Roger Rees
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199249183
- eISBN:
- 9780191719431
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199249183.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Poetry and Poets: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This book relates the historical circumstances of five panegyrical speeches to survive from late antique Gaul to their literary characteristics and ideological perspectives. The years 289-307 saw ...
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This book relates the historical circumstances of five panegyrical speeches to survive from late antique Gaul to their literary characteristics and ideological perspectives. The years 289-307 saw great constitutional upheaval in the Roman Empire, with the various collegiate governments instituted by Diocletian. The speeches, preserved as part of the Panegyrici Latini collection, form part of the reaction and response of the Gallic aristocracy to the changing political environment. The five main chapters present in chronological sequence close readings of the Latin texts, in each case firmly grounded in the historical context, including constitutional and military developments. Rather than a medium of bland and enervating propaganda, panegyric itself is seen to be a flexible discourse, capable of nuance and change; through the speeches, Gallic loyalty to the various Roman emperors who held office at this time is seen to fluctuate.Less
This book relates the historical circumstances of five panegyrical speeches to survive from late antique Gaul to their literary characteristics and ideological perspectives. The years 289-307 saw great constitutional upheaval in the Roman Empire, with the various collegiate governments instituted by Diocletian. The speeches, preserved as part of the Panegyrici Latini collection, form part of the reaction and response of the Gallic aristocracy to the changing political environment. The five main chapters present in chronological sequence close readings of the Latin texts, in each case firmly grounded in the historical context, including constitutional and military developments. Rather than a medium of bland and enervating propaganda, panegyric itself is seen to be a flexible discourse, capable of nuance and change; through the speeches, Gallic loyalty to the various Roman emperors who held office at this time is seen to fluctuate.
Alden A. Mosshammer
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199543120
- eISBN:
- 9780191720062
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199543120.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity, Early Christian Studies
Dionysius Exiguus composed a 95‐year list of Easter dates beginning in what he designates as the year 532 from Christ. His list was a continuation of an Alexandrian table that ended in the year 247 ...
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Dionysius Exiguus composed a 95‐year list of Easter dates beginning in what he designates as the year 532 from Christ. His list was a continuation of an Alexandrian table that ended in the year 247 from Diocletian. How Dionysius knew that 247 Diocletian should be followed by the year 532 of the Lord has puzzled scholars for almost 1500 years. His year AD 1 seems inconsistent with the evidence of the New Testament for the chronology of Christ. This book argues that Dionysius did not calculate a new date at all. He adopted the Christian era of Julius Africanus, which was based on a date for the crucifixion in AD 31 and the assumption that Jesus was 30 years old at that time. This date was transmitted to Dionysius Exiguus through the Easter calculations of Alexandria. About the same time, the Armenian church adopted a national era whose first year they synchronized with the year 553 from Christ. This Armenian Christian era agrees with that of Dionysius, but adjusted to the Armenian calendar. The Armenians received this numbering of the years from Christ independently from Dionysius, through the Alexandrian Easter tables.Less
Dionysius Exiguus composed a 95‐year list of Easter dates beginning in what he designates as the year 532 from Christ. His list was a continuation of an Alexandrian table that ended in the year 247 from Diocletian. How Dionysius knew that 247 Diocletian should be followed by the year 532 of the Lord has puzzled scholars for almost 1500 years. His year AD 1 seems inconsistent with the evidence of the New Testament for the chronology of Christ. This book argues that Dionysius did not calculate a new date at all. He adopted the Christian era of Julius Africanus, which was based on a date for the crucifixion in AD 31 and the assumption that Jesus was 30 years old at that time. This date was transmitted to Dionysius Exiguus through the Easter calculations of Alexandria. About the same time, the Armenian church adopted a national era whose first year they synchronized with the year 553 from Christ. This Armenian Christian era agrees with that of Dionysius, but adjusted to the Armenian calendar. The Armenians received this numbering of the years from Christ independently from Dionysius, through the Alexandrian Easter tables.
Alden A. Mosshammer
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199543120
- eISBN:
- 9780191720062
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199543120.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity, Early Christian Studies
Theophilus of Alexandria published a 100‐year Paschal list beginning in the first consulship of Theodosius, AD 380. That year corresponds to the first of the classical Alexandrian cycle, but it is ...
