Jack Hayward
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199216314
- eISBN:
- 9780191712265
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216314.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Intellectuals have imparted polemical contentiousness to French political controversy. Zola's role in the Dreyfus case had a literary legacy on both the Left and Right, with Surrealists and ...
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Intellectuals have imparted polemical contentiousness to French political controversy. Zola's role in the Dreyfus case had a literary legacy on both the Left and Right, with Surrealists and Communists or individuals like Sartre on the Left and Barrès and Maurras on the Right being prominent. Mounier's Catholic anti-liberalism met its reassertion by Aron. Decolonization prompted intellectual activism but Benda made the case against commitment.Less
Intellectuals have imparted polemical contentiousness to French political controversy. Zola's role in the Dreyfus case had a literary legacy on both the Left and Right, with Surrealists and Communists or individuals like Sartre on the Left and Barrès and Maurras on the Right being prominent. Mounier's Catholic anti-liberalism met its reassertion by Aron. Decolonization prompted intellectual activism but Benda made the case against commitment.
R. D. Grillo
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294269
- eISBN:
- 9780191599378
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294263.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
With the French Revolution, modernity proclaimed that a nation state should organize itself through a powerful state that would assume responsibility for directing society's affairs and moulding its ...
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With the French Revolution, modernity proclaimed that a nation state should organize itself through a powerful state that would assume responsibility for directing society's affairs and moulding its citizens: the Jacobin project. Nonetheless, there were two contrasting visions of how the French nation state might be constituted. For much of the nineteenth century, the view that it should include all those who shared its values encouraged French Jews, emancipated by the Revolution, to embrace assimilation. In the late nineteenth century, however, they were confronted with an alternative vision of France, one from which the Jews were excluded. The wave of anti‐semitism culminating in the Dreyfus Affair posed questions about the nation state that returned in late twentieth century debates in France and elsewhere about the right to difference and the desirability or otherwise of pluralist conceptions of society.Less
With the French Revolution, modernity proclaimed that a nation state should organize itself through a powerful state that would assume responsibility for directing society's affairs and moulding its citizens: the Jacobin project. Nonetheless, there were two contrasting visions of how the French nation state might be constituted. For much of the nineteenth century, the view that it should include all those who shared its values encouraged French Jews, emancipated by the Revolution, to embrace assimilation. In the late nineteenth century, however, they were confronted with an alternative vision of France, one from which the Jews were excluded. The wave of anti‐semitism culminating in the Dreyfus Affair posed questions about the nation state that returned in late twentieth century debates in France and elsewhere about the right to difference and the desirability or otherwise of pluralist conceptions of society.
Owen Chadwick
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198269229
- eISBN:
- 9780191600456
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198269226.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
The election of Giuseppe Sarto, archbishop of Venice, as Pius X in 1903 was a surprise in that he had little political or diplomatic experience and knew nothing of the workings of the Curia. He did ...
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The election of Giuseppe Sarto, archbishop of Venice, as Pius X in 1903 was a surprise in that he had little political or diplomatic experience and knew nothing of the workings of the Curia. He did not understand modern thought in science and religious scholarship, and his papacy was marked by a conservatism condemning the modern world and appealing to a loyalty involving the practice of the whole faith of the traditional Church. Pius X's papacy saw the codification of canon law and encouragement of frequent communion, but his reforms of the Curia did not go very far. In France the Dreyfus case and the separation of Church and State caused vehement, sometimes violent, conflict between Catholics and anti‐clericals. The division, which would take years to overcome, was caused by the papacy's earlier condemnation of democracy and socialism, the belief of the French Right that Catholicism was its political strength, the prejudices of some left‐wing politicians, and the centralization of authority which made it impossible for French bishops to ignore the pope's decisions. In Italy the old fight between the pope and the Italian government was now obsolete. It continued on the level of words, but by 1913 Catholics were participating wholeheartedly in Italian politics.Less
The election of Giuseppe Sarto, archbishop of Venice, as Pius X in 1903 was a surprise in that he had little political or diplomatic experience and knew nothing of the workings of the Curia. He did not understand modern thought in science and religious scholarship, and his papacy was marked by a conservatism condemning the modern world and appealing to a loyalty involving the practice of the whole faith of the traditional Church. Pius X's papacy saw the codification of canon law and encouragement of frequent communion, but his reforms of the Curia did not go very far. In France the Dreyfus case and the separation of Church and State caused vehement, sometimes violent, conflict between Catholics and anti‐clericals. The division, which would take years to overcome, was caused by the papacy's earlier condemnation of democracy and socialism, the belief of the French Right that Catholicism was its political strength, the prejudices of some left‐wing politicians, and the centralization of authority which made it impossible for French bishops to ignore the pope's decisions. In Italy the old fight between the pope and the Italian government was now obsolete. It continued on the level of words, but by 1913 Catholics were participating wholeheartedly in Italian politics.
