Derek Drinkwater
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273850
- eISBN:
- 9780191602344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273855.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Sir Harold Nicolson was a distinguished historian of diplomacy and a leading commentator on the subject. He was also a notable contributor to diplomatic theory. The main sources of his approach as a ...
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Sir Harold Nicolson was a distinguished historian of diplomacy and a leading commentator on the subject. He was also a notable contributor to diplomatic theory. The main sources of his approach as a diplomatic thinker were ancient Greek and Roman political theory and history, chiefly, the writings of Aristotle and Thucydides and Grotian conceptions of international relations. Nicolson’s philosophy of diplomacy centred on its relationship with the principal elements of foreign policy such as the balance of power; he emphasized, too, the effects on diplomacy of national character and prestige. His diplomatic theorizing encompassed ancient Greek, medieval, and Renaissance diplomacy as well as Imperial Europe’s Old Diplomacy and the so-called New Diplomacy of the twentieth century. Nicolson applied the tenets of his liberal realism, an amalgam of idealist and realist outlooks on international relations, in developing an ambitious and original theory of diplomatic intercourse.Less
Sir Harold Nicolson was a distinguished historian of diplomacy and a leading commentator on the subject. He was also a notable contributor to diplomatic theory. The main sources of his approach as a diplomatic thinker were ancient Greek and Roman political theory and history, chiefly, the writings of Aristotle and Thucydides and Grotian conceptions of international relations. Nicolson’s philosophy of diplomacy centred on its relationship with the principal elements of foreign policy such as the balance of power; he emphasized, too, the effects on diplomacy of national character and prestige. His diplomatic theorizing encompassed ancient Greek, medieval, and Renaissance diplomacy as well as Imperial Europe’s Old Diplomacy and the so-called New Diplomacy of the twentieth century. Nicolson applied the tenets of his liberal realism, an amalgam of idealist and realist outlooks on international relations, in developing an ambitious and original theory of diplomatic intercourse.
M. B. HAYNE
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202707
- eISBN:
- 9780191675492
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202707.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The subject of the study is presented in this chapter: the French Foreign Ministry — the Quai d'Orsay — between 1898 and 1914. The chapter explains that the period chosen showcases several important ...
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The subject of the study is presented in this chapter: the French Foreign Ministry — the Quai d'Orsay — between 1898 and 1914. The chapter explains that the period chosen showcases several important events that occurred which includes the illustrious career of Théophile Delcassé, Fashoda and the associated crisis, and the onset war that provided a natural conclusion to an eventful era of French Diplomacy. This chapter argues that despite the evident significance of the Quai d'Orsay, relative treatment has been given to the topic by several writers and scholars. The goal of the book is also demonstrated here which is to contribute to the historiography and the controversy surrounding the origins of the First World War.Less
The subject of the study is presented in this chapter: the French Foreign Ministry — the Quai d'Orsay — between 1898 and 1914. The chapter explains that the period chosen showcases several important events that occurred which includes the illustrious career of Théophile Delcassé, Fashoda and the associated crisis, and the onset war that provided a natural conclusion to an eventful era of French Diplomacy. This chapter argues that despite the evident significance of the Quai d'Orsay, relative treatment has been given to the topic by several writers and scholars. The goal of the book is also demonstrated here which is to contribute to the historiography and the controversy surrounding the origins of the First World War.
Simon Rofe (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526131058
- eISBN:
- 9781526138873
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526131058.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Sport and Leisure
The purpose of this book is to critically enhance the appreciation of Diplomacy and Sport in global affairs from the perspective of practitioners and scholars. The book will make an important new ...