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Theophilus of Alexandria published a 100‐year Paschal list beginning in the first consulship of Theodosius, AD 380. That year corresponds to the first of the classical Alexandrian cycle, but it is not necessarily the case that the 19‐year cycle of Theophilus began in that year. The earliest unambiguous evidence for a 19‐year cycle calibrated to the first year of Diocletian is the 110‐year list that Cyril dedicated to the emperor Theodosius II. He states explicitly that the first year of the list, AD 403, was the fifth year of the 19‐year cycle. Cyril perhaps adopted the form of the cycle that had been promulgated by Annianus, an Alexandrian monk who lived in the time of Theophilus.Less
Theophilus of Alexandria published a 100‐year Paschal list beginning in the first consulship of Theodosius, AD 380. That year corresponds to the first of the classical Alexandrian cycle, but it is not necessarily the case that the 19‐year cycle of Theophilus began in that year. The earliest unambiguous evidence for a 19‐year cycle calibrated to the first year of Diocletian is the 110‐year list that Cyril dedicated to the emperor Theodosius II. He states explicitly that the first year of the list, AD 403, was the fifth year of the 19‐year cycle. Cyril perhaps adopted the form of the cycle that had been promulgated by Annianus, an Alexandrian monk who lived in the time of Theophilus.
Alden A. Mosshammer
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199543120
- eISBN:
- 9780191720062
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199543120.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity, Early Christian Studies
Working in the year 525, Dionysius Exiguus drafted a 95‐year list of Easter dates as a continuation of an Alexandrian list that ended with the 247th year of Diocletian. Dionysius began his own list ...
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Working in the year 525, Dionysius Exiguus drafted a 95‐year list of Easter dates as a continuation of an Alexandrian list that ended with the 247th year of Diocletian. Dionysius began his own list with the year AD 532, because he did not want to perpetuate the memory of Diocletian. This study examines the history of Easter calculations in the ancient church and the question of why Dionysius decided that Diocletian 247 should be followed by AD 532. Dionysius himself was originally from what is now the modern country of Romania. He moved to Rome about AD 500. Dionysius was the author of the first collection of ecclesiastical canons, as well as the Easter‐table. He also translated frito Latin several works of the Greek fathers of the church.Less
Working in the year 525, Dionysius Exiguus drafted a 95‐year list of Easter dates as a continuation of an Alexandrian list that ended with the 247th year of Diocletian. Dionysius began his own list with the year AD 532, because he did not want to perpetuate the memory of Diocletian. This study examines the history of Easter calculations in the ancient church and the question of why Dionysius decided that Diocletian 247 should be followed by AD 532. Dionysius himself was originally from what is now the modern country of Romania. He moved to Rome about AD 500. Dionysius was the author of the first collection of ecclesiastical canons, as well as the Easter‐table. He also translated frito Latin several works of the Greek fathers of the church.
Alden A. Mosshammer
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199543120
- eISBN:
- 9780191720062
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199543120.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity, Early Christian Studies
A collection of the Paschal letters of Athanasius in a Syriac translation provides important evidence for the form of the Alexandrian 19‐year cycle in the time of Athanasius. Not all of the letters ...
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A collection of the Paschal letters of Athanasius in a Syriac translation provides important evidence for the form of the Alexandrian 19‐year cycle in the time of Athanasius. Not all of the letters have survived, but the Syriac manuscripts do preserve a summary of the chronological data for the entire collection. The data in this “Festal Index” are such as one would find in an Easter table, and they sometimes include years numbered from Diocletian. The era of Diocletian arose in response to the administrative reforms of that emperor Its use in an Easter table does not imply a reform of the Alexandrian cycle during the reign of Diocletian. The sequence of epacts in the Index agrees neither with the cycle of Anatolius nor with the classical cycle. That sequence suggests that Athanasius modified the cycle of Anatolius in connection with the Council of Sardica in 343.Less
A collection of the Paschal letters of Athanasius in a Syriac translation provides important evidence for the form of the Alexandrian 19‐year cycle in the time of Athanasius. Not all of the letters have survived, but the Syriac manuscripts do preserve a summary of the chronological data for the entire collection. The data in this “Festal Index” are such as one would find in an Easter table, and they sometimes include years numbered from Diocletian. The era of Diocletian arose in response to the administrative reforms of that emperor Its use in an Easter table does not imply a reform of the Alexandrian cycle during the reign of Diocletian. The sequence of epacts in the Index agrees neither with the cycle of Anatolius nor with the classical cycle. That sequence suggests that Athanasius modified the cycle of Anatolius in connection with the Council of Sardica in 343.