J. Robert Maguire
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199660827
- eISBN:
- 9780191748929
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199660827.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
The book traces the course of what Oscar Wilde called his ‘ancient friendship’ with Carlos Blacker, ‘always the truest of friends and most sympathetic of companions’, from its beginning in the early ...
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The book traces the course of what Oscar Wilde called his ‘ancient friendship’ with Carlos Blacker, ‘always the truest of friends and most sympathetic of companions’, from its beginning in the early 1880s to their tragic breakup in 1898. The friendship through the 1880s, ‘days of laughter and delight’ according to Wilde, was a halcyon time for both. Wilde’s long-time friend and first biographer, Robert Sherard, thought that ‘the days when I first met him [in 1883] were the happiest days he lived’, an opinion shared by a second biographer and friend, Vincent O’Sullivan. The 1890s, however, proved a less carefree time for both Wilde and Blacker. The first year of the decade witnessed the onset of what Blacker described as his ‘tempestuous affairs’, which continued to haunt him to the time of his marriage and the start of a ‘New Life’ in the middle of the decade, shortly before Wilde was brought to ruin by his own disastrous troubles. After a three-year separation, the two were reunited in Paris in March 1898, with the Dreyfus affair then at fever-pitch and the city, in Blacker’s words, ‘in a ferment’. During his extended residence abroad while his ‘tempestuous affairs’ played out, Blacker had formed a close friendship with the Italian military attaché in Paris, who, complicit with his German counterpart and fully informed about Dreyfus, confided ‘the whole & entire truth’ in sworn secrecy to Blacker who, in his emotionally charged reunion with Wilde, was impulsively moved to share the information with him. The effect of their chance involvement on the course of events in the affair proved fatal to their ‘ancient friendship’. On 25 June 1898, Blacker recorded prophetically in his diary, ‘After lunch just before dinner letter from Oscar which put an end to our friendship forever.’Less
The book traces the course of what Oscar Wilde called his ‘ancient friendship’ with Carlos Blacker, ‘always the truest of friends and most sympathetic of companions’, from its beginning in the early 1880s to their tragic breakup in 1898. The friendship through the 1880s, ‘days of laughter and delight’ according to Wilde, was a halcyon time for both. Wilde’s long-time friend and first biographer, Robert Sherard, thought that ‘the days when I first met him [in 1883] were the happiest days he lived’, an opinion shared by a second biographer and friend, Vincent O’Sullivan. The 1890s, however, proved a less carefree time for both Wilde and Blacker. The first year of the decade witnessed the onset of what Blacker described as his ‘tempestuous affairs’, which continued to haunt him to the time of his marriage and the start of a ‘New Life’ in the middle of the decade, shortly before Wilde was brought to ruin by his own disastrous troubles. After a three-year separation, the two were reunited in Paris in March 1898, with the Dreyfus affair then at fever-pitch and the city, in Blacker’s words, ‘in a ferment’. During his extended residence abroad while his ‘tempestuous affairs’ played out, Blacker had formed a close friendship with the Italian military attaché in Paris, who, complicit with his German counterpart and fully informed about Dreyfus, confided ‘the whole & entire truth’ in sworn secrecy to Blacker who, in his emotionally charged reunion with Wilde, was impulsively moved to share the information with him. The effect of their chance involvement on the course of events in the affair proved fatal to their ‘ancient friendship’. On 25 June 1898, Blacker recorded prophetically in his diary, ‘After lunch just before dinner letter from Oscar which put an end to our friendship forever.’
R. D. Anderson
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198206606
- eISBN:
- 9780191717307
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206606.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The reform of French universities began under the Second Empire, and was given a strong impulse by defeat in the Franco–Prussian war in 1871. The need to learn from Germany created a reform movement ...