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The purpose of this book is to critically enhance the appreciation of Diplomacy and Sport in global affairs from the perspective of practitioners and scholars. The book will make an important new contribution to at least two distinct fields: Diplomacy and Sport, as well as to those concerned with History, Politics, Sociology, and International Relations. The critical analysis the book provides explores the linkages across these fields, particularly in relation to Soft Power and Public Diplomacy, and is supported by a wide range of sources and methodologies. The book draws in a range of scholars across these different fields, and includes esteemed FIFA scholar Prof. Alan Tomlinson. Tomlinson addresses diplomacy within the world’s global game of Association Football, while other subjects include the rise of Mega Sport Events (MSE) as sites of diplomacy, new consideration of Chinese Ping-Pong Diplomacy prior to the 1970s, the importance of boycotts in sport – particularly in relation to newly explored dimensions of the boycotts of the 1980 and 1984 Olympic Games. The place of non-state actors is explored throughout, be they individual or institutions they perform a crucial role as conduits of the transactions of sport and diplomacy Based on twentieth and twenty-first century evidence, the book acknowledges the antecedents from the ancient Olympics to the contemporary era and in its conclusions offers avenues for further study based on the future Sport and Diplomacy relationship. The book has strong international basis because it covers a broad range of countries, their diplomatic relationship with sport and is written by a truly transnational cast of authors. The intense media scrutiny on the Olympic Games, FIFA World Cup, and other international sports will also contribute to the global interest in this volume.Less
The purpose of this book is to critically enhance the appreciation of Diplomacy and Sport in global affairs from the perspective of practitioners and scholars. The book will make an important new contribution to at least two distinct fields: Diplomacy and Sport, as well as to those concerned with History, Politics, Sociology, and International Relations. The critical analysis the book provides explores the linkages across these fields, particularly in relation to Soft Power and Public Diplomacy, and is supported by a wide range of sources and methodologies. The book draws in a range of scholars across these different fields, and includes esteemed FIFA scholar Prof. Alan Tomlinson. Tomlinson addresses diplomacy within the world’s global game of Association Football, while other subjects include the rise of Mega Sport Events (MSE) as sites of diplomacy, new consideration of Chinese Ping-Pong Diplomacy prior to the 1970s, the importance of boycotts in sport – particularly in relation to newly explored dimensions of the boycotts of the 1980 and 1984 Olympic Games. The place of non-state actors is explored throughout, be they individual or institutions they perform a crucial role as conduits of the transactions of sport and diplomacy Based on twentieth and twenty-first century evidence, the book acknowledges the antecedents from the ancient Olympics to the contemporary era and in its conclusions offers avenues for further study based on the future Sport and Diplomacy relationship. The book has strong international basis because it covers a broad range of countries, their diplomatic relationship with sport and is written by a truly transnational cast of authors. The intense media scrutiny on the Olympic Games, FIFA World Cup, and other international sports will also contribute to the global interest in this volume.
Naghmeh Sohrabi
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199829705
- eISBN:
- 9780199933341
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199829705.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature, Prose (inc. letters, diaries)
Nasir al-Din Shah (r. 1848–1896), the longest reigning Qajar monarch, traveled to Europe three times during his rule, writing detailed accounts of each travel, in addition to multiple other accounts ...
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Nasir al-Din Shah (r. 1848–1896), the longest reigning Qajar monarch, traveled to Europe three times during his rule, writing detailed accounts of each travel, in addition to multiple other accounts of travel within Iran. This chapter examines the king’s European travelogues within the context of his other travel writings, the extensive body of commissioned and translated geographic works during his time, and the court’s gazette, Iran. This chapter shows the development of imperial narratives through the king’s own writings and the use of his detailed descriptions of travel as a tool for domestic politics and international diplomacy.Less
Nasir al-Din Shah (r. 1848–1896), the longest reigning Qajar monarch, traveled to Europe three times during his rule, writing detailed accounts of each travel, in addition to multiple other accounts of travel within Iran. This chapter examines the king’s European travelogues within the context of his other travel writings, the extensive body of commissioned and translated geographic works during his time, and the court’s gazette, Iran. This chapter shows the development of imperial narratives through the king’s own writings and the use of his detailed descriptions of travel as a tool for domestic politics and international diplomacy.
Walter C., Jr. Clemens
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780813167466
- eISBN:
- 9780813167756
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813167466.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
With more than twenty-five million citizens, a secretive totalitarian dictatorship, and active nuclear and ballistic missile weapons programs, North Korea presents some of the world’s most difficult ...
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With more than twenty-five million citizens, a secretive totalitarian dictatorship, and active nuclear and ballistic missile weapons programs, North Korea presents some of the world’s most difficult foreign policy challenges. Given these circumstances, policy expert Walter C. Clemens Jr. argues that now is the time to reconsider U.S. diplomatic efforts in North Korea. In North Korea and the World, Clemens poses the question, “Can, should, and must we negotiate with a regime we regard as evil?” Weighing the needs of all the stakeholders—including China, Japan, Russia, and South Korea—he determines that the answer is yes. After assessing ten policy options, he makes the case for engagement and negotiation with the regime. There still may be time to freeze or eliminate North Korea’s weapons of mass destruction. Grounded in philosophy and history, this volume offers a fresh road map for negotiators and outlines a grand bargain that balances both ethical and practical security concerns.Less
With more than twenty-five million citizens, a secretive totalitarian dictatorship, and active nuclear and ballistic missile weapons programs, North Korea presents some of the world’s most difficult foreign policy challenges. Given these circumstances, policy expert Walter C. Clemens Jr. argues that now is the time to reconsider U.S. diplomatic efforts in North Korea. In North Korea and the World, Clemens poses the question, “Can, should, and must we negotiate with a regime we regard as evil?” Weighing the needs of all the stakeholders—including China, Japan, Russia, and South Korea—he determines that the answer is yes. After assessing ten policy options, he makes the case for engagement and negotiation with the regime. There still may be time to freeze or eliminate North Korea’s weapons of mass destruction. Grounded in philosophy and history, this volume offers a fresh road map for negotiators and outlines a grand bargain that balances both ethical and practical security concerns.
David James Gill
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804786584
- eISBN:
- 9780804788588
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804786584.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Drawing on primary sources from both sides of the Atlantic, Britain and the Bomb explores how economic, political, and strategic considerations have shaped British nuclear diplomacy. The book ...
