. Catholic Emancipation in 1829, the growth of nationalism, the resurgence of the Orange Order, the widely-held Protestant belief that the Union underpinned economic progress all contributed to this. This polarisation became especially obvious after Gladstone's conversion to Home Rule in 1885. The militarisation of the unionist-nationalist conflict between 1912 and 1914, and the concentration of unionists in the north-east, pointed towards partition, as did the Sinn Fein victory in the 1918 General Election. An accumulation of unaddressed nationalist grievances found effective expression in the civil rights campaign of the 1960s and gave rise to unprecedented challenges to the government of Northern Ireland.
Padraic X. Scanlan
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780300217445
- eISBN:
- 9780300231526
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300217445.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African History
Freedom’s Debtors is a history of the British movement to abolish the slave trade, told through the lens of the history of early colonial Sierra Leone. After the abolition of the British slave trade ...
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Freedom’s Debtors is a history of the British movement to abolish the slave trade, told through the lens of the history of early colonial Sierra Leone. After the abolition of the British slave trade in 1807, Sierra Leone became the judicial, military, and economic capital of British efforts to interdict slave ships. British antislavery, widely seen as a great sacrifice of economic and political capital on the altar of humanitarianism, was in fact profitable, militarily useful, and crucial to the expansion of British power in West Africa. The colony was closely connected to the elite leaders of the abolitionist movement in Britain, and became closely identified with their business interests. This history of the abolition of the British slave trade in Sierra Leone offers insight into how antislavery policies were used to justify colonialism and reframes a moment considered a watershed in British public morality as the beginning of morally ambiguous and exploitative colonial history. From Sierra Leone, it is easier to see British antislavery as it really was: acquisitive, devoted to coercive and gradual schemes for emancipation, militarised, and shot through with imperial ambitions.Less
Freedom’s Debtors is a history of the British movement to abolish the slave trade, told through the lens of the history of early colonial Sierra Leone. After the abolition of the British slave trade in 1807, Sierra Leone became the judicial, military, and economic capital of British efforts to interdict slave ships. British antislavery, widely seen as a great sacrifice of economic and political capital on the altar of humanitarianism, was in fact profitable, militarily useful, and crucial to the expansion of British power in West Africa. The colony was closely connected to the elite leaders of the abolitionist movement in Britain, and became closely identified with their business interests. This history of the abolition of the British slave trade in Sierra Leone offers insight into how antislavery policies were used to justify colonialism and reframes a moment considered a watershed in British public morality as the beginning of morally ambiguous and exploitative colonial history. From Sierra Leone, it is easier to see British antislavery as it really was: acquisitive, devoted to coercive and gradual schemes for emancipation, militarised, and shot through with imperial ambitions.