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The reform of French universities began under the Second Empire, and was given a strong impulse by defeat in the Franco–Prussian war in 1871. The need to learn from Germany created a reform movement which captured the educational administration under the Third Republic, particularly associated with Louis Liard. German methods of scholarship were admired and imitated, the Sorbonne was rebuilt, provincial faculties developed new scientific and technical strengths, the arts and science faculties took on a proper educational role, and universities recovered their corporate identity. The rationalist philosophy of French academics and their belief in science and progress corresponded to Republican ideology. This became apparent at the time of the Dreyfus Affair around 1900, provoking a backlash against the ‘new Sorbonne’ by right-wing nationalists. But in France, unlike Germany, it was the liberals who retained control of the established institutions.Less
The reform of French universities began under the Second Empire, and was given a strong impulse by defeat in the Franco–Prussian war in 1871. The need to learn from Germany created a reform movement which captured the educational administration under the Third Republic, particularly associated with Louis Liard. German methods of scholarship were admired and imitated, the Sorbonne was rebuilt, provincial faculties developed new scientific and technical strengths, the arts and science faculties took on a proper educational role, and universities recovered their corporate identity. The rationalist philosophy of French academics and their belief in science and progress corresponded to Republican ideology. This became apparent at the time of the Dreyfus Affair around 1900, provoking a backlash against the ‘new Sorbonne’ by right-wing nationalists. But in France, unlike Germany, it was the liberals who retained control of the established institutions.
Jean-Fabien Spitz
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199559169
- eISBN:
- 9780191720956
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199559169.003.0013
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter argues that, as a political regime fighting for its consolidation, the French republic — in the immediate aftermath of one of the deepest crises it went through, (the Dreyfus case) — ...
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This chapter argues that, as a political regime fighting for its consolidation, the French republic — in the immediate aftermath of one of the deepest crises it went through, (the Dreyfus case) — tried to articulate a political philosophy of its own that clearly distanced itself from authoritarian and illiberal features. This political philosophy stresses that modern freedom requires some material and social equality as a precondition and, in this aspect, it has an undeniable republican flavour. But the main point is that it also tries to demonstrate that such a combination of civil freedom and equality in material conditions is the kind of social and political regulation which is required by industrializing modern societies, so that the republic is clearly a proposition for the future and a form of open society, not a ‘closed community’ marred with archaism and nostalgia for tradition, brotherhood, and narrow patriotism.Less
This chapter argues that, as a political regime fighting for its consolidation, the French republic — in the immediate aftermath of one of the deepest crises it went through, (the Dreyfus case) — tried to articulate a political philosophy of its own that clearly distanced itself from authoritarian and illiberal features. This political philosophy stresses that modern freedom requires some material and social equality as a precondition and, in this aspect, it has an undeniable republican flavour. But the main point is that it also tries to demonstrate that such a combination of civil freedom and equality in material conditions is the kind of social and political regulation which is required by industrializing modern societies, so that the republic is clearly a proposition for the future and a form of open society, not a ‘closed community’ marred with archaism and nostalgia for tradition, brotherhood, and narrow patriotism.
Ezra Mendelsohn
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195112030
- eISBN:
- 9780199854608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195112030.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter reviews Albert S. Lindermann's recent study of the Dreyfus, Beilis, and Leo Frank affairs (1894 to 1915). It points out that the definition of the topic appears at times to be as elusive ...
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This chapter reviews Albert S. Lindermann's recent study of the Dreyfus, Beilis, and Leo Frank affairs (1894 to 1915). It points out that the definition of the topic appears at times to be as elusive as the quest to ground it in the conditions of “reality.” The trials and the controversies that were engendered clearly occupy the book's central narrative concerns, but lurking in the background—and periodically made explicit—is a set of arguments about modern antisemitism: what accounts for it, how it is best to be studied, and its impact on political events. The chapter focuses on the terminological gloss that Lindermann provided in the book which defines antisemtism simply as “hostility to” or “hatred of” Jews.Less
This chapter reviews Albert S. Lindermann's recent study of the Dreyfus, Beilis, and Leo Frank affairs (1894 to 1915). It points out that the definition of the topic appears at times to be as elusive as the quest to ground it in the conditions of “reality.” The trials and the controversies that were engendered clearly occupy the book's central narrative concerns, but lurking in the background—and periodically made explicit—is a set of arguments about modern antisemitism: what accounts for it, how it is best to be studied, and its impact on political events. The chapter focuses on the terminological gloss that Lindermann provided in the book which defines antisemtism simply as “hostility to” or “hatred of” Jews.
Judith Chazin-Bennahum
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195399332
- eISBN:
- 9780199897025
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195399332.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, Dance
This is the first lengthy inquiry into the life and times of René Blum, the successor to Serge Diaghilev and a distinguished Parisian author, editor, critic, and producer. Léon Blum, his older ...