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Drawing on primary sources from both sides of the Atlantic, Britain and the Bomb explores how economic, political, and strategic considerations have shaped British nuclear diplomacy. The book concentrates on Prime Minister Harold Wilson’s first two terms of office, 1964-1970, which represent a critical period in international nuclear history. Wilson’s commitment to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and his support for continued investment in the British nuclear weapons program, despite serious economic and political challenges, established precedents that still influence policymakers today. The continued independence of Britain’s nuclear force, and the enduring absence of a German or European deterrent, certainly owes a debt to Wilson’s handling of nuclear diplomacy more than four decades ago. Beyond highlighting the importance of this period, the book explains how and why British nuclear diplomacy evolved during Wilson’s leadership. Cabinet discussions, financial crises, and international tensions encouraged a degree of flexibility in the pursuit of strategic independence and the creation of a non-proliferation treaty. The book shows us that British nuclear diplomacy was a series of compromises, an intricate blend of political, economic, and strategic considerations.Less
Drawing on primary sources from both sides of the Atlantic, Britain and the Bomb explores how economic, political, and strategic considerations have shaped British nuclear diplomacy. The book concentrates on Prime Minister Harold Wilson’s first two terms of office, 1964-1970, which represent a critical period in international nuclear history. Wilson’s commitment to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and his support for continued investment in the British nuclear weapons program, despite serious economic and political challenges, established precedents that still influence policymakers today. The continued independence of Britain’s nuclear force, and the enduring absence of a German or European deterrent, certainly owes a debt to Wilson’s handling of nuclear diplomacy more than four decades ago. Beyond highlighting the importance of this period, the book explains how and why British nuclear diplomacy evolved during Wilson’s leadership. Cabinet discussions, financial crises, and international tensions encouraged a degree of flexibility in the pursuit of strategic independence and the creation of a non-proliferation treaty. The book shows us that British nuclear diplomacy was a series of compromises, an intricate blend of political, economic, and strategic considerations.
Lisa Brooks
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780300196733
- eISBN:
- 9780300231113
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300196733.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Native American Studies
With rigorous original scholarship and creative narration, Our Beloved Kin recovers a complex picture of war, captivity, and resistance during the “First Indian War” (later named “King Philip’s War”) ...
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With rigorous original scholarship and creative narration, Our Beloved Kin recovers a complex picture of war, captivity, and resistance during the “First Indian War” (later named “King Philip’s War”) by relaying the stories of Weetamoo, a female Wampanoag leader, and James Printer, a Nipmuc scholar, whose stories converge in the captivity of Mary Rowlandson. King Philip’s War (1675-1678) is often viewed as the quintessential moment of colonial conquest and Native resistance, but these stories reveal a historical landscape much more complex than its original Puritan narrators conveyed. Our Beloved Kin also draws readers beyond the locus of most narratives of the war, southern New England, into the northern front, the vast interior of Wabanaki, where the war continued long beyond the death of “King Philip.” Beginning and ending at Caskoak, a place of diplomacy, the book explores the movement of survivors seeking refuge, captives taken in war, and Indigenous leaders pursuing diplomacy in vast Indigenous networks across the northeast. Supplemented by thirteen maps and an interactive website, Our Beloved Kin takes readers into Indigenous geographies, braiding together research in historical archives, including little-known revelatory documents, interpretive frameworks drawn from Indigenous languages, and place-based history which arises from reading “the archive of the land” to offer a compelling new interpretation of “King Philip’s War.”Less
With rigorous original scholarship and creative narration, Our Beloved Kin recovers a complex picture of war, captivity, and resistance during the “First Indian War” (later named “King Philip’s War”) by relaying the stories of Weetamoo, a female Wampanoag leader, and James Printer, a Nipmuc scholar, whose stories converge in the captivity of Mary Rowlandson. King Philip’s War (1675-1678) is often viewed as the quintessential moment of colonial conquest and Native resistance, but these stories reveal a historical landscape much more complex than its original Puritan narrators conveyed. Our Beloved Kin also draws readers beyond the locus of most narratives of the war, southern New England, into the northern front, the vast interior of Wabanaki, where the war continued long beyond the death of “King Philip.” Beginning and ending at Caskoak, a place of diplomacy, the book explores the movement of survivors seeking refuge, captives taken in war, and Indigenous leaders pursuing diplomacy in vast Indigenous networks across the northeast. Supplemented by thirteen maps and an interactive website, Our Beloved Kin takes readers into Indigenous geographies, braiding together research in historical archives, including little-known revelatory documents, interpretive frameworks drawn from Indigenous languages, and place-based history which arises from reading “the archive of the land” to offer a compelling new interpretation of “King Philip’s War.”
Roland Vogt (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789888083879
- eISBN:
- 9789882209077
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888083879.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Europe has had a significant presence in China over the last two centuries and its ideas, ideologies, and institutions contributed greatly to the development of modern China. Chinese perceptions of ...
