Matthew Rendle
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199236251
- eISBN:
- 9780191717154
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199236251.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The Russian Revolution of 1917 has long been seen in terms of the political manoeuvrings of revolutionary politicians and the actions of lower social groups. This book argues that elite groups, ...
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The Russian Revolution of 1917 has long been seen in terms of the political manoeuvrings of revolutionary politicians and the actions of lower social groups. This book argues that elite groups, especially nobles, landowners, and officers, also played an important role. The alienation of tsarist elites from the Tsar during the First World War and their support for the new Provisional Government in February 1917 secured the initial success of the revolution. The book describes how elites engaged with revolutionary politics, serving in the government, and forming unions to promote their interests and gather wider support. These activities fostered fears of counter‐revolution among a population who saw 1917 as being for the lower social classes. These fears helped radicalize the popular mood, paving the way for Bolshevism. The book argues that, although increasingly disillusioned with events, elites were not solely counter‐revolutionary and far from united. The divisions among them that are visible prior to 1917 were exacerbated by the revolution. A poorly‐supported military revolt in August 1917 demonstrated different aspirations for the future, whilst as many served the Bolshevik regime after October 1917 as opposed it. This undermined the Whites armies' opposition to Bolshevism during Russia's civil war. Nevertheless, Bolshevik fears of ‘class enemies' were endemic, and their actions to remove them laid the foundations of the repressive soviet regime. By focusing on elites, this book helps provide a more comprehensive picture of the Russian Revolution.Less
The Russian Revolution of 1917 has long been seen in terms of the political manoeuvrings of revolutionary politicians and the actions of lower social groups. This book argues that elite groups, especially nobles, landowners, and officers, also played an important role. The alienation of tsarist elites from the Tsar during the First World War and their support for the new Provisional Government in February 1917 secured the initial success of the revolution. The book describes how elites engaged with revolutionary politics, serving in the government, and forming unions to promote their interests and gather wider support. These activities fostered fears of counter‐revolution among a population who saw 1917 as being for the lower social classes. These fears helped radicalize the popular mood, paving the way for Bolshevism. The book argues that, although increasingly disillusioned with events, elites were not solely counter‐revolutionary and far from united. The divisions among them that are visible prior to 1917 were exacerbated by the revolution. A poorly‐supported military revolt in August 1917 demonstrated different aspirations for the future, whilst as many served the Bolshevik regime after October 1917 as opposed it. This undermined the Whites armies' opposition to Bolshevism during Russia's civil war. Nevertheless, Bolshevik fears of ‘class enemies' were endemic, and their actions to remove them laid the foundations of the repressive soviet regime. By focusing on elites, this book helps provide a more comprehensive picture of the Russian Revolution.
Peter B. Evans
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789888083497
- eISBN:
- 9789882209107
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888083497.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter provides a theoretical basis for understanding the role of the state in Hong Kong's development. Using three new developments in economic theories of growth – the endogenous growth ...
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This chapter provides a theoretical basis for understanding the role of the state in Hong Kong's development. Using three new developments in economic theories of growth – the endogenous growth approach, institutional approaches, and the capability approach, it highlights the role of bureaucratic capacity and the presence of dense ties between the state and the entrepreneurial elites in shaping development. In a post-industrial era of 'bit-driven growth' centring on intangible production and the delivery of direct interpersonal services, private-sector elites become less reliable allies of government than in the previous era.Less
This chapter provides a theoretical basis for understanding the role of the state in Hong Kong's development. Using three new developments in economic theories of growth – the endogenous growth approach, institutional approaches, and the capability approach, it highlights the role of bureaucratic capacity and the presence of dense ties between the state and the entrepreneurial elites in shaping development. In a post-industrial era of 'bit-driven growth' centring on intangible production and the delivery of direct interpersonal services, private-sector elites become less reliable allies of government than in the previous era.
Clifton Hood
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780231172165
- eISBN:
- 9780231542951
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231172165.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
A history that extends from the 1750s to the present, In Pursuit of Privilege recounts upper-class New Yorkers’ struggle to create a distinct world guarded against outsiders, even as economic growth ...