M. H. Crawford
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263235
- eISBN:
- 9780191734328
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263235.003.0006
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
It is commonplace that historical enquiry evolves as successive generations ask different questions, in a complex interplay between, on the one hand, the intellectual traditions in which individual ...
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It is commonplace that historical enquiry evolves as successive generations ask different questions, in a complex interplay between, on the one hand, the intellectual traditions in which individual historians have grown up, the different traditions that they discover, and the world as a whole in which they move; on the other hand, an ever greater body of knowledge and a wider range of historical tools. This chapter explores, by way of the particular example of the edicts of the Emperor Diocletian on maximum prices and on the coinage, the story of the discovery and study of their texts. It examines the impact on historical enquiry both of chance discoveries and of deliberate autopsy.Less
It is commonplace that historical enquiry evolves as successive generations ask different questions, in a complex interplay between, on the one hand, the intellectual traditions in which individual historians have grown up, the different traditions that they discover, and the world as a whole in which they move; on the other hand, an ever greater body of knowledge and a wider range of historical tools. This chapter explores, by way of the particular example of the edicts of the Emperor Diocletian on maximum prices and on the coinage, the story of the discovery and study of their texts. It examines the impact on historical enquiry both of chance discoveries and of deliberate autopsy.
Dominic Rathbone
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199562596
- eISBN:
- 9780191721458
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562596.003.0015
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
This chapter presents the few wheat prices known from the Roman Empire, military and some other official and private earnings, and a small selection of items from Diocletian's Edict on Maximum ...
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This chapter presents the few wheat prices known from the Roman Empire, military and some other official and private earnings, and a small selection of items from Diocletian's Edict on Maximum Prices. It attempts to assess our ability to determine whether there was an integrated market for goods and labour in the Roman Empire, what the living standards of different groups were, and whether significant changes across time are visible in market integration or living standards. The conclusion is that the Romans acted and thought as if the empire was an integrated market, although there are indications of regional zones of prices and, more sharply, wages, that the prices in Diocletian's Edict appear to be unhistorical, inconsistent and unreliable, and that there was a dramatic rise in the purchasing power of gold in late antiquity.Less
This chapter presents the few wheat prices known from the Roman Empire, military and some other official and private earnings, and a small selection of items from Diocletian's Edict on Maximum Prices. It attempts to assess our ability to determine whether there was an integrated market for goods and labour in the Roman Empire, what the living standards of different groups were, and whether significant changes across time are visible in market integration or living standards. The conclusion is that the Romans acted and thought as if the empire was an integrated market, although there are indications of regional zones of prices and, more sharply, wages, that the prices in Diocletian's Edict appear to be unhistorical, inconsistent and unreliable, and that there was a dramatic rise in the purchasing power of gold in late antiquity.
Henry Chadwick
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246953
- eISBN:
- 9780191600463
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246955.003.0028
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
The long peace and expansion of the Church in the middle years of the third century was suddenly ended by fierce persecution under Diocletian in 303–04. In the period of political confusion after ...
