Derek Drinkwater
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273850
- eISBN:
- 9780191602344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273855.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Sir Harold Nicolson was a distinguished historian of diplomacy and a leading commentator on the subject. He was also a notable contributor to diplomatic theory. The main sources of his approach as a ...
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Sir Harold Nicolson was a distinguished historian of diplomacy and a leading commentator on the subject. He was also a notable contributor to diplomatic theory. The main sources of his approach as a diplomatic thinker were ancient Greek and Roman political theory and history, chiefly, the writings of Aristotle and Thucydides and Grotian conceptions of international relations. Nicolson’s philosophy of diplomacy centred on its relationship with the principal elements of foreign policy such as the balance of power; he emphasized, too, the effects on diplomacy of national character and prestige. His diplomatic theorizing encompassed ancient Greek, medieval, and Renaissance diplomacy as well as Imperial Europe’s Old Diplomacy and the so-called New Diplomacy of the twentieth century. Nicolson applied the tenets of his liberal realism, an amalgam of idealist and realist outlooks on international relations, in developing an ambitious and original theory of diplomatic intercourse.Less
Sir Harold Nicolson was a distinguished historian of diplomacy and a leading commentator on the subject. He was also a notable contributor to diplomatic theory. The main sources of his approach as a diplomatic thinker were ancient Greek and Roman political theory and history, chiefly, the writings of Aristotle and Thucydides and Grotian conceptions of international relations. Nicolson’s philosophy of diplomacy centred on its relationship with the principal elements of foreign policy such as the balance of power; he emphasized, too, the effects on diplomacy of national character and prestige. His diplomatic theorizing encompassed ancient Greek, medieval, and Renaissance diplomacy as well as Imperial Europe’s Old Diplomacy and the so-called New Diplomacy of the twentieth century. Nicolson applied the tenets of his liberal realism, an amalgam of idealist and realist outlooks on international relations, in developing an ambitious and original theory of diplomatic intercourse.
M. B. HAYNE
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202707
- eISBN:
- 9780191675492
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202707.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The subject of the study is presented in this chapter: the French Foreign Ministry — the Quai d'Orsay — between 1898 and 1914. The chapter explains that the period chosen showcases several important ...
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The subject of the study is presented in this chapter: the French Foreign Ministry — the Quai d'Orsay — between 1898 and 1914. The chapter explains that the period chosen showcases several important events that occurred which includes the illustrious career of Théophile Delcassé, Fashoda and the associated crisis, and the onset war that provided a natural conclusion to an eventful era of French Diplomacy. This chapter argues that despite the evident significance of the Quai d'Orsay, relative treatment has been given to the topic by several writers and scholars. The goal of the book is also demonstrated here which is to contribute to the historiography and the controversy surrounding the origins of the First World War.Less
The subject of the study is presented in this chapter: the French Foreign Ministry — the Quai d'Orsay — between 1898 and 1914. The chapter explains that the period chosen showcases several important events that occurred which includes the illustrious career of Théophile Delcassé, Fashoda and the associated crisis, and the onset war that provided a natural conclusion to an eventful era of French Diplomacy. This chapter argues that despite the evident significance of the Quai d'Orsay, relative treatment has been given to the topic by several writers and scholars. The goal of the book is also demonstrated here which is to contribute to the historiography and the controversy surrounding the origins of the First World War.
Simon Rofe (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526131058
- eISBN:
- 9781526138873
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526131058.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Sport and Leisure
The purpose of this book is to critically enhance the appreciation of Diplomacy and Sport in global affairs from the perspective of practitioners and scholars. The book will make an important new ...
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The purpose of this book is to critically enhance the appreciation of Diplomacy and Sport in global affairs from the perspective of practitioners and scholars. The book will make an important new contribution to at least two distinct fields: Diplomacy and Sport, as well as to those concerned with History, Politics, Sociology, and International Relations. The critical analysis the book provides explores the linkages across these fields, particularly in relation to Soft Power and Public Diplomacy, and is supported by a wide range of sources and methodologies. The book draws in a range of scholars across these different fields, and includes esteemed FIFA scholar Prof. Alan Tomlinson. Tomlinson addresses diplomacy within the world’s global game of Association Football, while other subjects include the rise of Mega Sport Events (MSE) as sites of diplomacy, new consideration of Chinese Ping-Pong Diplomacy prior to the 1970s, the importance of boycotts in sport – particularly in relation to newly explored dimensions of the boycotts of the 1980 and 1984 Olympic Games. The place of non-state actors is explored throughout, be they individual or institutions they perform a crucial role as conduits of the transactions of sport and diplomacy Based on twentieth and twenty-first century evidence, the book acknowledges the antecedents from the ancient Olympics to the contemporary era and in its conclusions offers avenues for further study based on the future Sport and Diplomacy relationship. The book has strong international basis because it covers a broad range of countries, their diplomatic relationship with sport and is written by a truly transnational cast of authors. The intense media scrutiny on the Olympic Games, FIFA World Cup, and other international sports will also contribute to the global interest in this volume.Less
The purpose of this book is to critically enhance the appreciation of Diplomacy and Sport in global affairs from the perspective of practitioners and scholars. The book will make an important new contribution to at least two distinct fields: Diplomacy and Sport, as well as to those concerned with History, Politics, Sociology, and International Relations. The critical analysis the book provides explores the linkages across these fields, particularly in relation to Soft Power and Public Diplomacy, and is supported by a wide range of sources and methodologies. The book draws in a range of scholars across these different fields, and includes esteemed FIFA scholar Prof. Alan Tomlinson. Tomlinson addresses diplomacy within the world’s global game of Association Football, while other subjects include the rise of Mega Sport Events (MSE) as sites of diplomacy, new consideration of Chinese Ping-Pong Diplomacy prior to the 1970s, the importance of boycotts in sport – particularly in relation to newly explored dimensions of the boycotts of the 1980 and 1984 Olympic Games. The place of non-state actors is explored throughout, be they individual or institutions they perform a crucial role as conduits of the transactions of sport and diplomacy Based on twentieth and twenty-first century evidence, the book acknowledges the antecedents from the ancient Olympics to the contemporary era and in its conclusions offers avenues for further study based on the future Sport and Diplomacy relationship. The book has strong international basis because it covers a broad range of countries, their diplomatic relationship with sport and is written by a truly transnational cast of authors. The intense media scrutiny on the Olympic Games, FIFA World Cup, and other international sports will also contribute to the global interest in this volume.