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A history that extends from the 1750s to the present, In Pursuit of Privilege recounts upper-class New Yorkers’ struggle to create a distinct world guarded against outsiders, even as economic growth and democratic opportunity enabled aspirants to gain entrance. Despite their efforts, New York City’s upper class has been drawn into the larger story of the city both through class conflict and through their role in building New York’s cultural and economic foundations. In Pursuit of Privilege describes the famous and infamous characters and events at the center of this extraordinary history, from the elite families and wealthy tycoons of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries to the Wall Street executives of today. From the start, upper-class New Yorkers have been open and aggressive in their behavior, keen on attaining prestige, power, and wealth. Clifton Hood sharpens this characterization by merging a history of the New York economy in the eighteenth century with the story of Wall Street’s emergence as an international financial center in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, as well as the dominance of New York’s financial and service sectors in the 1980s. Bringing together several decades of upheaval and change, he shows that New York’s upper class did not rise exclusively from the Gilded Age but rather from a relentless pursuit of privilege, affecting not just the urban elite but the city’s entire cultural, economic, and political fabric.Less
A history that extends from the 1750s to the present, In Pursuit of Privilege recounts upper-class New Yorkers’ struggle to create a distinct world guarded against outsiders, even as economic growth and democratic opportunity enabled aspirants to gain entrance. Despite their efforts, New York City’s upper class has been drawn into the larger story of the city both through class conflict and through their role in building New York’s cultural and economic foundations. In Pursuit of Privilege describes the famous and infamous characters and events at the center of this extraordinary history, from the elite families and wealthy tycoons of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries to the Wall Street executives of today. From the start, upper-class New Yorkers have been open and aggressive in their behavior, keen on attaining prestige, power, and wealth. Clifton Hood sharpens this characterization by merging a history of the New York economy in the eighteenth century with the story of Wall Street’s emergence as an international financial center in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, as well as the dominance of New York’s financial and service sectors in the 1980s. Bringing together several decades of upheaval and change, he shows that New York’s upper class did not rise exclusively from the Gilded Age but rather from a relentless pursuit of privilege, affecting not just the urban elite but the city’s entire cultural, economic, and political fabric.
Tamara Plakins Thornton
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469626932
- eISBN:
- 9781469628110
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626932.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Nathaniel Bowditch (1773-1838) was a mathematician, astronomer, navigator, seafarer, and business executive whose Enlightenment-inspired perspectives shaped nineteenth-century capitalism while ...
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Nathaniel Bowditch (1773-1838) was a mathematician, astronomer, navigator, seafarer, and business executive whose Enlightenment-inspired perspectives shaped nineteenth-century capitalism while transforming American life more broadly. His scientific publications and best-selling New American Practical Navigator earned him praise from Thomas Jefferson as a “meteor in the hemisphere,” but it was his broader mathematical vision that inspired his creation of that cornerstone of capitalism, that touchstone of modern life, the impersonal bureaucracy. Enthralled with the precision of numbers and the regularity of the solar system, Bowditch operated and represented antebellum New England's most powerful financial institution as a clockwork mechanism. Elite Bostonians criticized Bowditch as a parvenu when he reformed Boston’s cultural and educational institutions, most notably Harvard University, along the same lines, but ultimately they embraced his approach for its political, ideological, and psychological advantages, and Bowditch himself as a valued cultural ornament. Though ostensibly operating with the impartiality guaranteed by impersonality, in reality these institutions functioned in the context of elite social networks, magnifying patrician power. The book argues for the transformative power of the quantitative sciences on capitalist development and the modern experience, while illuminating how powerful capitalists consolidated their power and confronted the paradox of a republican aristocracy. Bowditch’s life at sea, in science, and among urban elites also illuminates the provincial’s encounter with the exotic, the American’s challenge of gaining entry into the international Republic of Letters, and the patrician’s turn from vertical ties of patronage to horizontal ties of privilege.Less
Nathaniel Bowditch (1773-1838) was a mathematician, astronomer, navigator, seafarer, and business executive whose Enlightenment-inspired perspectives shaped nineteenth-century capitalism while transforming American life more broadly. His scientific publications and best-selling New American Practical Navigator earned him praise from Thomas Jefferson as a “meteor in the hemisphere,” but it was his broader mathematical vision that inspired his creation of that cornerstone of capitalism, that touchstone of modern life, the impersonal bureaucracy. Enthralled with the precision of numbers and the regularity of the solar system, Bowditch operated and represented antebellum New England's most powerful financial institution as a clockwork mechanism. Elite Bostonians criticized Bowditch as a parvenu when he reformed Boston’s cultural and educational institutions, most notably Harvard University, along the same lines, but ultimately they embraced his approach for its political, ideological, and psychological advantages, and Bowditch himself as a valued cultural ornament. Though ostensibly operating with the impartiality guaranteed by impersonality, in reality these institutions functioned in the context of elite social networks, magnifying patrician power. The book argues for the transformative power of the quantitative sciences on capitalist development and the modern experience, while illuminating how powerful capitalists consolidated their power and confronted the paradox of a republican aristocracy. Bowditch’s life at sea, in science, and among urban elites also illuminates the provincial’s encounter with the exotic, the American’s challenge of gaining entry into the international Republic of Letters, and the patrician’s turn from vertical ties of patronage to horizontal ties of privilege.