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This is the first lengthy inquiry into the life and times of René Blum, the successor to Serge Diaghilev and a distinguished Parisian author, editor, critic, and producer. Léon Blum, his older brother, became the first Socialist prime minister of France. René’s early life was dedicated to publicizing and celebrating young playwrights, artists, and writers. Long before his ballet career began, Blum co-edited Gil Blas, the great French literary paper, and wrote art criticisms that inform us about his aesthetic stance and interest in modernism. For example, Blum wrote the preface to the catalogue of an early exhibition of cubist art in 1912. Another aspect of his life concerns his friendship with Marcel Proust. Proust’s letters frequently mention Blum, especially because it was he who helped Proust find a publisher for the first volume of A La Recherche du Temps Perdu. As artistic director of the Théâtre de Monte-Carlo, Blum worked with many important playwrights of his generation and, later in 1932, some of the greatest choreographers such as Balanchine, Massine, Fokine, and Nijinska, providing them with the resources for their unique choreographies. His Ballets Russes de Monte-Carlo and Ballets de Monte-Carlo toured extensively and brought brilliant Russian and European dancers to America during the 1930s. Many escaped to the United States in the wake of World War II. Entrapped in Paris during the Nazi Occupation, Blum was rounded up with 742 other Jewish intellectuals and killed in the Holocaust.Less
This is the first lengthy inquiry into the life and times of René Blum, the successor to Serge Diaghilev and a distinguished Parisian author, editor, critic, and producer. Léon Blum, his older brother, became the first Socialist prime minister of France. René’s early life was dedicated to publicizing and celebrating young playwrights, artists, and writers. Long before his ballet career began, Blum co-edited Gil Blas, the great French literary paper, and wrote art criticisms that inform us about his aesthetic stance and interest in modernism. For example, Blum wrote the preface to the catalogue of an early exhibition of cubist art in 1912. Another aspect of his life concerns his friendship with Marcel Proust. Proust’s letters frequently mention Blum, especially because it was he who helped Proust find a publisher for the first volume of A La Recherche du Temps Perdu. As artistic director of the Théâtre de Monte-Carlo, Blum worked with many important playwrights of his generation and, later in 1932, some of the greatest choreographers such as Balanchine, Massine, Fokine, and Nijinska, providing them with the resources for their unique choreographies. His Ballets Russes de Monte-Carlo and Ballets de Monte-Carlo toured extensively and brought brilliant Russian and European dancers to America during the 1930s. Many escaped to the United States in the wake of World War II. Entrapped in Paris during the Nazi Occupation, Blum was rounded up with 742 other Jewish intellectuals and killed in the Holocaust.
Avner Ben-Amos
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203285
- eISBN:
- 9780191675836
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203285.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The analysis of the major state funerals by which the Third Republic honoured its distinguished citizens shows that the event of the funeral did not simply correspond to the ceremony. The actual rite ...
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The analysis of the major state funerals by which the Third Republic honoured its distinguished citizens shows that the event of the funeral did not simply correspond to the ceremony. The actual rite of passage was the core of the event, but it did not demarcate either its beginning or its end. From a spatial point of view, the event took place not only along the procession route and in the cemetery, but also in other parts of the city, in case of a counter-demonstration, and in other parts of the country where parallel ceremonies were celebrated. The major state funeral belonged to a new type of event that began to appear in France in the last third of the nineteenth century: the media event. These were events such as the Dreyfus affair that owed part of their existence to the appearance of a mass circulating press. Yet media events, which may have appeared ‘monstrous’ and disparate, all progressed through the same stages of what Victor Turner has called a social drama.Less
The analysis of the major state funerals by which the Third Republic honoured its distinguished citizens shows that the event of the funeral did not simply correspond to the ceremony. The actual rite of passage was the core of the event, but it did not demarcate either its beginning or its end. From a spatial point of view, the event took place not only along the procession route and in the cemetery, but also in other parts of the city, in case of a counter-demonstration, and in other parts of the country where parallel ceremonies were celebrated. The major state funeral belonged to a new type of event that began to appear in France in the last third of the nineteenth century: the media event. These were events such as the Dreyfus affair that owed part of their existence to the appearance of a mass circulating press. Yet media events, which may have appeared ‘monstrous’ and disparate, all progressed through the same stages of what Victor Turner has called a social drama.
Alan Bullock and F. W. D. Deakin
- Published in print:
- 1973
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198221043
- eISBN:
- 9780191678400
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198221043.003.0022
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
A new social doctrine – solidarism – was virtually adopted by the republican government to meet the increasing challenges of industrialisation. Solidarity was the most talked about ideal of the 1890s ...