Tim Winter
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226658216
- eISBN:
- 9780226658490
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226658490.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
China’s Belt and Road Initiative aims to connect continents and integrate Eurasia via a multitude of collaborations spanning trade and infrastructure, culture and finance. Launched in 2013, it ...
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China’s Belt and Road Initiative aims to connect continents and integrate Eurasia via a multitude of collaborations spanning trade and infrastructure, culture and finance. Launched in 2013, it incorporates more than sixty countries and two-thirds of the world’s population. But what does it mean to revive the Silk Roads for the twenty-first century? Built around the concept of heritage diplomacy, Geocultural Power explores this question, arguing that through the Silk Roads China is reviving a theater of geopolitics and great power accumulation, and the idea of a harmonious Asia that prospers from international trade and cross-cultural dialogue. Until now Belt and Road has been discussed as a geopolitical and geoeconomic project. This book introduces geocultural power to the analysis of international affairs. Through the Silk Roads of the twenty-first century China becomes the new author of Eurasian history, and the architect of the bridge between East and West. Belt and Road bundles geopolitical ambition and infrastructure with a carefully curated shared heritage to produce a grand narrative of transcontinental connectivity: past, present and future. Geocultural Power: China’s Quest to Revive the Silk Roads for the twenty-first century makes a major contribution to our understanding of the uses of history and culture, and offers a unique reading of an initiative that will influence world affairs for years to come. It will be of interest to those working in world and regional history, international relations and diplomacy studies, heritage and museum studies, globalization, archaeology and Asian studies more broadly.Less
China’s Belt and Road Initiative aims to connect continents and integrate Eurasia via a multitude of collaborations spanning trade and infrastructure, culture and finance. Launched in 2013, it incorporates more than sixty countries and two-thirds of the world’s population. But what does it mean to revive the Silk Roads for the twenty-first century? Built around the concept of heritage diplomacy, Geocultural Power explores this question, arguing that through the Silk Roads China is reviving a theater of geopolitics and great power accumulation, and the idea of a harmonious Asia that prospers from international trade and cross-cultural dialogue. Until now Belt and Road has been discussed as a geopolitical and geoeconomic project. This book introduces geocultural power to the analysis of international affairs. Through the Silk Roads of the twenty-first century China becomes the new author of Eurasian history, and the architect of the bridge between East and West. Belt and Road bundles geopolitical ambition and infrastructure with a carefully curated shared heritage to produce a grand narrative of transcontinental connectivity: past, present and future. Geocultural Power: China’s Quest to Revive the Silk Roads for the twenty-first century makes a major contribution to our understanding of the uses of history and culture, and offers a unique reading of an initiative that will influence world affairs for years to come. It will be of interest to those working in world and regional history, international relations and diplomacy studies, heritage and museum studies, globalization, archaeology and Asian studies more broadly.
Walter C., Jr. Clemens
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780813167466
- eISBN:
- 9780813167756
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813167466.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
With more than twenty-five million citizens, a secretive totalitarian dictatorship, and active nuclear and ballistic missile weapons programs, North Korea presents some of the world’s most difficult ...
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With more than twenty-five million citizens, a secretive totalitarian dictatorship, and active nuclear and ballistic missile weapons programs, North Korea presents some of the world’s most difficult foreign policy challenges. Given these circumstances, policy expert Walter C. Clemens Jr. argues that now is the time to reconsider U.S. diplomatic efforts in North Korea. In North Korea and the World, Clemens poses the question, “Can, should, and must we negotiate with a regime we regard as evil?” Weighing the needs of all the stakeholders—including China, Japan, Russia, and South Korea—he determines that the answer is yes. After assessing ten policy options, he makes the case for engagement and negotiation with the regime. There still may be time to freeze or eliminate North Korea’s weapons of mass destruction. Grounded in philosophy and history, this volume offers a fresh road map for negotiators and outlines a grand bargain that balances both ethical and practical security concerns.Less
With more than twenty-five million citizens, a secretive totalitarian dictatorship, and active nuclear and ballistic missile weapons programs, North Korea presents some of the world’s most difficult foreign policy challenges. Given these circumstances, policy expert Walter C. Clemens Jr. argues that now is the time to reconsider U.S. diplomatic efforts in North Korea. In North Korea and the World, Clemens poses the question, “Can, should, and must we negotiate with a regime we regard as evil?” Weighing the needs of all the stakeholders—including China, Japan, Russia, and South Korea—he determines that the answer is yes. After assessing ten policy options, he makes the case for engagement and negotiation with the regime. There still may be time to freeze or eliminate North Korea’s weapons of mass destruction. Grounded in philosophy and history, this volume offers a fresh road map for negotiators and outlines a grand bargain that balances both ethical and practical security concerns.