Florin Curta and Siu-lun Wong
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748638093
- eISBN:
- 9780748670741
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748638093.003.0011
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
With the withdrawal of the urban elites from cities in the late sixth and early seventh century, all links to the late antique social hierarchy were severed. The aristocracy of early medieval Greece ...
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With the withdrawal of the urban elites from cities in the late sixth and early seventh century, all links to the late antique social hierarchy were severed. The aristocracy of early medieval Greece was essentially of military origin, and often not of local extraction. Public power in early medieval Greece remained, however, in the hands of the local elites, with little, if any interference from government officials. Early medieval elites resided in cities and engaged in activities, such as feasting or games (tzykanion) to mark the social boundaries separating them from the rest of society. By the mid-eleventh century, some were also involved in public displays of piety through religious confraternities. The status of aristocratic men was also vicariously represented, especially in funerary ceremonies, through their womenfolk. By contrast, very little is known about the daily life of peasants, although it is clear that the number of freeholders began to drop dramatically by the mid-eleventh century. The distinction between free and non-free in early medieval Greece was associated with the use of violence. Moreover, the existence of slaves in early medieval Greece is amply documented in the sources, leaving the impression that it was quite normal to purchase, sell or own slaves.Less
With the withdrawal of the urban elites from cities in the late sixth and early seventh century, all links to the late antique social hierarchy were severed. The aristocracy of early medieval Greece was essentially of military origin, and often not of local extraction. Public power in early medieval Greece remained, however, in the hands of the local elites, with little, if any interference from government officials. Early medieval elites resided in cities and engaged in activities, such as feasting or games (tzykanion) to mark the social boundaries separating them from the rest of society. By the mid-eleventh century, some were also involved in public displays of piety through religious confraternities. The status of aristocratic men was also vicariously represented, especially in funerary ceremonies, through their womenfolk. By contrast, very little is known about the daily life of peasants, although it is clear that the number of freeholders began to drop dramatically by the mid-eleventh century. The distinction between free and non-free in early medieval Greece was associated with the use of violence. Moreover, the existence of slaves in early medieval Greece is amply documented in the sources, leaving the impression that it was quite normal to purchase, sell or own slaves.
Matthew Rendle
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199236251
- eISBN:
- 9780191717154
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199236251.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The conclusion argues that elites in Russia were far from obsolete by 1917 and that a move from a class‐based identity to one focused on professional concerns provided a basis for them to exist in ...
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The conclusion argues that elites in Russia were far from obsolete by 1917 and that a move from a class‐based identity to one focused on professional concerns provided a basis for them to exist in the absence of Tsarism. The Russian Revolution facilitated this move, with elites responding to the mass movement by establishing new organizations. Elites engaged with the revolution and were far from an inert, counter‐revolutionary force. This demonstrates that revolutionary democracy enabled groups to participate, irrespective of popular support. Changing identities, however, fuelled the divisions that led to the failure of Kornilov's revolt and undermined the White armies in the civil war. The conclusion examines the weaknesses of White ideology. Finally, it argues that elites influenced the revolutionary process, fostering popular fears of counter‐revolution and encouraging Russians to see Bolshevism as preferable to the Provisional Government, offering real change and defending the revolution.Less
The conclusion argues that elites in Russia were far from obsolete by 1917 and that a move from a class‐based identity to one focused on professional concerns provided a basis for them to exist in the absence of Tsarism. The Russian Revolution facilitated this move, with elites responding to the mass movement by establishing new organizations. Elites engaged with the revolution and were far from an inert, counter‐revolutionary force. This demonstrates that revolutionary democracy enabled groups to participate, irrespective of popular support. Changing identities, however, fuelled the divisions that led to the failure of Kornilov's revolt and undermined the White armies in the civil war. The conclusion examines the weaknesses of White ideology. Finally, it argues that elites influenced the revolutionary process, fostering popular fears of counter‐revolution and encouraging Russians to see Bolshevism as preferable to the Provisional Government, offering real change and defending the revolution.