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Europe has had a significant presence in China over the last two centuries and its ideas, ideologies, and institutions contributed greatly to the development of modern China. Chinese perceptions of Europe have evolved over time, ranging from fascination to a more critical appraisal of things European. Although Sino-European ties are largely cordial, they are fraught by a gap of cognition and understanding that places significant pressure on leaders to adapt to a new spirit for conducting mutual affairs. Increasingly, Chinese political and social elites resent being lectured or placated by Europe and they criticise what they perceive to be Europe's undignified treatment of China. Assuming benign expectations of each other is insufficient for both sides to find a constructive basis for their future relationship.Less
Europe has had a significant presence in China over the last two centuries and its ideas, ideologies, and institutions contributed greatly to the development of modern China. Chinese perceptions of Europe have evolved over time, ranging from fascination to a more critical appraisal of things European. Although Sino-European ties are largely cordial, they are fraught by a gap of cognition and understanding that places significant pressure on leaders to adapt to a new spirit for conducting mutual affairs. Increasingly, Chinese political and social elites resent being lectured or placated by Europe and they criticise what they perceive to be Europe's undignified treatment of China. Assuming benign expectations of each other is insufficient for both sides to find a constructive basis for their future relationship.
Thomas Tunstall Allcock
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813176154
- eISBN:
- 9780813176185
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813176154.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explores Thomas Mann’s career in the State Department in the period prior to Johnson’s presidency, establishing both Mann’s background and beliefs and the broad pattern of inter-American ...
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This chapter explores Thomas Mann’s career in the State Department in the period prior to Johnson’s presidency, establishing both Mann’s background and beliefs and the broad pattern of inter-American relations in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Mann’s role as an early champion of increased economic aid and cooperative measures to assist the economies of the hemisphere is vital for understanding the positions he would later advocate in the 1960s, as is his highly successful period serving as Kennedy’s ambassador to Mexico. The chapter also traces the gradual shift from the Eisenhower administration’s “trade-not-aid” position to early efforts at promoting economic modernization, supported by Senate majority leader Lyndon Johnson, as the Cold War came to Latin America via Fidel Castro’s Cuban Revolution. It concludes with the culmination of this process, the creation of John F. Kennedy’s Alliance for Progress.Less
This chapter explores Thomas Mann’s career in the State Department in the period prior to Johnson’s presidency, establishing both Mann’s background and beliefs and the broad pattern of inter-American relations in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Mann’s role as an early champion of increased economic aid and cooperative measures to assist the economies of the hemisphere is vital for understanding the positions he would later advocate in the 1960s, as is his highly successful period serving as Kennedy’s ambassador to Mexico. The chapter also traces the gradual shift from the Eisenhower administration’s “trade-not-aid” position to early efforts at promoting economic modernization, supported by Senate majority leader Lyndon Johnson, as the Cold War came to Latin America via Fidel Castro’s Cuban Revolution. It concludes with the culmination of this process, the creation of John F. Kennedy’s Alliance for Progress.
Andrew K. Frank and A. Glenn Crothers (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780813054957
- eISBN:
- 9780813053400
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813054957.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This collection of original essays extends the concept of boderlands—as both a process and place—to geographic places and topics not usually considered in this realm. This includes African slavery, ...
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This collection of original essays extends the concept of boderlands—as both a process and place—to geographic places and topics not usually considered in this realm. This includes African slavery, missionaries, the Ohio Valley, and other non-Spanish regions. Positioning these regions and topics as comparable to other early North American crossroads and meeting places highlights how the mingling of people and cultures shaped North America’s history before 1850. Equally important, it helps illuminate scholars’s growing focus on the process of borderland formation across a variety of North American regions. Collectively, the essays in this volume reveal how the field is currently unfolding and urge scholars to abandon the geographic determinism of the first definition. The southwestern United States-Mexico border remains an ideal locale to employ the concept as a metaphor and as an intellectual tool, but this volume reveals the merits of employing borderlands to create more nuanced narratives of the intersection of people and ideas in the Ohio Valley and elsewhere in early North America.Less
This collection of original essays extends the concept of boderlands—as both a process and place—to geographic places and topics not usually considered in this realm. This includes African slavery, missionaries, the Ohio Valley, and other non-Spanish regions. Positioning these regions and topics as comparable to other early North American crossroads and meeting places highlights how the mingling of people and cultures shaped North America’s history before 1850. Equally important, it helps illuminate scholars’s growing focus on the process of borderland formation across a variety of North American regions. Collectively, the essays in this volume reveal how the field is currently unfolding and urge scholars to abandon the geographic determinism of the first definition. The southwestern United States-Mexico border remains an ideal locale to employ the concept as a metaphor and as an intellectual tool, but this volume reveals the merits of employing borderlands to create more nuanced narratives of the intersection of people and ideas in the Ohio Valley and elsewhere in early North America.