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A new social doctrine – solidarism – was virtually adopted by the republican government to meet the increasing challenges of industrialisation. Solidarity was the most talked about ideal of the 1890s and the first decade of the twentieth century. The first significant feature of solidarism was that it represented a new attitude to the French Revolution. Though solidarism was supported by arguments drawn from the natural and social sciences, which made it appear topical and new, its doctrines were of course composed of much older elements. Solidarism did not produce the radical change it could have done. This, rather than the lack of social legislation, was the great failure of the 1890s. One explanation of the stability that underlay the polemic can be found in the career of Waldeck-Rousseau. The Dreyfus affair was important in giving the intellectuals a sense of their mission, and in confirming their importance.Less
A new social doctrine – solidarism – was virtually adopted by the republican government to meet the increasing challenges of industrialisation. Solidarity was the most talked about ideal of the 1890s and the first decade of the twentieth century. The first significant feature of solidarism was that it represented a new attitude to the French Revolution. Though solidarism was supported by arguments drawn from the natural and social sciences, which made it appear topical and new, its doctrines were of course composed of much older elements. Solidarism did not produce the radical change it could have done. This, rather than the lack of social legislation, was the great failure of the 1890s. One explanation of the stability that underlay the polemic can be found in the career of Waldeck-Rousseau. The Dreyfus affair was important in giving the intellectuals a sense of their mission, and in confirming their importance.
Mark Hewitson
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208587
- eISBN:
- 9780191678073
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208587.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book examines common elements in Wilhelmine perceptions of the French polity and the connections between such elements. It explores whether different political groupings in Germany emphasized ...
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This book examines common elements in Wilhelmine perceptions of the French polity and the connections between such elements. It explores whether different political groupings in Germany emphasized different elements of the French republic, and whether they connected them in different ways. It begins by looking at the public denouement of the Dreyfus affair and the questions which it raised for German observers, including the fundamental relationship between law and the state. In many instances, this relationship defined the nature and extent of politics, often by excluding political parties from state affairs. The book also investigates the parliamentary basis of the Third Republic, the divergent conceptions in France and Germany of government functions and competencies, the connection between parliamentarism and universal suffrage, how both government and political parties in Germany came to reject the French parliamentary republic as a political paradigm which was worthy of imitation, and the Third Republic's position and role in common political typologies of the Wilhelmine period.Less
This book examines common elements in Wilhelmine perceptions of the French polity and the connections between such elements. It explores whether different political groupings in Germany emphasized different elements of the French republic, and whether they connected them in different ways. It begins by looking at the public denouement of the Dreyfus affair and the questions which it raised for German observers, including the fundamental relationship between law and the state. In many instances, this relationship defined the nature and extent of politics, often by excluding political parties from state affairs. The book also investigates the parliamentary basis of the Third Republic, the divergent conceptions in France and Germany of government functions and competencies, the connection between parliamentarism and universal suffrage, how both government and political parties in Germany came to reject the French parliamentary republic as a political paradigm which was worthy of imitation, and the Third Republic's position and role in common political typologies of the Wilhelmine period.
Mark Hewitson
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208587
- eISBN:
- 9780191678073
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208587.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter looks at the Dreyfus affair and the questions which it raised for German observers, including the fundamental relationship between law and the state. In many instances, this relationship ...
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This chapter looks at the Dreyfus affair and the questions which it raised for German observers, including the fundamental relationship between law and the state. In many instances, this relationship defined the nature and extent of politics, often by excluding political parties from state affairs. The Rechtsstaat underpinned the Kulturstaat and even the well-governed Polizeistaat of the late 19th century rather than hindering them. In short, the Rechtsstaat ensured internal order by consent, which in turn permitted the state to acquire new responsibilities without public disquiet. Law, because it imposed limits on state and subject, constituted a platform for later disputes about forms of government. Historically, the rule of law appeared to precede political debate in Germany: it had to be preserved, if that debate were to have any sense.Less
This chapter looks at the Dreyfus affair and the questions which it raised for German observers, including the fundamental relationship between law and the state. In many instances, this relationship defined the nature and extent of politics, often by excluding political parties from state affairs. The Rechtsstaat underpinned the Kulturstaat and even the well-governed Polizeistaat of the late 19th century rather than hindering them. In short, the Rechtsstaat ensured internal order by consent, which in turn permitted the state to acquire new responsibilities without public disquiet. Law, because it imposed limits on state and subject, constituted a platform for later disputes about forms of government. Historically, the rule of law appeared to precede political debate in Germany: it had to be preserved, if that debate were to have any sense.
Edward Berenson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520234277
- eISBN:
- 9780520947191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520234277.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The Dreyfus Affair threatened to split France apart. The charges against Captain Alfred Dreyfus were false, and anti-Semitism had played no small part in both the accusation of treason and the ...
