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The purpose of this book is to critically enhance the appreciation of Diplomacy and Sport in global affairs from the perspective of practitioners and scholars. The book will make an important new contribution to at least two distinct fields: Diplomacy and Sport, as well as to those concerned with History, Politics, Sociology, and International Relations. The critical analysis the book provides explores the linkages across these fields, particularly in relation to Soft Power and Public Diplomacy, and is supported by a wide range of sources and methodologies. The book draws in a range of scholars across these different fields, and includes esteemed FIFA scholar Prof. Alan Tomlinson. Tomlinson addresses diplomacy within the world’s global game of Association Football, while other subjects include the rise of Mega Sport Events (MSE) as sites of diplomacy, new consideration of Chinese Ping-Pong Diplomacy prior to the 1970s, the importance of boycotts in sport – particularly in relation to newly explored dimensions of the boycotts of the 1980 and 1984 Olympic Games. The place of non-state actors is explored throughout, be they individual or institutions they perform a crucial role as conduits of the transactions of sport and diplomacy Based on twentieth and twenty-first century evidence, the book acknowledges the antecedents from the ancient Olympics to the contemporary era and in its conclusions offers avenues for further study based on the future Sport and Diplomacy relationship. The book has strong international basis because it covers a broad range of countries, their diplomatic relationship with sport and is written by a truly transnational cast of authors. The intense media scrutiny on the Olympic Games, FIFA World Cup, and other international sports will also contribute to the global interest in this volume.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative aims to connect continents and integrate Eurasia via a multitude of collaborations spanning trade and infrastructure, culture and finance. Launched in 2013, it incorporates more than sixty countries and two-thirds of the world’s population. But what does it mean to revive the Silk Roads for the twenty-first century? Built around the concept of heritage diplomacy, Geocultural Power explores this question, arguing that through the Silk Roads China is reviving a theater of geopolitics and great power accumulation, and the idea of a harmonious Asia that prospers from international trade and cross-cultural dialogue. Until now Belt and Road has been discussed as a geopolitical and geoeconomic project. This book introduces geocultural power to the analysis of international affairs. Through the Silk Roads of the twenty-first century China becomes the new author of Eurasian history, and the architect of the bridge between East and West. Belt and Road bundles geopolitical ambition and infrastructure with a carefully curated shared heritage to produce a grand narrative of transcontinental connectivity: past, present and future. Geocultural Power: China’s Quest to Revive the Silk Roads for the twenty-first century makes a major contribution to our understanding of the uses of history and culture, and offers a unique reading of an initiative that will influence world affairs for years to come. It will be of interest to those working in world and regional history, international relations and diplomacy studies, heritage and museum studies, globalization, archaeology and Asian studies more broadly.

Drawing on primary sources from both sides of the Atlantic, Britain and the Bomb explores how economic, political, and strategic considerations have shaped British nuclear diplomacy. The book concentrates on Prime Minister Harold Wilson’s first two terms of office, 1964-1970, which represent a critical period in international nuclear history. Wilson’s commitment to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and his support for continued investment in the British nuclear weapons program, despite serious economic and political challenges, established precedents that still influence policymakers today. The continued independence of Britain’s nuclear force, and the enduring absence of a German or European deterrent, certainly owes a debt to Wilson’s handling of nuclear diplomacy more than four decades ago. Beyond highlighting the importance of this period, the book explains how and why British nuclear diplomacy evolved during Wilson’s leadership. Cabinet discussions, financial crises, and international tensions encouraged a degree of flexibility in the pursuit of strategic independence and the creation of a non-proliferation treaty. The book shows us that British nuclear diplomacy was a series of compromises, an intricate blend of political, economic, and strategic considerations.

With rigorous original scholarship and creative narration, Our Beloved Kin recovers a complex picture of war, captivity, and resistance during the “First Indian War” (later named “King Philip’s War”) by relaying the stories of Weetamoo, a female Wampanoag leader, and James Printer, a Nipmuc scholar, whose stories converge in the captivity of Mary Rowlandson. King Philip’s War (1675-1678) is often viewed as the quintessential moment of colonial conquest and Native resistance, but these stories reveal a historical landscape much more complex than its original Puritan narrators conveyed. Our Beloved Kin also draws readers beyond the locus of most narratives of the war, southern New England, into the northern front, the vast interior of Wabanaki, where the war continued long beyond the death of “King Philip.” Beginning and ending at Caskoak, a place of diplomacy, the book explores the movement of survivors seeking refuge, captives taken in war, and Indigenous leaders pursuing diplomacy in vast Indigenous networks across the northeast. Supplemented by thirteen maps and an interactive website, Our Beloved Kin takes readers into Indigenous geographies, braiding together research in historical archives, including little-known revelatory documents, interpretive frameworks drawn from Indigenous languages, and place-based history which arises from reading “the archive of the land” to offer a compelling new interpretation of “King Philip’s War.”

With more than twenty-five million citizens, a secretive totalitarian dictatorship, and active nuclear and ballistic missile weapons programs, North Korea presents some of the world’s most difficult foreign policy challenges. Given these circumstances, policy expert Walter C. Clemens Jr. argues that now is the time to reconsider U.S. diplomatic efforts in North Korea. In North Korea and the World, Clemens poses the question, “Can, should, and must we negotiate with a regime we regard as evil?” Weighing the needs of all the stakeholders—including China, Japan, Russia, and South Korea—he determines that the answer is yes. After assessing ten policy options, he makes the case for engagement and negotiation with the regime. There still may be time to freeze or eliminate North Korea’s weapons of mass destruction. Grounded in philosophy and history, this volume offers a fresh road map for negotiators and outlines a grand bargain that balances both ethical and practical security concerns.