Ellen D. Tillman
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469626956
- eISBN:
- 9781469628127
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626956.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
The U.S. policy of “Dollar Diplomacy” was designed to replace “dollars for bullets,” to guarantee economic and political stability in the Caribbean without intrusive and increasingly controversial ...
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The U.S. policy of “Dollar Diplomacy” was designed to replace “dollars for bullets,” to guarantee economic and political stability in the Caribbean without intrusive and increasingly controversial military interventions. Using military and government records from Dominican and US archives, this work investigates the extent to which early twentieth-century U.S. involvement in the Dominican Republic fundamentally changed the course of Dominican history and the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. In the Dominican Republic, successive interventions contributed to a drastic shifting of the social order, as well as centralized state power through the military, which Rafael Trujillo leveraged in his rise to dictatorship in the 1920s. Ultimately, this study demonstrates, the overthrow of the social order resulted not from military planning, but from the unplanned and uncoordinated interactions and negotiations between U.S. Marine Corps military occupation initiatives and Dominican society. This work provides insight into Dominican history and early U.S. attempts to use military force to reform other nations, but also offers a unique view of the power and goals of U.S. Navy officers and administrators during a period of expansive naval growth and concern about Caribbean security.Less
The U.S. policy of “Dollar Diplomacy” was designed to replace “dollars for bullets,” to guarantee economic and political stability in the Caribbean without intrusive and increasingly controversial military interventions. Using military and government records from Dominican and US archives, this work investigates the extent to which early twentieth-century U.S. involvement in the Dominican Republic fundamentally changed the course of Dominican history and the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. In the Dominican Republic, successive interventions contributed to a drastic shifting of the social order, as well as centralized state power through the military, which Rafael Trujillo leveraged in his rise to dictatorship in the 1920s. Ultimately, this study demonstrates, the overthrow of the social order resulted not from military planning, but from the unplanned and uncoordinated interactions and negotiations between U.S. Marine Corps military occupation initiatives and Dominican society. This work provides insight into Dominican history and early U.S. attempts to use military force to reform other nations, but also offers a unique view of the power and goals of U.S. Navy officers and administrators during a period of expansive naval growth and concern about Caribbean security.
David James Gill
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804786584
- eISBN:
- 9780804788588
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804786584.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Drawing on primary sources from both sides of the Atlantic, Britain and the Bomb explores how economic, political, and strategic considerations have shaped British nuclear diplomacy. The book ...
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Drawing on primary sources from both sides of the Atlantic, Britain and the Bomb explores how economic, political, and strategic considerations have shaped British nuclear diplomacy. The book concentrates on Prime Minister Harold Wilson’s first two terms of office, 1964-1970, which represent a critical period in international nuclear history. Wilson’s commitment to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and his support for continued investment in the British nuclear weapons program, despite serious economic and political challenges, established precedents that still influence policymakers today. The continued independence of Britain’s nuclear force, and the enduring absence of a German or European deterrent, certainly owes a debt to Wilson’s handling of nuclear diplomacy more than four decades ago. Beyond highlighting the importance of this period, the book explains how and why British nuclear diplomacy evolved during Wilson’s leadership. Cabinet discussions, financial crises, and international tensions encouraged a degree of flexibility in the pursuit of strategic independence and the creation of a non-proliferation treaty. The book shows us that British nuclear diplomacy was a series of compromises, an intricate blend of political, economic, and strategic considerations.Less
Drawing on primary sources from both sides of the Atlantic, Britain and the Bomb explores how economic, political, and strategic considerations have shaped British nuclear diplomacy. The book concentrates on Prime Minister Harold Wilson’s first two terms of office, 1964-1970, which represent a critical period in international nuclear history. Wilson’s commitment to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and his support for continued investment in the British nuclear weapons program, despite serious economic and political challenges, established precedents that still influence policymakers today. The continued independence of Britain’s nuclear force, and the enduring absence of a German or European deterrent, certainly owes a debt to Wilson’s handling of nuclear diplomacy more than four decades ago. Beyond highlighting the importance of this period, the book explains how and why British nuclear diplomacy evolved during Wilson’s leadership. Cabinet discussions, financial crises, and international tensions encouraged a degree of flexibility in the pursuit of strategic independence and the creation of a non-proliferation treaty. The book shows us that British nuclear diplomacy was a series of compromises, an intricate blend of political, economic, and strategic considerations.
Lisa Brooks
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780300196733
- eISBN:
- 9780300231113
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300196733.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Native American Studies
With rigorous original scholarship and creative narration, Our Beloved Kin recovers a complex picture of war, captivity, and resistance during the “First Indian War” (later named “King Philip’s War”) ...