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The Dreyfus Affair threatened to split France apart. The charges against Captain Alfred Dreyfus were false, and anti-Semitism had played no small part in both the accusation of treason and the solitary confinement and other harsh punishments he endured. Jean-Baptiste Marchand, the “hero of Fashoda,” returned from his long African trip. Nationalists hoped Marchand's immense popularity and African military experience would make him the ideal leader of a rightist counterrevolution. The heroes of the Third Republic were above all colonial heroes, and the extraordinary dangers they faced in Africa made it easy to portray them as martyring themselves for France. Fashoda became the first great European crisis to take place under the full spotlight of a mass medium. Marchand's heroic image had helped bring a measure of unity to a long-divided France.Less
The Dreyfus Affair threatened to split France apart. The charges against Captain Alfred Dreyfus were false, and anti-Semitism had played no small part in both the accusation of treason and the solitary confinement and other harsh punishments he endured. Jean-Baptiste Marchand, the “hero of Fashoda,” returned from his long African trip. Nationalists hoped Marchand's immense popularity and African military experience would make him the ideal leader of a rightist counterrevolution. The heroes of the Third Republic were above all colonial heroes, and the extraordinary dangers they faced in Africa made it easy to portray them as martyring themselves for France. Fashoda became the first great European crisis to take place under the full spotlight of a mass medium. Marchand's heroic image had helped bring a measure of unity to a long-divided France.
Michael Heim
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195092585
- eISBN:
- 9780199852987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195092585.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Metaphysics/Epistemology
Heidegger's philosophy highlights the clash between technology and human values. Though he did not live long enough to witness the proliferation of microcomputers, his ideas are still viable means to ...
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Heidegger's philosophy highlights the clash between technology and human values. Though he did not live long enough to witness the proliferation of microcomputers, his ideas are still viable means to understand the ongoing technological revolution. The chapter starts with Heidegger but then moves to Dreyfus, a critique of the computer technology who argued against the hasty identification of the computer's formal patterns and algorithms with intelligence. The chapter finally introduces Mcluhan who believes in a cultural transformation that will be brought about by technology. To Mcluhan, technology will not sweep the older things away but will transform them while placing them before us as though nothing has changed. Both McLuhan and Heidegger considered the most awesome power of technology to reside in its newly achieved intimacy with language.Less
Heidegger's philosophy highlights the clash between technology and human values. Though he did not live long enough to witness the proliferation of microcomputers, his ideas are still viable means to understand the ongoing technological revolution. The chapter starts with Heidegger but then moves to Dreyfus, a critique of the computer technology who argued against the hasty identification of the computer's formal patterns and algorithms with intelligence. The chapter finally introduces Mcluhan who believes in a cultural transformation that will be brought about by technology. To Mcluhan, technology will not sweep the older things away but will transform them while placing them before us as though nothing has changed. Both McLuhan and Heidegger considered the most awesome power of technology to reside in its newly achieved intimacy with language.
Kevin Passmore
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199658206
- eISBN:
- 9780191745034
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199658206.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
After 1906, party organizations declined; the Right fragmented, and lost ground electorally. Yet a network of Centre and Right politicians, businessmen, academics, and journalists crystallized around ...
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After 1906, party organizations declined; the Right fragmented, and lost ground electorally. Yet a network of Centre and Right politicians, businessmen, academics, and journalists crystallized around an aspiration for ‘organization’ of society, economy, polity, and the family. The organizational movement took from crowd theory its emphasis on organic hierarchy, which it believed could be materialized through proportional representation and representation of business interests in parliament. ‘Organization’ would reinforce the leadership of the competent at a time when the victories of the Radical-Socialists appeared to represent the triumph of mediocrity. As always, Centre and Right disagreed concerning the nature of competence, notably because religion and economic philosophies still posed problems. Nonetheless, on the eve of war, a nationalist campaign for three-year military service reinforced conservative unity, and paved the way for the wartime Union sacrée. This would be a unity from above: until the mid-1920s, popular conservatism was relatively marginalized.Less
After 1906, party organizations declined; the Right fragmented, and lost ground electorally. Yet a network of Centre and Right politicians, businessmen, academics, and journalists crystallized around an aspiration for ‘organization’ of society, economy, polity, and the family. The organizational movement took from crowd theory its emphasis on organic hierarchy, which it believed could be materialized through proportional representation and representation of business interests in parliament. ‘Organization’ would reinforce the leadership of the competent at a time when the victories of the Radical-Socialists appeared to represent the triumph of mediocrity. As always, Centre and Right disagreed concerning the nature of competence, notably because religion and economic philosophies still posed problems. Nonetheless, on the eve of war, a nationalist campaign for three-year military service reinforced conservative unity, and paved the way for the wartime Union sacrée. This would be a unity from above: until the mid-1920s, popular conservatism was relatively marginalized.
Judith Chazin-Bennahum
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195399332
- eISBN:
- 9780199897025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195399332.003.0001
- Subject:
- Music, Dance
This chapter sets the stage by informing the reader about Blum’s family and friends, their influence on his life, his education, and his development as a critic and writer. His older brother Léon was ...