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The long peace and expansion of the Church in the middle years of the third century was suddenly ended by fierce persecution under Diocletian in 303–04. In the period of political confusion after Diocletian's death, two of the contenders for power, Constantine and Maxentius, both established freedom of worship. This is reflected in the canons produced by the council of Elvira in Spain in about 310. But the persecution precipitated two long‐lived schisms: the Donatists in Carthage and North Africa and the followers of Melitius, bishop of Lycopolis, in Egypt. Constantine's victory over Maxentius at the battle of the Milvian Bridge in 312 confirmed his rise to power, though exactly when and how he came to identify himself with Christianity is unclear. He invoked divine help not only in the west but also against anti‐Christian rivals in the east. Constantine's transferral of his capital to Constantinople added ecclesiastical differences to political tensions between east and west, with a parallel Church authority in the Greek east as against the Latin west with Rome as its centre.Less
The long peace and expansion of the Church in the middle years of the third century was suddenly ended by fierce persecution under Diocletian in 303–04. In the period of political confusion after Diocletian's death, two of the contenders for power, Constantine and Maxentius, both established freedom of worship. This is reflected in the canons produced by the council of Elvira in Spain in about 310. But the persecution precipitated two long‐lived schisms: the Donatists in Carthage and North Africa and the followers of Melitius, bishop of Lycopolis, in Egypt. Constantine's victory over Maxentius at the battle of the Milvian Bridge in 312 confirmed his rise to power, though exactly when and how he came to identify himself with Christianity is unclear. He invoked divine help not only in the west but also against anti‐Christian rivals in the east. Constantine's transferral of his capital to Constantinople added ecclesiastical differences to political tensions between east and west, with a parallel Church authority in the Greek east as against the Latin west with Rome as its centre.
Elizabeth DePalma Digeser
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801441813
- eISBN:
- 9780801463969
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801441813.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
This book re-examines the origins of the Great Persecution (AD 303–313), the last eruption of pagan violence against Christians before Constantine enforced the toleration of Christianity within the ...
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This book re-examines the origins of the Great Persecution (AD 303–313), the last eruption of pagan violence against Christians before Constantine enforced the toleration of Christianity within the Empire. Challenging the widely accepted view that the persecution enacted by Emperor Diocletian was largely inevitable, the book points out that in the forty years leading up to the Great Persecution Christians lived largely in peace with their fellow Roman citizens. Why, the book asks, did pagans and Christians, who had intermingled cordially and productively for decades, become so sharply divided by the turn of the century? Making use of evidence that has only recently been dated to this period, the book shows that a falling out between Neoplatonist philosophers, specifically Iamblichus of Chalcis and Porphyry of Tyre, lit the spark that fueled the Great Persecution. In the aftermath of this falling out, a group of influential pagan priests and philosophers began writing and speaking against Christians, urging them to forsake Jesus-worship and to rejoin traditional cults while Porphyry used his access to Diocletian to advocate persecution of Christians on the grounds that they were a source of impurity and impiety within the empire. This book revises our understanding of the late third century period by revealing the extent to which Platonists and Christian theologians came from a common educational tradition, often studying and teaching side by side in heterogeneous groups.Less
This book re-examines the origins of the Great Persecution (AD 303–313), the last eruption of pagan violence against Christians before Constantine enforced the toleration of Christianity within the Empire. Challenging the widely accepted view that the persecution enacted by Emperor Diocletian was largely inevitable, the book points out that in the forty years leading up to the Great Persecution Christians lived largely in peace with their fellow Roman citizens. Why, the book asks, did pagans and Christians, who had intermingled cordially and productively for decades, become so sharply divided by the turn of the century? Making use of evidence that has only recently been dated to this period, the book shows that a falling out between Neoplatonist philosophers, specifically Iamblichus of Chalcis and Porphyry of Tyre, lit the spark that fueled the Great Persecution. In the aftermath of this falling out, a group of influential pagan priests and philosophers began writing and speaking against Christians, urging them to forsake Jesus-worship and to rejoin traditional cults while Porphyry used his access to Diocletian to advocate persecution of Christians on the grounds that they were a source of impurity and impiety within the empire. This book revises our understanding of the late third century period by revealing the extent to which Platonists and Christian theologians came from a common educational tradition, often studying and teaching side by side in heterogeneous groups.
Michael Bland Simmons
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198149132
- eISBN:
- 9780191672415
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198149132.003.0012
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies
This chapter summarizes the discussions in the preceding chapters. Arnobius was a professor of Latin rhetoric who taught in the North African city of Sicca Veneria during the reign of Diocletian. ...