Silvia Marzagalli, James R. Sofka, and John McCusker (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780986497346
- eISBN:
- 9781786944504
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780986497346.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Maritime History
This study analyses the presence of American ships, merchants, and interests in the Mediterranean region in the first decades following the independence of the United States, and seeks to understand ...
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This study analyses the presence of American ships, merchants, and interests in the Mediterranean region in the first decades following the independence of the United States, and seeks to understand whether or not the English, Dutch, Scandinavians, and Americans invaded the region and its shipping industry in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It considers the following topics: the benefit of American neutrality during the French Revolutionary wars which enabled the growth of their shipping activities; the organisation of protection for American ships post-independence, particularly from Barbary privateers; the diplomatic efforts of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson and the relationships of convenience fostered by American powers when requesting European assistance; the development of American consular services to assist merchants and captains; the avoidance of incidents through peace and commercial treaties through to ship seizures and crew enslavement; and the impact of the Tripolitanian War (or Barbary War) on American-Mediterranean shipping. The works in this volume attempt to determine whether or not these actions can be considered an ‘invasion’. They explore the mutually beneficial aspects of American-Mediterranean trade whilst also considering the strength of the Mediterranean trade (particularly Greek) prior to American interference. It concludes by confirming the dual objectives of the American presence - to ensure open markets for their goods, and to enhance their political and military power against British, French, and North African regencies.Less
This study analyses the presence of American ships, merchants, and interests in the Mediterranean region in the first decades following the independence of the United States, and seeks to understand whether or not the English, Dutch, Scandinavians, and Americans invaded the region and its shipping industry in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It considers the following topics: the benefit of American neutrality during the French Revolutionary wars which enabled the growth of their shipping activities; the organisation of protection for American ships post-independence, particularly from Barbary privateers; the diplomatic efforts of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson and the relationships of convenience fostered by American powers when requesting European assistance; the development of American consular services to assist merchants and captains; the avoidance of incidents through peace and commercial treaties through to ship seizures and crew enslavement; and the impact of the Tripolitanian War (or Barbary War) on American-Mediterranean shipping. The works in this volume attempt to determine whether or not these actions can be considered an ‘invasion’. They explore the mutually beneficial aspects of American-Mediterranean trade whilst also considering the strength of the Mediterranean trade (particularly Greek) prior to American interference. It concludes by confirming the dual objectives of the American presence - to ensure open markets for their goods, and to enhance their political and military power against British, French, and North African regencies.
Mark C. Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780973893465
- eISBN:
- 9781786944580
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780973893465.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Maritime History
This journal explores the British and American attempts to suppress both piracy and slavery in the equatorial Atlantic in the period 1816 to 1865. It aims to demonstrate the pivotal role of naval ...
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This journal explores the British and American attempts to suppress both piracy and slavery in the equatorial Atlantic in the period 1816 to 1865. It aims to demonstrate the pivotal role of naval policy in defining the Anglo-American relationship. It defines the equatorial Atlantic as the region encompassing the coastal zones of the Gulf of Mexico, Central America, Northern Brazil, and the African coast from Cape Verde to the south of the Congo River. It explores the use of sea power by both nations in pursuit of their goals, and the Anglo-American naval relations during this relatively co-operative period. At its core, it argues that naval activities result from national interests - in this instance protecting commerce and furthering economic objectives, a source of tension between America and Britain during the period. It confirms that the two nations were neither allies nor enemies during the period, yet learnt to co-exist non-violently through their strategic use of sea power during peacetime. The journal consists of an introductory chapter, eight chapters of analysis, and a select bibliography.Less
This journal explores the British and American attempts to suppress both piracy and slavery in the equatorial Atlantic in the period 1816 to 1865. It aims to demonstrate the pivotal role of naval policy in defining the Anglo-American relationship. It defines the equatorial Atlantic as the region encompassing the coastal zones of the Gulf of Mexico, Central America, Northern Brazil, and the African coast from Cape Verde to the south of the Congo River. It explores the use of sea power by both nations in pursuit of their goals, and the Anglo-American naval relations during this relatively co-operative period. At its core, it argues that naval activities result from national interests - in this instance protecting commerce and furthering economic objectives, a source of tension between America and Britain during the period. It confirms that the two nations were neither allies nor enemies during the period, yet learnt to co-exist non-violently through their strategic use of sea power during peacetime. The journal consists of an introductory chapter, eight chapters of analysis, and a select bibliography.
Ellen D. Tillman
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469626956
- eISBN:
- 9781469628127
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626956.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
The U.S. policy of “Dollar Diplomacy” was designed to replace “dollars for bullets,” to guarantee economic and political stability in the Caribbean without intrusive and increasingly controversial ...