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This chapter sets the stage by informing the reader about Blum’s family and friends, their influence on his life, his education, and his development as a critic and writer. His older brother Léon was an editor for the journal Revue Blanche and René spent hours in that publication’s offices with Edouard Vuillard, Pierre Bonnard, André Gide, Stéphane Mallarmé, and Paul Valéry. La Belle Époque featured the Dreyfus affair, and Blum’s brother Léon, as well as their close friends such as Marcel Proust, all sought to vindicate Dreyfus and prove his innocence. René was twenty years old in 1898 when Dreyfus was retried by the French military. The chapter also emphasizes that Blum was courted by some of the most influential socialites of his time, attending the salons of Mesdames de Caillavet and Geneviève Straus, widow of Georges Bizet, and frequenting the home of Robert de Montesquiou, a flamboyant poet and colorful character.Less
This chapter sets the stage by informing the reader about Blum’s family and friends, their influence on his life, his education, and his development as a critic and writer. His older brother Léon was an editor for the journal Revue Blanche and René spent hours in that publication’s offices with Edouard Vuillard, Pierre Bonnard, André Gide, Stéphane Mallarmé, and Paul Valéry. La Belle Époque featured the Dreyfus affair, and Blum’s brother Léon, as well as their close friends such as Marcel Proust, all sought to vindicate Dreyfus and prove his innocence. René was twenty years old in 1898 when Dreyfus was retried by the French military. The chapter also emphasizes that Blum was courted by some of the most influential socialites of his time, attending the salons of Mesdames de Caillavet and Geneviève Straus, widow of Georges Bizet, and frequenting the home of Robert de Montesquiou, a flamboyant poet and colorful character.
Joseph Rouse
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226293677
- eISBN:
- 9780226293707
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226293707.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Philosophy of Science
This chapter begins with an overview and a taxonomy of philosophical accounts of intentionality and conceptual understanding. Differences among these views often cause confusion: debates between John ...
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This chapter begins with an overview and a taxonomy of philosophical accounts of intentionality and conceptual understanding. Differences among these views often cause confusion: debates between John McDowell and Hubert Dreyfus over whether practical and perceptual skills are conceptually articulated exemplify such confusion from different understandings of the “conceptual.” Two distinctions together provide an instructive taxonomy of four philosophical approaches to the topic. First, is the difference between conceptual and non-conceptual performances determined by an operative cognitive process, or does it mark a normative status within a larger pattern of practice? Second, does the analysis start with an “empty” conceptual content that is then fulfilled or disconfirmed in perception or action, or begin instead with an agent’s perceptual and practical interaction with the world before asking how that interaction is conceptually articulated? The chapter then builds upon John Haugeland’s arguments against several strategies in this taxonomy to show why the best approach is to analyze intentionality and conceptuality as a normative status that conceptually articulates an agent’s practical and perceptual engagement with the world. The chapter also introduces a third important distinction among philosophical approaches: is intentionality or conceptual understanding a distinctively human phenomenon, or are humans and non-human animals continuous in this respect?Less
This chapter begins with an overview and a taxonomy of philosophical accounts of intentionality and conceptual understanding. Differences among these views often cause confusion: debates between John McDowell and Hubert Dreyfus over whether practical and perceptual skills are conceptually articulated exemplify such confusion from different understandings of the “conceptual.” Two distinctions together provide an instructive taxonomy of four philosophical approaches to the topic. First, is the difference between conceptual and non-conceptual performances determined by an operative cognitive process, or does it mark a normative status within a larger pattern of practice? Second, does the analysis start with an “empty” conceptual content that is then fulfilled or disconfirmed in perception or action, or begin instead with an agent’s perceptual and practical interaction with the world before asking how that interaction is conceptually articulated? The chapter then builds upon John Haugeland’s arguments against several strategies in this taxonomy to show why the best approach is to analyze intentionality and conceptuality as a normative status that conceptually articulates an agent’s practical and perceptual engagement with the world. The chapter also introduces a third important distinction among philosophical approaches: is intentionality or conceptual understanding a distinctively human phenomenon, or are humans and non-human animals continuous in this respect?
Edward J. Hughes
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199609864
- eISBN:
- 9780191731761
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199609864.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
The Introduction focuses on Proust’s response to the Dreyfus Affair as reflected in his unfinished early novel Jean Santeuil and examines Georges Bataille’s claim that the aspiring author showed ...