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With rigorous original scholarship and creative narration, Our Beloved Kin recovers a complex picture of war, captivity, and resistance during the “First Indian War” (later named “King Philip’s War”) by relaying the stories of Weetamoo, a female Wampanoag leader, and James Printer, a Nipmuc scholar, whose stories converge in the captivity of Mary Rowlandson. King Philip’s War (1675-1678) is often viewed as the quintessential moment of colonial conquest and Native resistance, but these stories reveal a historical landscape much more complex than its original Puritan narrators conveyed. Our Beloved Kin also draws readers beyond the locus of most narratives of the war, southern New England, into the northern front, the vast interior of Wabanaki, where the war continued long beyond the death of “King Philip.” Beginning and ending at Caskoak, a place of diplomacy, the book explores the movement of survivors seeking refuge, captives taken in war, and Indigenous leaders pursuing diplomacy in vast Indigenous networks across the northeast. Supplemented by thirteen maps and an interactive website, Our Beloved Kin takes readers into Indigenous geographies, braiding together research in historical archives, including little-known revelatory documents, interpretive frameworks drawn from Indigenous languages, and place-based history which arises from reading “the archive of the land” to offer a compelling new interpretation of “King Philip’s War.”Less
With rigorous original scholarship and creative narration, Our Beloved Kin recovers a complex picture of war, captivity, and resistance during the “First Indian War” (later named “King Philip’s War”) by relaying the stories of Weetamoo, a female Wampanoag leader, and James Printer, a Nipmuc scholar, whose stories converge in the captivity of Mary Rowlandson. King Philip’s War (1675-1678) is often viewed as the quintessential moment of colonial conquest and Native resistance, but these stories reveal a historical landscape much more complex than its original Puritan narrators conveyed. Our Beloved Kin also draws readers beyond the locus of most narratives of the war, southern New England, into the northern front, the vast interior of Wabanaki, where the war continued long beyond the death of “King Philip.” Beginning and ending at Caskoak, a place of diplomacy, the book explores the movement of survivors seeking refuge, captives taken in war, and Indigenous leaders pursuing diplomacy in vast Indigenous networks across the northeast. Supplemented by thirteen maps and an interactive website, Our Beloved Kin takes readers into Indigenous geographies, braiding together research in historical archives, including little-known revelatory documents, interpretive frameworks drawn from Indigenous languages, and place-based history which arises from reading “the archive of the land” to offer a compelling new interpretation of “King Philip’s War.”
Naghmeh Sohrabi
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199829705
- eISBN:
- 9780199933341
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199829705.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature, Prose (inc. letters, diaries)
Nasir al-Din Shah (r. 1848–1896), the longest reigning Qajar monarch, traveled to Europe three times during his rule, writing detailed accounts of each travel, in addition to multiple other accounts ...
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Nasir al-Din Shah (r. 1848–1896), the longest reigning Qajar monarch, traveled to Europe three times during his rule, writing detailed accounts of each travel, in addition to multiple other accounts of travel within Iran. This chapter examines the king’s European travelogues within the context of his other travel writings, the extensive body of commissioned and translated geographic works during his time, and the court’s gazette, Iran. This chapter shows the development of imperial narratives through the king’s own writings and the use of his detailed descriptions of travel as a tool for domestic politics and international diplomacy.Less
Nasir al-Din Shah (r. 1848–1896), the longest reigning Qajar monarch, traveled to Europe three times during his rule, writing detailed accounts of each travel, in addition to multiple other accounts of travel within Iran. This chapter examines the king’s European travelogues within the context of his other travel writings, the extensive body of commissioned and translated geographic works during his time, and the court’s gazette, Iran. This chapter shows the development of imperial narratives through the king’s own writings and the use of his detailed descriptions of travel as a tool for domestic politics and international diplomacy.
Roland Vogt (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789888083879
- eISBN:
- 9789882209077
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888083879.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Europe has had a significant presence in China over the last two centuries and its ideas, ideologies, and institutions contributed greatly to the development of modern China. Chinese perceptions of ...
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Europe has had a significant presence in China over the last two centuries and its ideas, ideologies, and institutions contributed greatly to the development of modern China. Chinese perceptions of Europe have evolved over time, ranging from fascination to a more critical appraisal of things European. Although Sino-European ties are largely cordial, they are fraught by a gap of cognition and understanding that places significant pressure on leaders to adapt to a new spirit for conducting mutual affairs. Increasingly, Chinese political and social elites resent being lectured or placated by Europe and they criticise what they perceive to be Europe's undignified treatment of China. Assuming benign expectations of each other is insufficient for both sides to find a constructive basis for their future relationship.Less
Europe has had a significant presence in China over the last two centuries and its ideas, ideologies, and institutions contributed greatly to the development of modern China. Chinese perceptions of Europe have evolved over time, ranging from fascination to a more critical appraisal of things European. Although Sino-European ties are largely cordial, they are fraught by a gap of cognition and understanding that places significant pressure on leaders to adapt to a new spirit for conducting mutual affairs. Increasingly, Chinese political and social elites resent being lectured or placated by Europe and they criticise what they perceive to be Europe's undignified treatment of China. Assuming benign expectations of each other is insufficient for both sides to find a constructive basis for their future relationship.
Andrew K. Frank and A. Glenn Crothers (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780813054957
- eISBN:
- 9780813053400
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813054957.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This collection of original essays extends the concept of boderlands—as both a process and place—to geographic places and topics not usually considered in this realm. This includes African slavery, ...