David J. Jeremy
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201212
- eISBN:
- 9780191674839
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201212.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Religion
Paternalism characterized many late Victorian businesses however in twentieth century Britain it was vanquished partly because of the changes within the company and the changes in the company's ...
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Paternalism characterized many late Victorian businesses however in twentieth century Britain it was vanquished partly because of the changes within the company and the changes in the company's environment. These changes were caused by the spread of political rights, the growth of state power, the widening of educational opportunities and the advent of mass media. This chapter discusses the major changes in the size and structure of big businesses and how these changes affect the religiously appointed heads. The chapter also discusses the church structures and the trends that have affected the religious structure and their connection to business and capitalism. Besides trends and structural analysis of religion and business structures, the chapter also discusses the three business Élites of Britain's largest firms during 1907 to 1935. Included are the age structures, the social origins and the formative influences of these business Élites.Less
Paternalism characterized many late Victorian businesses however in twentieth century Britain it was vanquished partly because of the changes within the company and the changes in the company's environment. These changes were caused by the spread of political rights, the growth of state power, the widening of educational opportunities and the advent of mass media. This chapter discusses the major changes in the size and structure of big businesses and how these changes affect the religiously appointed heads. The chapter also discusses the church structures and the trends that have affected the religious structure and their connection to business and capitalism. Besides trends and structural analysis of religion and business structures, the chapter also discusses the three business Élites of Britain's largest firms during 1907 to 1935. Included are the age structures, the social origins and the formative influences of these business Élites.
David J. Jeremy
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201212
- eISBN:
- 9780191674839
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201212.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Religion
Before the First World War, business Élites were closely tied to the Christian religion as the Victorian culture of these times was intensely religious. The tenets of Christianity are imposed upon ...
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Before the First World War, business Élites were closely tied to the Christian religion as the Victorian culture of these times was intensely religious. The tenets of Christianity are imposed upon infancy and the religious encounters came by various means and in differing degrees of intensity. This chapter discusses the most forceful agencies or religious influences that formed the business values, skills and networks of business Élites of the 1900s to 1960s. The foremost agencies discussed herein are the family, the school and the local church which are believed to have greatly inculcated Christian beliefs in their formative years. These religious influences are carried out and served as their framework and dogma in their business values, business perspective, skills and their social connections.Less
Before the First World War, business Élites were closely tied to the Christian religion as the Victorian culture of these times was intensely religious. The tenets of Christianity are imposed upon infancy and the religious encounters came by various means and in differing degrees of intensity. This chapter discusses the most forceful agencies or religious influences that formed the business values, skills and networks of business Élites of the 1900s to 1960s. The foremost agencies discussed herein are the family, the school and the local church which are believed to have greatly inculcated Christian beliefs in their formative years. These religious influences are carried out and served as their framework and dogma in their business values, business perspective, skills and their social connections.
Matthew Sussex
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097027
- eISBN:
- 9781526103987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097027.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines how violence is utilised in political transitions away from democratic consolidation towards hybrid forms. Using the case of post-communist Russia, three types of violence are ...
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This chapter examines how violence is utilised in political transitions away from democratic consolidation towards hybrid forms. Using the case of post-communist Russia, three types of violence are identified. The first, ablation, occurred after the Russian Federation emerged as a proto-democracy. The second, scapegoating, came alongside Russia’s political reformulation in the late 1990s and early 2000s, driven by the authoritarian vision articulated by Vladimir Putin. The third is nullification. This accompanied the consolidation of the hybrid semi-authoritarian Russian state, and refers to an attempt to create external conditions favourable for regional hegemony. Each type differed in severity, linked directly to internal and existential threats, as well as the extent to which elites perceived their hold on power to be under challenge.Less
This chapter examines how violence is utilised in political transitions away from democratic consolidation towards hybrid forms. Using the case of post-communist Russia, three types of violence are identified. The first, ablation, occurred after the Russian Federation emerged as a proto-democracy. The second, scapegoating, came alongside Russia’s political reformulation in the late 1990s and early 2000s, driven by the authoritarian vision articulated by Vladimir Putin. The third is nullification. This accompanied the consolidation of the hybrid semi-authoritarian Russian state, and refers to an attempt to create external conditions favourable for regional hegemony. Each type differed in severity, linked directly to internal and existential threats, as well as the extent to which elites perceived their hold on power to be under challenge.