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The Introduction focuses on Proust’s response to the Dreyfus Affair as reflected in his unfinished early novel Jean Santeuil and examines Georges Bataille’s claim that the aspiring author showed radical social instincts in his defence of Dreyfus. Challenging the conventional image of Proust as the effete young socialite currying favour with the aristocracy, Bataille highlights a political Proust and homes in on those pages of Jean Santeuil where political scandal dominates. Reading the narrator’s reaction to questions of social justice biographically, Bataille sees in the early novel’s moral and philosophical defence of truth a reflection of the young Proust’s position. The chapter goes on to consider the representation of the Dreyfus Affair in A la recherche and reflects on how the later Proust moves away from a position of engaged solidarity and instead chooses to stress the ephemeral nature of culture wars and causes célèbres.Less
The Introduction focuses on Proust’s response to the Dreyfus Affair as reflected in his unfinished early novel Jean Santeuil and examines Georges Bataille’s claim that the aspiring author showed radical social instincts in his defence of Dreyfus. Challenging the conventional image of Proust as the effete young socialite currying favour with the aristocracy, Bataille highlights a political Proust and homes in on those pages of Jean Santeuil where political scandal dominates. Reading the narrator’s reaction to questions of social justice biographically, Bataille sees in the early novel’s moral and philosophical defence of truth a reflection of the young Proust’s position. The chapter goes on to consider the representation of the Dreyfus Affair in A la recherche and reflects on how the later Proust moves away from a position of engaged solidarity and instead chooses to stress the ephemeral nature of culture wars and causes célèbres.
Denis McManus
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199694877
- eISBN:
- 9780191745706
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199694877.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy, Metaphysics/Epistemology
The most influential interpretation of the issues that Chapter 3 raises is that found in Dreyfus’ reading of Heidegger. Central to it is Dreyfus’ notion of ‘the background’ and this chapter examines ...
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The most influential interpretation of the issues that Chapter 3 raises is that found in Dreyfus’ reading of Heidegger. Central to it is Dreyfus’ notion of ‘the background’ and this chapter examines some of the considerations upon which he draws in arguing for the need for such a ‘background’ and in identifying just what the ‘background’ is. In particular, two arguments are explored that appear to show that, without such a ‘background’, we face an unstoppable ‘regress of rules’. But if recognition of the ‘background’ is meant to provide solutions to those problems, then it is not clear that the supposed solutions that emerge work. Drawing on parallels with ideas of McDowell's, some of which Heidegger anticipates, an alternative interpretation is identified, according to which that recognition forms part of an attempt to ‘dissolve’ those problems. But this alternative interpretation raises other serious doubts about Dreyfus's characterisation of the ‘background’.Less
The most influential interpretation of the issues that Chapter 3 raises is that found in Dreyfus’ reading of Heidegger. Central to it is Dreyfus’ notion of ‘the background’ and this chapter examines some of the considerations upon which he draws in arguing for the need for such a ‘background’ and in identifying just what the ‘background’ is. In particular, two arguments are explored that appear to show that, without such a ‘background’, we face an unstoppable ‘regress of rules’. But if recognition of the ‘background’ is meant to provide solutions to those problems, then it is not clear that the supposed solutions that emerge work. Drawing on parallels with ideas of McDowell's, some of which Heidegger anticipates, an alternative interpretation is identified, according to which that recognition forms part of an attempt to ‘dissolve’ those problems. But this alternative interpretation raises other serious doubts about Dreyfus's characterisation of the ‘background’.
Jason Stanley
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199695362
- eISBN:
- 9780191729768
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199695362.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Metaphysics/Epistemology, Philosophy of Language
Gilbert Ryle is well known for arguing that knowing how is not a kind of knowing that. The purpose of this chapter is to distinguish Ryle’s correct insights about action from his incorrect ...
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Gilbert Ryle is well known for arguing that knowing how is not a kind of knowing that. The purpose of this chapter is to distinguish Ryle’s correct insights about action from his incorrect conclusions about the relation between knowing how to do something and knowing that something is the case. Ryle provides several different regress arguments to show that knowing how is not a kind of knowing that. Various versions of Ryle’s regress arguments are discussed, including his version of the Lewis Carroll argument. The morals of the discussion are applied a number of recent discussions in ethics and the philosophy of mind about what it is to act intelligently and what it is to act for a reason.Less
Gilbert Ryle is well known for arguing that knowing how is not a kind of knowing that. The purpose of this chapter is to distinguish Ryle’s correct insights about action from his incorrect conclusions about the relation between knowing how to do something and knowing that something is the case. Ryle provides several different regress arguments to show that knowing how is not a kind of knowing that. Various versions of Ryle’s regress arguments are discussed, including his version of the Lewis Carroll argument. The morals of the discussion are applied a number of recent discussions in ethics and the philosophy of mind about what it is to act intelligently and what it is to act for a reason.