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This collection of original essays extends the concept of boderlands—as both a process and place—to geographic places and topics not usually considered in this realm. This includes African slavery, missionaries, the Ohio Valley, and other non-Spanish regions. Positioning these regions and topics as comparable to other early North American crossroads and meeting places highlights how the mingling of people and cultures shaped North America’s history before 1850. Equally important, it helps illuminate scholars’s growing focus on the process of borderland formation across a variety of North American regions. Collectively, the essays in this volume reveal how the field is currently unfolding and urge scholars to abandon the geographic determinism of the first definition. The southwestern United States-Mexico border remains an ideal locale to employ the concept as a metaphor and as an intellectual tool, but this volume reveals the merits of employing borderlands to create more nuanced narratives of the intersection of people and ideas in the Ohio Valley and elsewhere in early North America.Less
This collection of original essays extends the concept of boderlands—as both a process and place—to geographic places and topics not usually considered in this realm. This includes African slavery, missionaries, the Ohio Valley, and other non-Spanish regions. Positioning these regions and topics as comparable to other early North American crossroads and meeting places highlights how the mingling of people and cultures shaped North America’s history before 1850. Equally important, it helps illuminate scholars’s growing focus on the process of borderland formation across a variety of North American regions. Collectively, the essays in this volume reveal how the field is currently unfolding and urge scholars to abandon the geographic determinism of the first definition. The southwestern United States-Mexico border remains an ideal locale to employ the concept as a metaphor and as an intellectual tool, but this volume reveals the merits of employing borderlands to create more nuanced narratives of the intersection of people and ideas in the Ohio Valley and elsewhere in early North America.
Kenneth Kolander
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780813179476
- eISBN:
- 9780813179483
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813179476.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
The U.S.-Israel relationship that most people recognize today, which includes enormous amounts of U.S. military aid to Israel, a powerful strategic alliance, and an American willingness to acquiesce ...
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The U.S.-Israel relationship that most people recognize today, which includes enormous amounts of U.S. military aid to Israel, a powerful strategic alliance, and an American willingness to acquiesce to Israeli occupation of certain Arab territories taken in 1967, came into existence between 1967 and 1975. The U.S. Congress played a key role in shaping American-Israeli relations during this period (as it does today) and, therefore, occupies a central place in this book. No book-length treatment of U.S.-Israel relations focuses primarily on the role of Congress. The imbalance in the scholarly perspective has created a misleading narrative that treats the legislative branch as being incidental to foreign policymaking. But in the years between the 1967 Arab-Israeli War and the 1975 Sinai II agreement, an activist Congress, empowered by the quagmire in East Asia and popular distrust of the presidency, and increasingly influenced by the Israel lobby, played a central role in reworking U.S.-Israel relations, and U.S. relations with the Middle East more generally.Less
The U.S.-Israel relationship that most people recognize today, which includes enormous amounts of U.S. military aid to Israel, a powerful strategic alliance, and an American willingness to acquiesce to Israeli occupation of certain Arab territories taken in 1967, came into existence between 1967 and 1975. The U.S. Congress played a key role in shaping American-Israeli relations during this period (as it does today) and, therefore, occupies a central place in this book. No book-length treatment of U.S.-Israel relations focuses primarily on the role of Congress. The imbalance in the scholarly perspective has created a misleading narrative that treats the legislative branch as being incidental to foreign policymaking. But in the years between the 1967 Arab-Israeli War and the 1975 Sinai II agreement, an activist Congress, empowered by the quagmire in East Asia and popular distrust of the presidency, and increasingly influenced by the Israel lobby, played a central role in reworking U.S.-Israel relations, and U.S. relations with the Middle East more generally.
Thomas Tunstall Allcock
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813176154
- eISBN:
- 9780813176185
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813176154.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explores Thomas Mann’s career in the State Department in the period prior to Johnson’s presidency, establishing both Mann’s background and beliefs and the broad pattern of inter-American ...
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This chapter explores Thomas Mann’s career in the State Department in the period prior to Johnson’s presidency, establishing both Mann’s background and beliefs and the broad pattern of inter-American relations in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Mann’s role as an early champion of increased economic aid and cooperative measures to assist the economies of the hemisphere is vital for understanding the positions he would later advocate in the 1960s, as is his highly successful period serving as Kennedy’s ambassador to Mexico. The chapter also traces the gradual shift from the Eisenhower administration’s “trade-not-aid” position to early efforts at promoting economic modernization, supported by Senate majority leader Lyndon Johnson, as the Cold War came to Latin America via Fidel Castro’s Cuban Revolution. It concludes with the culmination of this process, the creation of John F. Kennedy’s Alliance for Progress.Less
This chapter explores Thomas Mann’s career in the State Department in the period prior to Johnson’s presidency, establishing both Mann’s background and beliefs and the broad pattern of inter-American relations in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Mann’s role as an early champion of increased economic aid and cooperative measures to assist the economies of the hemisphere is vital for understanding the positions he would later advocate in the 1960s, as is his highly successful period serving as Kennedy’s ambassador to Mexico. The chapter also traces the gradual shift from the Eisenhower administration’s “trade-not-aid” position to early efforts at promoting economic modernization, supported by Senate majority leader Lyndon Johnson, as the Cold War came to Latin America via Fidel Castro’s Cuban Revolution. It concludes with the culmination of this process, the creation of John F. Kennedy’s Alliance for Progress.