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The U.S. policy of “Dollar Diplomacy” was designed to replace “dollars for bullets,” to guarantee economic and political stability in the Caribbean without intrusive and increasingly controversial military interventions. Using military and government records from Dominican and US archives, this work investigates the extent to which early twentieth-century U.S. involvement in the Dominican Republic fundamentally changed the course of Dominican history and the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. In the Dominican Republic, successive interventions contributed to a drastic shifting of the social order, as well as centralized state power through the military, which Rafael Trujillo leveraged in his rise to dictatorship in the 1920s. Ultimately, this study demonstrates, the overthrow of the social order resulted not from military planning, but from the unplanned and uncoordinated interactions and negotiations between U.S. Marine Corps military occupation initiatives and Dominican society. This work provides insight into Dominican history and early U.S. attempts to use military force to reform other nations, but also offers a unique view of the power and goals of U.S. Navy officers and administrators during a period of expansive naval growth and concern about Caribbean security.Less
The U.S. policy of “Dollar Diplomacy” was designed to replace “dollars for bullets,” to guarantee economic and political stability in the Caribbean without intrusive and increasingly controversial military interventions. Using military and government records from Dominican and US archives, this work investigates the extent to which early twentieth-century U.S. involvement in the Dominican Republic fundamentally changed the course of Dominican history and the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. In the Dominican Republic, successive interventions contributed to a drastic shifting of the social order, as well as centralized state power through the military, which Rafael Trujillo leveraged in his rise to dictatorship in the 1920s. Ultimately, this study demonstrates, the overthrow of the social order resulted not from military planning, but from the unplanned and uncoordinated interactions and negotiations between U.S. Marine Corps military occupation initiatives and Dominican society. This work provides insight into Dominican history and early U.S. attempts to use military force to reform other nations, but also offers a unique view of the power and goals of U.S. Navy officers and administrators during a period of expansive naval growth and concern about Caribbean security.
David Andrew Nichols
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469626895
- eISBN:
- 9781469626918
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626895.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
For a quarter of a century, the United States government operated a system of public trading posts, or factories, in the eastern North American borderland. The factories sold manufactured goods to ...
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For a quarter of a century, the United States government operated a system of public trading posts, or factories, in the eastern North American borderland. The factories sold manufactured goods to Indians at cost and bought their peltry, foodstuffs, and other wares at market rates. They also served as annuity distribution centers and host sites for treaty conferences. The U.S. government used the factories to build its influence in Indian communities, win Native American allies, and (in a few cases) to leverage Indian land sales with factory debts. For their part, Indian men and women turned the trading houses to their own uses: finding alternatives to British and Spanish traders; acquiring gifts and credit; enlisting the factors to resolve interethnic disputes; and selling goods for which the market had softened. Indians ultimately viewed the factories as alliance centers: during the War of 1812 the United States' Native allies employed them as arsenals and rally points, and its Indian adversaries viewed them as targets to capture or destroy. After that war, Superintendent Thomas McKenney tried to revive the factories by tying them to the Indian “civilization” program, advocating use of the system's revenues to fund Indian schools. Congress and the president, however, had come to see Indian alliance as less important than saving public money in an era of fiscal austerity, and fur trading as incompatible with the “civilized” lifeways they wanted Indians to adopt. With some pressure from the American Fur Company, they closed the factories permanently in 1822.Less
For a quarter of a century, the United States government operated a system of public trading posts, or factories, in the eastern North American borderland. The factories sold manufactured goods to Indians at cost and bought their peltry, foodstuffs, and other wares at market rates. They also served as annuity distribution centers and host sites for treaty conferences. The U.S. government used the factories to build its influence in Indian communities, win Native American allies, and (in a few cases) to leverage Indian land sales with factory debts. For their part, Indian men and women turned the trading houses to their own uses: finding alternatives to British and Spanish traders; acquiring gifts and credit; enlisting the factors to resolve interethnic disputes; and selling goods for which the market had softened. Indians ultimately viewed the factories as alliance centers: during the War of 1812 the United States' Native allies employed them as arsenals and rally points, and its Indian adversaries viewed them as targets to capture or destroy. After that war, Superintendent Thomas McKenney tried to revive the factories by tying them to the Indian “civilization” program, advocating use of the system's revenues to fund Indian schools. Congress and the president, however, had come to see Indian alliance as less important than saving public money in an era of fiscal austerity, and fur trading as incompatible with the “civilized” lifeways they wanted Indians to adopt. With some pressure from the American Fur Company, they closed the factories permanently in 1822.
Alan Tomlinson (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526131058
- eISBN:
- 9781526138873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526131058.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Sport and Leisure
This chapter considers the ways in which selected perspectives from the new public diplomacy, as well as established forms of diplomatic study of both state and non-state actors, can illuminate and ...