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This chapter summarizes the discussions in the preceding chapters. Arnobius was a professor of Latin rhetoric who taught in the North African city of Sicca Veneria during the reign of Diocletian. These two conclusions are significant for several reasons. First, they are significant for the history of Christianity in Roman North Africa specifically, and in the Roman Empire in general. Second, the work of Arnobius, the Adversus nationes, is to be understood as an important document resulting from the great religious conflict and competition that occurred during the Age of Diocletian.Less
This chapter summarizes the discussions in the preceding chapters. Arnobius was a professor of Latin rhetoric who taught in the North African city of Sicca Veneria during the reign of Diocletian. These two conclusions are significant for several reasons. First, they are significant for the history of Christianity in Roman North Africa specifically, and in the Roman Empire in general. Second, the work of Arnobius, the Adversus nationes, is to be understood as an important document resulting from the great religious conflict and competition that occurred during the Age of Diocletian.
Roger Rees
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199249183
- eISBN:
- 9780191719431
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199249183.003.0002
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Poetry and Poets: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter provides a close reading of the speech of 289, delivered at Trier to the emperor Maximian at a time of Dyarchic government. While the orator is careful to applaud Dyarchic harmony, there ...
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This chapter provides a close reading of the speech of 289, delivered at Trier to the emperor Maximian at a time of Dyarchic government. While the orator is careful to applaud Dyarchic harmony, there is a strong preference for Maximian over his imperial colleague Diocletian. Various literary and rhetorical figures are used to articulate this distinctive Gallic loyalty.Less
This chapter provides a close reading of the speech of 289, delivered at Trier to the emperor Maximian at a time of Dyarchic government. While the orator is careful to applaud Dyarchic harmony, there is a strong preference for Maximian over his imperial colleague Diocletian. Various literary and rhetorical figures are used to articulate this distinctive Gallic loyalty.
Roger Rees
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199249183
- eISBN:
- 9780191719431
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199249183.003.0003
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Poetry and Poets: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter provides a close reading of the speech of 291, delivered at Trier to the emperor Maximian at a time of Dyarchic government. In contrast to the earlier speech, there is a consistent focus ...
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This chapter provides a close reading of the speech of 291, delivered at Trier to the emperor Maximian at a time of Dyarchic government. In contrast to the earlier speech, there is a consistent focus here on Dyarchic harmony and Gallic loyalty to both Diocletian and Maximian. This is to the pointed exclusion of Carausius, ‘emperor’ of Britain. Various literary and rhetorical figures are used to articulate this new political perspective.Less
This chapter provides a close reading of the speech of 291, delivered at Trier to the emperor Maximian at a time of Dyarchic government. In contrast to the earlier speech, there is a consistent focus here on Dyarchic harmony and Gallic loyalty to both Diocletian and Maximian. This is to the pointed exclusion of Carausius, ‘emperor’ of Britain. Various literary and rhetorical figures are used to articulate this new political perspective.
Roger Rees
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199249183
- eISBN:
- 9780191719431
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199249183.003.0006
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Poetry and Poets: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter provides a close reading of the speech of 307, probably delivered at Trier to the emperors Maximian and Constantine on the occasion of Constantine's marriage to Maximian's daughter ...
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This chapter provides a close reading of the speech of 307, probably delivered at Trier to the emperors Maximian and Constantine on the occasion of Constantine's marriage to Maximian's daughter Fausta. Although references to the Dyarchic and Tetrarchic governments of Diocletian are not completely avoided, the orator commits to a political future dependant on his two addressees alone, to the exclusion of emperors elsewhere in the Empire. The political loyalty that is articulated is decidedly localised at this tumultuous period in constitutional history.Less
This chapter provides a close reading of the speech of 307, probably delivered at Trier to the emperors Maximian and Constantine on the occasion of Constantine's marriage to Maximian's daughter Fausta. Although references to the Dyarchic and Tetrarchic governments of Diocletian are not completely avoided, the orator commits to a political future dependant on his two addressees alone, to the exclusion of emperors elsewhere in the Empire. The political loyalty that is articulated is decidedly localised at this tumultuous period in constitutional history.
Colin Adams
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199297375
- eISBN:
- 9780191708978
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297375.003.0004
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, World History: BCE to 500CE
This chapter considers the early reforms of Diocletian in Egypt and places some of the changes that occurred during his principate into their broader historical context. The intention is to use ...