Christian Lee Novetzke
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780231175807
- eISBN:
- 9780231542418
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231175807.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Hinduism
Explores the sociopolitical world of the Yadava century that served as the context for Marathi literary vernacularization. The Yadavas, also called the Sevunas, were a non-Brahmin dynasty that ...
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Explores the sociopolitical world of the Yadava century that served as the context for Marathi literary vernacularization. The Yadavas, also called the Sevunas, were a non-Brahmin dynasty that stabilized their political territory by creating a clientelist Brahminical ecumene. As a system this Brahminical ecumene served the political aims of the non-Brahmin Yadava state. This chapter outlines the social order in which vernacularization would emerge.Less
Explores the sociopolitical world of the Yadava century that served as the context for Marathi literary vernacularization. The Yadavas, also called the Sevunas, were a non-Brahmin dynasty that stabilized their political territory by creating a clientelist Brahminical ecumene. As a system this Brahminical ecumene served the political aims of the non-Brahmin Yadava state. This chapter outlines the social order in which vernacularization would emerge.
Thomas Docherty
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526132741
- eISBN:
- 9781526138965
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526132741.003.0002
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
The rise of the managerial class has effected a fundamental reversal of priorities in the university sector, such that faculty now exist primarily in order to serve the demands of management as such. ...
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The rise of the managerial class has effected a fundamental reversal of priorities in the university sector, such that faculty now exist primarily in order to serve the demands of management as such. With managerial jargon in the ascendancy, political argument about the nature of the sector falls into cliché; and cliché precludes the yielding of any knowledge that is based in thinking, because it reduces thought to prejudicial clichéd banalities. Inn this state of affairs, there can be little legitimacy for a critical position that might challenge the supposed primacy of economic rationalisation of all aspects of university life and of knowledge. The result is that the privatisation of knowledge and the attendant commercialisation of information assumes a normative force. The university is complicit with a general political trajectory that leads to the corruption of politics and of intellectual work through the improper insertion of financial rationales for all decision-making. The chapter explores the pre-history of this in Thatcherism and Reaganomics; and it demonstrates that the logic of university privatization is essentially a state-sponsored subsidy for the wealthy, and for the ongoing protection of existing privileges.Less
The rise of the managerial class has effected a fundamental reversal of priorities in the university sector, such that faculty now exist primarily in order to serve the demands of management as such. With managerial jargon in the ascendancy, political argument about the nature of the sector falls into cliché; and cliché precludes the yielding of any knowledge that is based in thinking, because it reduces thought to prejudicial clichéd banalities. Inn this state of affairs, there can be little legitimacy for a critical position that might challenge the supposed primacy of economic rationalisation of all aspects of university life and of knowledge. The result is that the privatisation of knowledge and the attendant commercialisation of information assumes a normative force. The university is complicit with a general political trajectory that leads to the corruption of politics and of intellectual work through the improper insertion of financial rationales for all decision-making. The chapter explores the pre-history of this in Thatcherism and Reaganomics; and it demonstrates that the logic of university privatization is essentially a state-sponsored subsidy for the wealthy, and for the ongoing protection of existing privileges.
Simone Polillo
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804785099
- eISBN:
- 9780804785556
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804785099.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
Common understandings of money, credit, and banking, rely on notions of efficiency--how well they work in allocating resources and coordinating economic activities. This book, by contrast, focuses on ...
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Common understandings of money, credit, and banking, rely on notions of efficiency--how well they work in allocating resources and coordinating economic activities. This book, by contrast, focuses on how money, credit, and banking are implicated in conflict. It examines how financial elites in general, and certain bankers in particular, create new financial instruments in order to consolidate and reproduce their wealth over time, turning money into an instrument of exclusion, and couching their practices in ideologies of sound banking. Yet, since the boundaries thus erected create resistance, the book also traces the emergence of rival elites (wildcats) who, by increasing the circulation of existing currencies, or incorporating new actors in financial markets through the production of altogether new instruments, attempt to transgress these boundaries.Less
Common understandings of money, credit, and banking, rely on notions of efficiency--how well they work in allocating resources and coordinating economic activities. This book, by contrast, focuses on how money, credit, and banking are implicated in conflict. It examines how financial elites in general, and certain bankers in particular, create new financial instruments in order to consolidate and reproduce their wealth over time, turning money into an instrument of exclusion, and couching their practices in ideologies of sound banking. Yet, since the boundaries thus erected create resistance, the book also traces the emergence of rival elites (wildcats) who, by increasing the circulation of existing currencies, or incorporating new actors in financial markets through the production of altogether new instruments, attempt to transgress these boundaries.