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This chapter considers the ways in which selected perspectives from the new public diplomacy, as well as established forms of diplomatic study of both state and non-state actors, can illuminate and enhance an understanding of the history and growth of the governing body of world football and the "continental" confederations recognized by FIFA. In turn, it reflect on the ways in which a rigorous study of sporting institutions such as FIFA can contribute to an understanding of the crossover between sport development, sport governance and related forms of diplomacy. A new analysis of the cultural and political dynamics of the developments of FIFA’s regional bodues warrants a forensic approach to the analysis of the historical phases of the confederations emergence. The chapter therefore considers the cases of the formative years of CONCACAF and OCEANIA, small players initially in global football politics but by 2016 providing 52 full members of FIFA, almost a quarter of the powerbrokers making up the 209 members of its Congress. In conclusion, the generally unacknowledged contribution of sport governing bodies to forms of diplomatic practice and relations is reconsidered, in the comparative light of other studies within the book, and the detailed consideration in this chapter of the selected phase of FIFA and confederation development.Less
This chapter considers the ways in which selected perspectives from the new public diplomacy, as well as established forms of diplomatic study of both state and non-state actors, can illuminate and enhance an understanding of the history and growth of the governing body of world football and the "continental" confederations recognized by FIFA. In turn, it reflect on the ways in which a rigorous study of sporting institutions such as FIFA can contribute to an understanding of the crossover between sport development, sport governance and related forms of diplomacy. A new analysis of the cultural and political dynamics of the developments of FIFA’s regional bodues warrants a forensic approach to the analysis of the historical phases of the confederations emergence. The chapter therefore considers the cases of the formative years of CONCACAF and OCEANIA, small players initially in global football politics but by 2016 providing 52 full members of FIFA, almost a quarter of the powerbrokers making up the 209 members of its Congress. In conclusion, the generally unacknowledged contribution of sport governing bodies to forms of diplomatic practice and relations is reconsidered, in the comparative light of other studies within the book, and the detailed consideration in this chapter of the selected phase of FIFA and confederation development.
Maximilian Drephal (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526131058
- eISBN:
- 9781526138873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526131058.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Sport and Leisure
In 1919, Afghanistan won its independence from British suzerainty. In each subsequent year, the state celebrated the event by staging military parades, organising cultural programmes – and sporting ...
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In 1919, Afghanistan won its independence from British suzerainty. In each subsequent year, the state celebrated the event by staging military parades, organising cultural programmes – and sporting competitions. This chapter considers the independence games from the perspective of British diplomats in Afghanistan who also took part in the contests. In particular, the chapter studies the reports written by British diplomats on the games and explores how notions of fair play and athleticism were projected on the independent state of Afghanistan. The chapter asks if these reports are indicative of larger political and/or colonial ambitions. Complicating conventional assumptions on the primacy of the political in diplomatic relations, this chapter suggests that the physical encounter constituted a central feature in British-Afghan relations.Less
In 1919, Afghanistan won its independence from British suzerainty. In each subsequent year, the state celebrated the event by staging military parades, organising cultural programmes – and sporting competitions. This chapter considers the independence games from the perspective of British diplomats in Afghanistan who also took part in the contests. In particular, the chapter studies the reports written by British diplomats on the games and explores how notions of fair play and athleticism were projected on the independent state of Afghanistan. The chapter asks if these reports are indicative of larger political and/or colonial ambitions. Complicating conventional assumptions on the primacy of the political in diplomatic relations, this chapter suggests that the physical encounter constituted a central feature in British-Afghan relations.
Melinda Sutton
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719096013
- eISBN:
- 9781526103963
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719096013.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
After the British Labour Party adopted the position of favouring Irish unity by consent in 1981, it emphasised the importance of improving Anglo-Irish relations, believing that institutionalising and ...
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After the British Labour Party adopted the position of favouring Irish unity by consent in 1981, it emphasised the importance of improving Anglo-Irish relations, believing that institutionalising and normalising cross-border co-operation, as well as harmonising the social and economic systems of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, would diminish the relevance of the border.To examine the implications of that position, this chapter considers Labour’s relationship with the Republic of Ireland between 1981 and 1994, with reference to its bipartisan support for government policy and the developments and debates over its Northern Ireland policy. Labour’s emphasis on improving relations is placed in the wider context of political developments in both countries. The period is also contrasted with the more fractious relationship between the Labour Party and the Republic of Ireland in the 1970s, and the notably improved relationship between the two governments in the 1990s, particularly under the leadership of Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern.Less
After the British Labour Party adopted the position of favouring Irish unity by consent in 1981, it emphasised the importance of improving Anglo-Irish relations, believing that institutionalising and normalising cross-border co-operation, as well as harmonising the social and economic systems of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, would diminish the relevance of the border.To examine the implications of that position, this chapter considers Labour’s relationship with the Republic of Ireland between 1981 and 1994, with reference to its bipartisan support for government policy and the developments and debates over its Northern Ireland policy. Labour’s emphasis on improving relations is placed in the wider context of political developments in both countries. The period is also contrasted with the more fractious relationship between the Labour Party and the Republic of Ireland in the 1970s, and the notably improved relationship between the two governments in the 1990s, particularly under the leadership of Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern.
Michelle Tusan
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097898
- eISBN:
- 9781526104403
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097898.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
This chapter examines the world of the Victorian diplomat through the life and work of Austen Henry Layard and his circle in Constantinople. Best known for his excavations of Assyrian artifacts at ...