The U.S. policy of “Dollar Diplomacy” was designed to replace “dollars for bullets,” to guarantee economic and political stability in the Caribbean without intrusive and increasingly controversial military interventions. Using military and government records from Dominican and US archives, this work investigates the extent to which early twentieth-century U.S. involvement in the Dominican Republic fundamentally changed the course of Dominican history and the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. In the Dominican Republic, successive interventions contributed to a drastic shifting of the social order, as well as centralized state power through the military, which Rafael Trujillo leveraged in his rise to dictatorship in the 1920s. Ultimately, this study demonstrates, the overthrow of the social order resulted not from military planning, but from the unplanned and uncoordinated interactions and negotiations between U.S. Marine Corps military occupation initiatives and Dominican society. This work provides insight into Dominican history and early U.S. attempts to use military force to reform other nations, but also offers a unique view of the power and goals of U.S. Navy officers and administrators during a period of expansive naval growth and concern about Caribbean security.

This collection of original essays extends the concept of boderlands—as both a process and place—to geographic places and topics not usually considered in this realm. This includes African slavery, missionaries, the Ohio Valley, and other non-Spanish regions. Positioning these regions and topics as comparable to other early North American crossroads and meeting places highlights how the mingling of people and cultures shaped North America’s history before 1850. Equally important, it helps illuminate scholars’s growing focus on the process of borderland formation across a variety of North American regions. Collectively, the essays in this volume reveal how the field is currently unfolding and urge scholars to abandon the geographic determinism of the first definition. The southwestern United States-Mexico border remains an ideal locale to employ the concept as a metaphor and as an intellectual tool, but this volume reveals the merits of employing borderlands to create more nuanced narratives of the intersection of people and ideas in the Ohio Valley and elsewhere in early North America.

This book explores the history of the Afghan drug trade during the 20th century, detailing how, and why, Afghan rulers struggled to balance the benefits of the Afghan drug trade, both legal and illicit forms, with external pressures to conform to international drug control regimes and more tightly regulate drugs. This book explores why, over time, drug control became a key component of Afghan state formation and diplomacy; by embracing more coercive forms of drug control Afghanistan gained greater access to foreign aid and investment, especially from the United States. And yet, drug control efforts continually failed and the illicit drug trade expanded. This book complicates contemporary analyses of the Afghan drug trade, which depict drugs as juxtaposed with Afghan governance. The longer historical analysis details how the illicit drug trade emerged in response to a series of factors, including coercive forms of drug control, broader policy failures of the Afghan state, as well as, external forces such as the globalization of the illicit drug trade. In this way, drug control, as a component of Afghan governance and diplomacy, was fundamental in shaping the conditions of statelessness and lawlessness that are commonly thought to characterize the Afghan opium industry today.

This study analyses the presence of American ships, merchants, and interests in the Mediterranean region in the first decades following the independence of the United States, and seeks to understand whether or not the English, Dutch, Scandinavians, and Americans invaded the region and its shipping industry in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It considers the following topics: the benefit of American neutrality during the French Revolutionary wars which enabled the growth of their shipping activities; the organisation of protection for American ships post-independence, particularly from Barbary privateers; the diplomatic efforts of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson and the relationships of convenience fostered by American powers when requesting European assistance; the development of American consular services to assist merchants and captains; the avoidance of incidents through peace and commercial treaties through to ship seizures and crew enslavement; and the impact of the Tripolitanian War (or Barbary War) on American-Mediterranean shipping. The works in this volume attempt to determine whether or not these actions can be considered an ‘invasion’. They explore the mutually beneficial aspects of American-Mediterranean trade whilst also considering the strength of the Mediterranean trade (particularly Greek) prior to American interference. It concludes by confirming the dual objectives of the American presence - to ensure open markets for their goods, and to enhance their political and military power against British, French, and North African regencies.

This journal explores the British and American attempts to suppress both piracy and slavery in the equatorial Atlantic in the period 1816 to 1865. It aims to demonstrate the pivotal role of naval policy in defining the Anglo-American relationship. It defines the equatorial Atlantic as the region encompassing the coastal zones of the Gulf of Mexico, Central America, Northern Brazil, and the African coast from Cape Verde to the south of the Congo River. It explores the use of sea power by both nations in pursuit of their goals, and the Anglo-American naval relations during this relatively co-operative period. At its core, it argues that naval activities result from national interests - in this instance protecting commerce and furthering economic objectives, a source of tension between America and Britain during the period. It confirms that the two nations were neither allies nor enemies during the period, yet learnt to co-exist non-violently through their strategic use of sea power during peacetime. The journal consists of an introductory chapter, eight chapters of analysis, and a select bibliography.

For a quarter of a century, the United States government operated a system of public trading posts, or factories, in the eastern North American borderland. The factories sold manufactured goods to Indians at cost and bought their peltry, foodstuffs, and other wares at market rates. They also served as annuity distribution centers and host sites for treaty conferences. The U.S. government used the factories to build its influence in Indian communities, win Native American allies, and (in a few cases) to leverage Indian land sales with factory debts. For their part, Indian men and women turned the trading houses to their own uses: finding alternatives to British and Spanish traders; acquiring gifts and credit; enlisting the factors to resolve interethnic disputes; and selling goods for which the market had softened. Indians ultimately viewed the factories as alliance centers: during the War of 1812 the United States' Native allies employed them as arsenals and rally points, and its Indian adversaries viewed them as targets to capture or destroy. After that war, Superintendent Thomas McKenney tried to revive the factories by tying them to the Indian “civilization” program, advocating use of the system's revenues to fund Indian schools. Congress and the president, however, had come to see Indian alliance as less important than saving public money in an era of fiscal austerity, and fur trading as incompatible with the “civilized” lifeways they wanted Indians to adopt. With some pressure from the American Fur Company, they closed the factories permanently in 1822.