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This chapter outlines the history and development of Hong Kong's unique political structure. It traces the origins of the Election Committee (EC) and analyzes official justifications for its inclusion in the political structure of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It reviews the operation and function of the pre-handover Selection Committee and the several ECs which were formed post-1997.

This chapter examines the constitutional and wider political significance of the Election Committee (EC) in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It investigates the relationship between the EC and the operation of the executive in Hong Kong and analyzes the association between the EC and the Legislative Council. The findings indicate that the EC system lacked real political legitimacy from the time of its inclusion in the Basic Law and that the EC system has done little to remedy its clear shortcomings.

This chapter examines the system of election of the 800 members of the Election Committee in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It explains that the Basic Law provides no more than general parameters and principles of design and that China left details of the electoral system to be worked out and implemented by the Hong Kong Government and Hong Kong people. It analyzes detailed empirical and historical data collected in respect of the voters, delineation of sectors and subsectors and members of the EC.

This chapter provides a detailed discussion of the legal and operational dimensions of the prevailing system for electing the Chief Executive (CE) in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It describes the synoptic profile of the 2006 Election Committee (EC) and explains the eligibility rules for the CE. It reviews the voting regime that applies in CE election itself and discusses the changes in the political landscape of the CE election since 1997.

This concluding chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the election of the chief executive (CE) of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It explains that the Election Committee (EC) is the child in Hong Kong's political system and that its birth in 1998 was a milestone as it embodied a system that gave Hong Kong people, for the first time, the power to select the highest political office holder in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It suggests that this child is clearly in the process of growing up and that both nature and nurture will play a role in its future development.

This introductory chapter explains the coverage of this book, which is about the election of the Chief Executive (CE) of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). This book reviews the history and development of both the Election Committee (EC) and its predecessor, the 1996 Selection Committee (SC), and discusses the significance of the EC in both Hong Kong and China. It describes the system of electing the CE and reflects upon the future of the EC system particularly in the context of universal suffrage.

Holmes County leaders participated in the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) Congressional Challenge in Washington, D.C. MFDP lawyers arrived in Holmes County to take depositions for the U.S. House Committee on Election Procedures. Sue, Henry, and three local leaders were threatened with rifles in Vaiden, Mississippi for traveling in their racially mixed car. In early June, more than 500 Holmes County residents marched around the Courthouse in Lexington in peaceful protest for civil rights. In mid-June hundreds marched in Jackson and were arrested. Whites and prominent blacks landed in jail, the rest were held in the stock pens at the state fairgrounds. A visit to the home of local leader Alma Mitchell Carnegie is described.

As the National Council of Churches’ Fairness Doctrine campaign accelerated, US Senate Democrats on the Commerce Committee announced an investigation into the Radio Right. That one-two punch convinced hundreds of radio station owners to drop conservative programs altogether. The cost of paying for free response time combined with the risk of losing their station license was too much. Carl McIntire appealed for help to Richard Nixon, but the administration was much more interested in the ways it could use the Fairness Doctrine to intimidate the major television networks into giving the president and the war in Vietnam more favorable coverage. With no help forthcoming and the loss of station WXUR in 1974, Carl McIntire’s program declined precipitously, although not without one last protest action from McIntire involving a World War II surplus minesweeper blasting a pirate radio signal off the shore of Cape May, New Jersey, in defiance of Federal Communications Commission rules.