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This chapter examines the world of the Victorian diplomat through the life and work of Austen Henry Layard and his circle in Constantinople. Best known for his excavations of Assyrian artifacts at Mosul (now in the British Museum), Layard parlayed his fame as an adventurer-archeologist into a position as Disraeli’s Ambassador to the Ottoman Empire. At Constantinople, Layard found himself at the center of a humanitarian and diplomatic crisis. The slaughter of Bulgarian civilians by Ottoman forces on the eve of the 1878 Russo-Turkish War sparked outrage at home over the “Bulgarian Atrocities.” His life as a diplomat at the Sublime Porte placed him at the center of a network of philanthropists, consuls, and other diplomats who attempted to reconcile Britain’s humanitarian commitments with geopolitical realities.Less
This chapter examines the world of the Victorian diplomat through the life and work of Austen Henry Layard and his circle in Constantinople. Best known for his excavations of Assyrian artifacts at Mosul (now in the British Museum), Layard parlayed his fame as an adventurer-archeologist into a position as Disraeli’s Ambassador to the Ottoman Empire. At Constantinople, Layard found himself at the center of a humanitarian and diplomatic crisis. The slaughter of Bulgarian civilians by Ottoman forces on the eve of the 1878 Russo-Turkish War sparked outrage at home over the “Bulgarian Atrocities.” His life as a diplomat at the Sublime Porte placed him at the center of a network of philanthropists, consuls, and other diplomats who attempted to reconcile Britain’s humanitarian commitments with geopolitical realities.
Mark C. Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780973893465
- eISBN:
- 9781786944580
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780973893465.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Maritime History
This chapter outlines the structure of the journal, the topics to be discussed, and the critical approaches utilised for analysis. It introduces each nation’s key objectives: the use of naval ...
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This chapter outlines the structure of the journal, the topics to be discussed, and the critical approaches utilised for analysis. It introduces each nation’s key objectives: the use of naval diplomacy and power to avoid conflict; the suppression of piracy through co-operation force; and the advance of their economic powers. It also outlines their clashing objectives surrounding the slave trade - Britain’s goal of suppressing the slave trade for economic gain and America’s reluctance to address the topic. It introduces the concept of naval relation studies, interest-based naval analysis, and the comparative methodologies used in the analysis. It also introduces the sources consulted in the following chapters - primarily American and British newspapers, policy documents, naval documents, and naval and economic statistics. It concludes by summarising each chapter’s aims.Less
This chapter outlines the structure of the journal, the topics to be discussed, and the critical approaches utilised for analysis. It introduces each nation’s key objectives: the use of naval diplomacy and power to avoid conflict; the suppression of piracy through co-operation force; and the advance of their economic powers. It also outlines their clashing objectives surrounding the slave trade - Britain’s goal of suppressing the slave trade for economic gain and America’s reluctance to address the topic. It introduces the concept of naval relation studies, interest-based naval analysis, and the comparative methodologies used in the analysis. It also introduces the sources consulted in the following chapters - primarily American and British newspapers, policy documents, naval documents, and naval and economic statistics. It concludes by summarising each chapter’s aims.
J. Simon Rofe
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526131058
- eISBN:
- 9781526138873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526131058.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Sport and Leisure
The introduction to the book lays out the key arguments of sport and diplomacy. It explains the value of the field of study, and why it has emerged in the last five years, and the relationship ...
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The introduction to the book lays out the key arguments of sport and diplomacy. It explains the value of the field of study, and why it has emerged in the last five years, and the relationship between these two enduring features of the contemporary world. The sections of the book addressing ‘Concepts and History’, ‘Public Diplomacy’ and ‘No Sport as Diplomacy’ are laid out. Further, it keeps a firm focus on the impact of the relationship between sport and diplomacy on practitioners and policy makers. The introduction argues for the relevance of the whole volume as shedding new light on to question such as: How far has sport been materially overlooked in the relationship between states and diplomacy? To what extent does sport provide a lens upon the international system that gives insight into broader issues of diplomacy, particularly the discourses of Soft Power and Public Diplomacy?; and What is the future of the relationship between Sport and Diplomacy?Less
The introduction to the book lays out the key arguments of sport and diplomacy. It explains the value of the field of study, and why it has emerged in the last five years, and the relationship between these two enduring features of the contemporary world. The sections of the book addressing ‘Concepts and History’, ‘Public Diplomacy’ and ‘No Sport as Diplomacy’ are laid out. Further, it keeps a firm focus on the impact of the relationship between sport and diplomacy on practitioners and policy makers. The introduction argues for the relevance of the whole volume as shedding new light on to question such as: How far has sport been materially overlooked in the relationship between states and diplomacy? To what extent does sport provide a lens upon the international system that gives insight into broader issues of diplomacy, particularly the discourses of Soft Power and Public Diplomacy?; and What is the future of the relationship between Sport and Diplomacy?