James Tharin Bradford
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501738333
- eISBN:
- 9781501738340
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501738333.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This book explores the history of the Afghan drug trade during the 20th century, detailing how, and why, Afghan rulers struggled to balance the benefits of the Afghan drug trade, both legal and ...
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This book explores the history of the Afghan drug trade during the 20th century, detailing how, and why, Afghan rulers struggled to balance the benefits of the Afghan drug trade, both legal and illicit forms, with external pressures to conform to international drug control regimes and more tightly regulate drugs. This book explores why, over time, drug control became a key component of Afghan state formation and diplomacy; by embracing more coercive forms of drug control Afghanistan gained greater access to foreign aid and investment, especially from the United States. And yet, drug control efforts continually failed and the illicit drug trade expanded. This book complicates contemporary analyses of the Afghan drug trade, which depict drugs as juxtaposed with Afghan governance. The longer historical analysis details how the illicit drug trade emerged in response to a series of factors, including coercive forms of drug control, broader policy failures of the Afghan state, as well as, external forces such as the globalization of the illicit drug trade. In this way, drug control, as a component of Afghan governance and diplomacy, was fundamental in shaping the conditions of statelessness and lawlessness that are commonly thought to characterize the Afghan opium industry today.Less
This book explores the history of the Afghan drug trade during the 20th century, detailing how, and why, Afghan rulers struggled to balance the benefits of the Afghan drug trade, both legal and illicit forms, with external pressures to conform to international drug control regimes and more tightly regulate drugs. This book explores why, over time, drug control became a key component of Afghan state formation and diplomacy; by embracing more coercive forms of drug control Afghanistan gained greater access to foreign aid and investment, especially from the United States. And yet, drug control efforts continually failed and the illicit drug trade expanded. This book complicates contemporary analyses of the Afghan drug trade, which depict drugs as juxtaposed with Afghan governance. The longer historical analysis details how the illicit drug trade emerged in response to a series of factors, including coercive forms of drug control, broader policy failures of the Afghan state, as well as, external forces such as the globalization of the illicit drug trade. In this way, drug control, as a component of Afghan governance and diplomacy, was fundamental in shaping the conditions of statelessness and lawlessness that are commonly thought to characterize the Afghan opium industry today.
Beth A. Fischer
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813178172
- eISBN:
- 9780813178189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813178172.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Triumphalists contend that President Reagan won the Cold War by employing hard-line policies and refusing to negotiate with Moscow. Reagan’s refusal to engage with the enemy compelled the Soviet ...
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Triumphalists contend that President Reagan won the Cold War by employing hard-line policies and refusing to negotiate with Moscow. Reagan’s refusal to engage with the enemy compelled the Soviet Union to disarm, adopt democratic reforms, and ultimately collapse.
This chapter debunks the notion that Reagan was a hard-liner throughout his time in office, as well as the idea that he rejected diplomacy. It demonstrates that Reagan’s initially hawkish posture brought the superpowers to the brink of war in 1983. By 1984 the president was actively seeking negotiations aimed at improving superpower relations and reducing nuclear arsenals. Reagan was seeking dialogue and disarmament even before Mikhail Gorbachev came to office and years before the Soviet Union began to reform.
By the time he left the White House, Reagan had met with his Soviet counterparts more frequently than any previous American president. These negotiations were critical to the peaceful conclusion of the Cold War. Diplomacy, engagement, and dialogue are core components of Reagan’s legacy.Less
Triumphalists contend that President Reagan won the Cold War by employing hard-line policies and refusing to negotiate with Moscow. Reagan’s refusal to engage with the enemy compelled the Soviet Union to disarm, adopt democratic reforms, and ultimately collapse.
This chapter debunks the notion that Reagan was a hard-liner throughout his time in office, as well as the idea that he rejected diplomacy. It demonstrates that Reagan’s initially hawkish posture brought the superpowers to the brink of war in 1983. By 1984 the president was actively seeking negotiations aimed at improving superpower relations and reducing nuclear arsenals. Reagan was seeking dialogue and disarmament even before Mikhail Gorbachev came to office and years before the Soviet Union began to reform.
By the time he left the White House, Reagan had met with his Soviet counterparts more frequently than any previous American president. These negotiations were critical to the peaceful conclusion of the Cold War. Diplomacy, engagement, and dialogue are core components of Reagan’s legacy.
Beth A. Fischer
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813178172
- eISBN:
- 9780813178189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813178172.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Triumphalism not only claims to explain the surprising end of the Cold War, it also stipulates how to cope with current conflicts. But triumphalism is a series of myths. President Reagan did not seek ...
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Triumphalism not only claims to explain the surprising end of the Cold War, it also stipulates how to cope with current conflicts. But triumphalism is a series of myths. President Reagan did not seek to destroy the USSR; rather, he sought to improve superpower relations so as to eliminate nuclear arsenals. Moreover, his initial hard-line policies did not compel the USSR to disarm, reform, and collapse. They strengthened the position of Soviet hard-liners who opposed disarmament, made it more difficult for Gorbachev to implement New Thinking, and brought the superpowers to the brink of war. In short, compellence failed miserably.
The Cold War was resolved through diplomacy, not threats. President Reagan eventually engaged in meaningful dialogue so as to ease Moscow’s security concerns, build trust, and focus on the superpowers’ mutual interest in eliminating nuclear arms. For his part, Gorbachev sought to end the arms race so as to divert resources to democratization. He too sought dialogue and trust.