Chen Yangbin
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9789888208135
- eISBN:
- 9789888268283
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888208135.003.0010
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
In his chapter, Chen Yangbin suggests that given their different responses to the growing complexity of the “Xinjiang problem,” Uyghur graduates from specialized dislocated schools are likely to form ...
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In his chapter, Chen Yangbin suggests that given their different responses to the growing complexity of the “Xinjiang problem,” Uyghur graduates from specialized dislocated schools are likely to form a new educational elite group. These Uyghur youth, who attend boarding schools in inland cities (Xinjiangban) and undertook the university entrance exam in Putonghua, have gained access to universities across inland China, including some of China’s most prestigious. Based on an initial survey of these graduates, Chen delineates the uniqueness of their experiences both at university and in their daily lives in eastern China. He demonstrates their feeling of superiority in terms of educational achievement, which they attempt to balance with an equally strong sense of representing Uyghur culture. The chapter also analyzes the implications of this new group of elites when viewed against the background of identity, multiculturalism and ethnic integration in ChinaLess
In his chapter, Chen Yangbin suggests that given their different responses to the growing complexity of the “Xinjiang problem,” Uyghur graduates from specialized dislocated schools are likely to form a new educational elite group. These Uyghur youth, who attend boarding schools in inland cities (Xinjiangban) and undertook the university entrance exam in Putonghua, have gained access to universities across inland China, including some of China’s most prestigious. Based on an initial survey of these graduates, Chen delineates the uniqueness of their experiences both at university and in their daily lives in eastern China. He demonstrates their feeling of superiority in terms of educational achievement, which they attempt to balance with an equally strong sense of representing Uyghur culture. The chapter also analyzes the implications of this new group of elites when viewed against the background of identity, multiculturalism and ethnic integration in China
Francois Pierre-Louis
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780813062266
- eISBN:
- 9780813051987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813062266.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
“New Wine in Old Bottles” examines the intersection of external political actors with the Haitian elite to understand how political outcomes are determined in Haiti. It analyzes the international ...
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“New Wine in Old Bottles” examines the intersection of external political actors with the Haitian elite to understand how political outcomes are determined in Haiti. It analyzes the international intervention in Haiti’s 2010 presidential elections, when U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton travelled to Haiti in order to salvage an election that was deemed fraudulent and deceptive. Such an assessment was curious as the U.S. and the international community had spent over twenty-three million dollars to finance the process and oversaw the whole operation from voter registration to the counting of the ballots. The chapter argues that such actions were symptomatic of U.S. involvement during the period from 2004 to 2014, when the international community was no longer working behind the scenes in Haiti to impose a government, but rather worked overtly, often in conjunction with local elites, to impose its will.Less
“New Wine in Old Bottles” examines the intersection of external political actors with the Haitian elite to understand how political outcomes are determined in Haiti. It analyzes the international intervention in Haiti’s 2010 presidential elections, when U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton travelled to Haiti in order to salvage an election that was deemed fraudulent and deceptive. Such an assessment was curious as the U.S. and the international community had spent over twenty-three million dollars to finance the process and oversaw the whole operation from voter registration to the counting of the ballots. The chapter argues that such actions were symptomatic of U.S. involvement during the period from 2004 to 2014, when the international community was no longer working behind the scenes in Haiti to impose a government, but rather worked overtly, often in conjunction with local elites, to impose its will.
James Heinzen
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780300175257
- eISBN:
- 9780300224764
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300175257.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
This introductory chapter establishes the book’s area of interest as the culture of bribery, corruption, and black markets that took root in the Soviet Union during the important years between World ...