The ending of the Cold War demonstrates the importance of moral leadership. Reagan and Gorbachev both rose above their differences and introduced new ideas about nuclear security. Consequently, both encountered serious domestic opposition. Each persevered, however, leading their nations toward a safer, more humane future.Less
Triumphalism not only claims to explain the surprising end of the Cold War, it also stipulates how to cope with current conflicts. But triumphalism is a series of myths. President Reagan did not seek to destroy the USSR; rather, he sought to improve superpower relations so as to eliminate nuclear arsenals. Moreover, his initial hard-line policies did not compel the USSR to disarm, reform, and collapse. They strengthened the position of Soviet hard-liners who opposed disarmament, made it more difficult for Gorbachev to implement New Thinking, and brought the superpowers to the brink of war. In short, compellence failed miserably.
The Cold War was resolved through diplomacy, not threats. President Reagan eventually engaged in meaningful dialogue so as to ease Moscow’s security concerns, build trust, and focus on the superpowers’ mutual interest in eliminating nuclear arms. For his part, Gorbachev sought to end the arms race so as to divert resources to democratization. He too sought dialogue and trust.
The ending of the Cold War demonstrates the importance of moral leadership. Reagan and Gorbachev both rose above their differences and introduced new ideas about nuclear security. Consequently, both encountered serious domestic opposition. Each persevered, however, leading their nations toward a safer, more humane future.
Silvia Marzagalli, James R. Sofka, and John McCusker (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780986497346
- eISBN:
- 9781786944504
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780986497346.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Maritime History
This study analyses the presence of American ships, merchants, and interests in the Mediterranean region in the first decades following the independence of the United States, and seeks to understand ...
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This study analyses the presence of American ships, merchants, and interests in the Mediterranean region in the first decades following the independence of the United States, and seeks to understand whether or not the English, Dutch, Scandinavians, and Americans invaded the region and its shipping industry in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It considers the following topics: the benefit of American neutrality during the French Revolutionary wars which enabled the growth of their shipping activities; the organisation of protection for American ships post-independence, particularly from Barbary privateers; the diplomatic efforts of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson and the relationships of convenience fostered by American powers when requesting European assistance; the development of American consular services to assist merchants and captains; the avoidance of incidents through peace and commercial treaties through to ship seizures and crew enslavement; and the impact of the Tripolitanian War (or Barbary War) on American-Mediterranean shipping. The works in this volume attempt to determine whether or not these actions can be considered an ‘invasion’. They explore the mutually beneficial aspects of American-Mediterranean trade whilst also considering the strength of the Mediterranean trade (particularly Greek) prior to American interference. It concludes by confirming the dual objectives of the American presence - to ensure open markets for their goods, and to enhance their political and military power against British, French, and North African regencies.Less
This study analyses the presence of American ships, merchants, and interests in the Mediterranean region in the first decades following the independence of the United States, and seeks to understand whether or not the English, Dutch, Scandinavians, and Americans invaded the region and its shipping industry in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It considers the following topics: the benefit of American neutrality during the French Revolutionary wars which enabled the growth of their shipping activities; the organisation of protection for American ships post-independence, particularly from Barbary privateers; the diplomatic efforts of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson and the relationships of convenience fostered by American powers when requesting European assistance; the development of American consular services to assist merchants and captains; the avoidance of incidents through peace and commercial treaties through to ship seizures and crew enslavement; and the impact of the Tripolitanian War (or Barbary War) on American-Mediterranean shipping. The works in this volume attempt to determine whether or not these actions can be considered an ‘invasion’. They explore the mutually beneficial aspects of American-Mediterranean trade whilst also considering the strength of the Mediterranean trade (particularly Greek) prior to American interference. It concludes by confirming the dual objectives of the American presence - to ensure open markets for their goods, and to enhance their political and military power against British, French, and North African regencies.
Mark C. Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780973893465
- eISBN:
- 9781786944580
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780973893465.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Maritime History
This journal explores the British and American attempts to suppress both piracy and slavery in the equatorial Atlantic in the period 1816 to 1865. It aims to demonstrate the pivotal role of naval ...
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This journal explores the British and American attempts to suppress both piracy and slavery in the equatorial Atlantic in the period 1816 to 1865. It aims to demonstrate the pivotal role of naval policy in defining the Anglo-American relationship. It defines the equatorial Atlantic as the region encompassing the coastal zones of the Gulf of Mexico, Central America, Northern Brazil, and the African coast from Cape Verde to the south of the Congo River. It explores the use of sea power by both nations in pursuit of their goals, and the Anglo-American naval relations during this relatively co-operative period. At its core, it argues that naval activities result from national interests - in this instance protecting commerce and furthering economic objectives, a source of tension between America and Britain during the period. It confirms that the two nations were neither allies nor enemies during the period, yet learnt to co-exist non-violently through their strategic use of sea power during peacetime. The journal consists of an introductory chapter, eight chapters of analysis, and a select bibliography.Less
This journal explores the British and American attempts to suppress both piracy and slavery in the equatorial Atlantic in the period 1816 to 1865. It aims to demonstrate the pivotal role of naval policy in defining the Anglo-American relationship. It defines the equatorial Atlantic as the region encompassing the coastal zones of the Gulf of Mexico, Central America, Northern Brazil, and the African coast from Cape Verde to the south of the Congo River. It explores the use of sea power by both nations in pursuit of their goals, and the Anglo-American naval relations during this relatively co-operative period. At its core, it argues that naval activities result from national interests - in this instance protecting commerce and furthering economic objectives, a source of tension between America and Britain during the period. It confirms that the two nations were neither allies nor enemies during the period, yet learnt to co-exist non-violently through their strategic use of sea power during peacetime. The journal consists of an introductory chapter, eight chapters of analysis, and a select bibliography.
Holly M. Karibo
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469625201
- eISBN:
- 9781469625225
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625201.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Local anti-vice efforts were also shaped in important ways by broader national debates. This chapter examines how the problem of cross-border vice along the nations’ borders was framed by the media, ...
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Local anti-vice efforts were also shaped in important ways by broader national debates. This chapter examines how the problem of cross-border vice along the nations’ borders was framed by the media, lawmakers, and government officials working at the federal level. By examining senate committee investigations that took place in Canada and the US in 1955, this chapter argues that federal officials were united by a similar belief in a prohibitionist ideology, one that emphasized the need to enforce a clear line between acceptable and unacceptable drug use through legal means. Within this prohibitionist framework, federal officials perpetuated racial stereotypes that linked cross-border smuggling with Chinese Communists, Mexican migrants, and European traffickers. While officials along the US-Canada border attempted to portray a united front in their efforts to eliminate trafficking, blaming the drug problem on outsiders often undermined their ability to maintain congenial diplomatic relations. The focus on drug prohibition along the border, then, also came to embody some of the diplomatic tensions that were developing between the US and Canada in the postwar year, tensions that would ultimately affect anti-vice efforts in cities closest to the nations’ borders.Less
Local anti-vice efforts were also shaped in important ways by broader national debates. This chapter examines how the problem of cross-border vice along the nations’ borders was framed by the media, lawmakers, and government officials working at the federal level. By examining senate committee investigations that took place in Canada and the US in 1955, this chapter argues that federal officials were united by a similar belief in a prohibitionist ideology, one that emphasized the need to enforce a clear line between acceptable and unacceptable drug use through legal means. Within this prohibitionist framework, federal officials perpetuated racial stereotypes that linked cross-border smuggling with Chinese Communists, Mexican migrants, and European traffickers. While officials along the US-Canada border attempted to portray a united front in their efforts to eliminate trafficking, blaming the drug problem on outsiders often undermined their ability to maintain congenial diplomatic relations. The focus on drug prohibition along the border, then, also came to embody some of the diplomatic tensions that were developing between the US and Canada in the postwar year, tensions that would ultimately affect anti-vice efforts in cities closest to the nations’ borders.
David Andrew Nichols
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469626895
- eISBN:
- 9781469626918
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626895.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
For a quarter of a century, the United States government operated a system of public trading posts, or factories, in the eastern North American borderland. The factories sold manufactured goods to ...
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For a quarter of a century, the United States government operated a system of public trading posts, or factories, in the eastern North American borderland. The factories sold manufactured goods to Indians at cost and bought their peltry, foodstuffs, and other wares at market rates. They also served as annuity distribution centers and host sites for treaty conferences. The U.S. government used the factories to build its influence in Indian communities, win Native American allies, and (in a few cases) to leverage Indian land sales with factory debts. For their part, Indian men and women turned the trading houses to their own uses: finding alternatives to British and Spanish traders; acquiring gifts and credit; enlisting the factors to resolve interethnic disputes; and selling goods for which the market had softened. Indians ultimately viewed the factories as alliance centers: during the War of 1812 the United States' Native allies employed them as arsenals and rally points, and its Indian adversaries viewed them as targets to capture or destroy. After that war, Superintendent Thomas McKenney tried to revive the factories by tying them to the Indian “civilization” program, advocating use of the system's revenues to fund Indian schools. Congress and the president, however, had come to see Indian alliance as less important than saving public money in an era of fiscal austerity, and fur trading as incompatible with the “civilized” lifeways they wanted Indians to adopt. With some pressure from the American Fur Company, they closed the factories permanently in 1822.Less
For a quarter of a century, the United States government operated a system of public trading posts, or factories, in the eastern North American borderland. The factories sold manufactured goods to Indians at cost and bought their peltry, foodstuffs, and other wares at market rates. They also served as annuity distribution centers and host sites for treaty conferences. The U.S. government used the factories to build its influence in Indian communities, win Native American allies, and (in a few cases) to leverage Indian land sales with factory debts. For their part, Indian men and women turned the trading houses to their own uses: finding alternatives to British and Spanish traders; acquiring gifts and credit; enlisting the factors to resolve interethnic disputes; and selling goods for which the market had softened. Indians ultimately viewed the factories as alliance centers: during the War of 1812 the United States' Native allies employed them as arsenals and rally points, and its Indian adversaries viewed them as targets to capture or destroy. After that war, Superintendent Thomas McKenney tried to revive the factories by tying them to the Indian “civilization” program, advocating use of the system's revenues to fund Indian schools. Congress and the president, however, had come to see Indian alliance as less important than saving public money in an era of fiscal austerity, and fur trading as incompatible with the “civilized” lifeways they wanted Indians to adopt. With some pressure from the American Fur Company, they closed the factories permanently in 1822.