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This introductory chapter establishes the book’s area of interest as the culture of bribery, corruption, and black markets that took root in the Soviet Union during the important years between World War II and Stalin’s death in 1953. This study will challenge the view that there was a sharp break between the Stalin era and the “stagnation” era of Brezhnev and his immediate successors (1964–1985), which has commonly been thought of as brazenly venal, with its graft, abetted by political sclerosis and bureaucratization at all levels. Those who seek to understand the roots of the corruption that infected the Soviet Union during the Brezhnev years should look earlier, to the postwar Stalin period.Less
This introductory chapter establishes the book’s area of interest as the culture of bribery, corruption, and black markets that took root in the Soviet Union during the important years between World War II and Stalin’s death in 1953. This study will challenge the view that there was a sharp break between the Stalin era and the “stagnation” era of Brezhnev and his immediate successors (1964–1985), which has commonly been thought of as brazenly venal, with its graft, abetted by political sclerosis and bureaucratization at all levels. Those who seek to understand the roots of the corruption that infected the Soviet Union during the Brezhnev years should look earlier, to the postwar Stalin period.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226289649
- eISBN:
- 9780226289663
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226289663.003.0002
- Subject:
- Anthropology, African Cultural Anthropology
This chapter describes the violent manifestations by autochthons in close relation with the politics of belonging of President Paul Biya's former one-party regime. Indeed, it was its support for ...
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This chapter describes the violent manifestations by autochthons in close relation with the politics of belonging of President Paul Biya's former one-party regime. Indeed, it was its support for autochthony movements that explains how his regime managed to hold on to power despite democratization and an initially very successful opposition. The South-West Elites Association (SWELA) was a stark example of how deeply the Biya regime was already involved in what rightly could be called the politics of autochthony. SWELA was founded as an association to defend southwestern elites against the encroachment of northwestern elites with their “treacherous” appeal to a common Anglophone identity. In 1996, SWELA formally joined the Greater Sawa Movement. As in Douala and the South-West, the government firmly backed the autochthons' cause.Less
This chapter describes the violent manifestations by autochthons in close relation with the politics of belonging of President Paul Biya's former one-party regime. Indeed, it was its support for autochthony movements that explains how his regime managed to hold on to power despite democratization and an initially very successful opposition. The South-West Elites Association (SWELA) was a stark example of how deeply the Biya regime was already involved in what rightly could be called the politics of autochthony. SWELA was founded as an association to defend southwestern elites against the encroachment of northwestern elites with their “treacherous” appeal to a common Anglophone identity. In 1996, SWELA formally joined the Greater Sawa Movement. As in Douala and the South-West, the government firmly backed the autochthons' cause.
Daniel Stevens and Nick Vaughan-Williams
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719096068
- eISBN:
- 9781526120953
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719096068.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
Chapter Five takes as its starting point the various ways in which elite responses to security threats such as the National Security Strategy both summarise government perceptions of the most salient ...
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Chapter Five takes as its starting point the various ways in which elite responses to security threats such as the National Security Strategy both summarise government perceptions of the most salient threats and are also intended to send messages to the public and shape their behaviour. It examines three dimensions of the relationship between elite and non-elite perceptions and experiences of security threat politics: 1) the extent to which the British public is aware of the NSS or of other government messages and efforts to mitigate security concerns; 2) whether such awareness is associated with heightened or reduced levels of threat perception; and 3) what citizens think of such messages. The various stories people tell – of economic insecurities, fear of crime, and Islamophobia – problematise the narrow and homogenising imperatives of the National Security Strategies, and open up alternative narratives about identity, border-production, and multiple overlapping (in)securities. Awareness of any government security programme and of the NSS is low, about 10 per cent of the survey sample for each, with surprisingly little overlap between the two. Awareness of government strategies for security is also associated with perceptions of more threats.Less
Chapter Five takes as its starting point the various ways in which elite responses to security threats such as the National Security Strategy both summarise government perceptions of the most salient threats and are also intended to send messages to the public and shape their behaviour. It examines three dimensions of the relationship between elite and non-elite perceptions and experiences of security threat politics: 1) the extent to which the British public is aware of the NSS or of other government messages and efforts to mitigate security concerns; 2) whether such awareness is associated with heightened or reduced levels of threat perception; and 3) what citizens think of such messages. The various stories people tell – of economic insecurities, fear of crime, and Islamophobia – problematise the narrow and homogenising imperatives of the National Security Strategies, and open up alternative narratives about identity, border-production, and multiple overlapping (in)securities. Awareness of any government security programme and of the NSS is low, about 10 per cent of the survey sample for each, with surprisingly little overlap between the two. Awareness of government strategies for security is also associated with perceptions of more threats.
Peter Jones
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780719088728
- eISBN:
- 9781781706411
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719088728.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Definitions of corruption are provided. The cultural constructions of corruption are introduced and major theoretical approaches are outlined including elite theory; the role of ‘modernisation’; ...
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Definitions of corruption are provided. The cultural constructions of corruption are introduced and major theoretical approaches are outlined including elite theory; the role of ‘modernisation’; market theory; sociological theories; and cultural theories. Elite theory can penetrate issues including legitimacy, patronage and clientage. Modernisation theory can be illuminated with reference to Britain and also developing countries. Market theory is important in respect of public corruption particularly where free markets and bureaucratic markets meet. Sociological theory reveals the importance for upward social mobility and behaviours such as conspicuous consumption motivate the potentially corrupt. Cultural theory is important for understanding different attitudes towards gifts and hospitality demonstrating the ambivalence of meaning that can be attached to corruption. Business culture and public culture can often be at odds and result in corrupt transactions.Less
Definitions of corruption are provided. The cultural constructions of corruption are introduced and major theoretical approaches are outlined including elite theory; the role of ‘modernisation’; market theory; sociological theories; and cultural theories. Elite theory can penetrate issues including legitimacy, patronage and clientage. Modernisation theory can be illuminated with reference to Britain and also developing countries. Market theory is important in respect of public corruption particularly where free markets and bureaucratic markets meet. Sociological theory reveals the importance for upward social mobility and behaviours such as conspicuous consumption motivate the potentially corrupt. Cultural theory is important for understanding different attitudes towards gifts and hospitality demonstrating the ambivalence of meaning that can be attached to corruption. Business culture and public culture can often be at odds and result in corrupt transactions.
Edward Ashbee
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719090820
- eISBN:
- 9781781708873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719090820.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The Introduction outlines the five principal literatures that have considered the right in the UK and the US. It suggests that each of these literatures looks at the activity of the right at a ...
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The Introduction outlines the five principal literatures that have considered the right in the UK and the US. It suggests that each of these literatures looks at the activity of the right at a particular level or tier. On the basis of this, the Introduction provides a guide to the chapters that follow.Less
The Introduction outlines the five principal literatures that have considered the right in the UK and the US. It suggests that each of these literatures looks at the activity of the right at a particular level or tier. On the basis of this, the Introduction provides a guide to the chapters that follow.
Tamara Plakins Thornton
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469626932
- eISBN:
- 9781469628110
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626932.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter introduces Nathaniel Bowditch first as contemporaries celebrated him, and then as we should understand him: a man whose mathematical sensibilities transformed the world of practical ...
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This chapter introduces Nathaniel Bowditch first as contemporaries celebrated him, and then as we should understand him: a man whose mathematical sensibilities transformed the world of practical affairs, pioneering the impersonal procedures and institutions associated with modern capitalism and modern life. Insistent on order and exactitude, Bowditch instituted new systems to organize information and execute business, including filing and cataloging systems, printed blank forms, and inflexible due dates. Inspired by the regularity and predictability of the solar system, he forwarded a vision of the corporation as a clockwork mechanism. The chapter sketches out the main features of Bowditch’s life and character; considers the provincial and cosmopolitan impulses, and the vertical ties of patronage and horizontal ties of elite privilege, that operated over the course of his lifetime; and briefly considers the place of the impersonal institution in the historiographies of the state and of capitalism.Less
This chapter introduces Nathaniel Bowditch first as contemporaries celebrated him, and then as we should understand him: a man whose mathematical sensibilities transformed the world of practical affairs, pioneering the impersonal procedures and institutions associated with modern capitalism and modern life. Insistent on order and exactitude, Bowditch instituted new systems to organize information and execute business, including filing and cataloging systems, printed blank forms, and inflexible due dates. Inspired by the regularity and predictability of the solar system, he forwarded a vision of the corporation as a clockwork mechanism. The chapter sketches out the main features of Bowditch’s life and character; considers the provincial and cosmopolitan impulses, and the vertical ties of patronage and horizontal ties of elite privilege, that operated over the course of his lifetime; and briefly considers the place of the impersonal institution in the historiographies of the state and of capitalism.