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This chapter considers the early reforms of Diocletian in Egypt and places some of the changes that occurred during his principate into their broader historical context. The intention is to use particular evidence from Egypt to illustrate and inform some issues of importance to the central theme of this volume — the transition from the third to fourth centuries of our era. The chapter focuses on two lengthy and important papyri, dating to ad 298 and ad 300 respectively, which originate from the city of Panopolis in Middle Egypt. Between them, they contain some 735 lines of text, which preserve the outgoing correspondence of the stratē of the Panopolite nome, and the incoming correspondence to the stratē from the office of the procurator of the Lower Thebaid, in whose administrative district the Panopolite nome lay.Less
This chapter considers the early reforms of Diocletian in Egypt and places some of the changes that occurred during his principate into their broader historical context. The intention is to use particular evidence from Egypt to illustrate and inform some issues of importance to the central theme of this volume — the transition from the third to fourth centuries of our era. The chapter focuses on two lengthy and important papyri, dating to ad 298 and ad 300 respectively, which originate from the city of Panopolis in Middle Egypt. Between them, they contain some 735 lines of text, which preserve the outgoing correspondence of the stratē of the Panopolite nome, and the incoming correspondence to the stratē from the office of the procurator of the Lower Thebaid, in whose administrative district the Panopolite nome lay.
Peter Sheehan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774162992
- eISBN:
- 9781936190072
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774162992.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This book presents a history of Old Cairo based on new archaeological evidence gathered between 2000 and 2006 during a major project to lower the groundwater level affecting the churches and ...
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This book presents a history of Old Cairo based on new archaeological evidence gathered between 2000 and 2006 during a major project to lower the groundwater level affecting the churches and monuments of this area of Cairo known by the Romans as Babylon. Examination of the material and structural remains revealed a sequence of continuous occupation extending from the sixth century BC to the present day. These include the massive stone walls of the canal linking the Nile to the Red Sea, and the harbor constructed by Trajan at its entrance around 110 AD. The Emperor Diocletian built the fortress of Babylon around the harbor and the canal in 300 AD, and much new information has come to light concerning the construction and internal layout of the fortress, which continues to enclose and define the enclave of Old Cairo. Important evidence for the early medieval transformation of the area into the nucleus of the Arab city of al-Fustat and its later medieval development is also presented.Less
This book presents a history of Old Cairo based on new archaeological evidence gathered between 2000 and 2006 during a major project to lower the groundwater level affecting the churches and monuments of this area of Cairo known by the Romans as Babylon. Examination of the material and structural remains revealed a sequence of continuous occupation extending from the sixth century BC to the present day. These include the massive stone walls of the canal linking the Nile to the Red Sea, and the harbor constructed by Trajan at its entrance around 110 AD. The Emperor Diocletian built the fortress of Babylon around the harbor and the canal in 300 AD, and much new information has come to light concerning the construction and internal layout of the fortress, which continues to enclose and define the enclave of Old Cairo. Important evidence for the early medieval transformation of the area into the nucleus of the Arab city of al-Fustat and its later medieval development is also presented.
R D Rees
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748627936
- eISBN:
- 9780748651474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748627936.003.0027
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
Early in his speech to the Roman emperor Maximian, probably delivered in Trier in the spring of AD 289, a Gallic orator catalogued the duties of imperial office. Maximian had been appointed ...
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Early in his speech to the Roman emperor Maximian, probably delivered in Trier in the spring of AD 289, a Gallic orator catalogued the duties of imperial office. Maximian had been appointed co-emperor by Diocletian four years earlier, and in keeping with the conventions of the genre of panegyrical oratory, is said to have fulfilled his responsibilities with distinction. One interesting feature of this anonymous orator's version of the established form is his selection of iustitia (‘justice’) for special mention. By 289 Maximian's most notable achievements as Diocletian's co-emperor were less to do with the law than the military, such as his overwhelming suppression of the Bagaudae in Gaul at the beginning of his reign. The mention of iustitia is worth dwelling on, therefore, although not necessarily believing, since the genre of panegyric had its own idiosyncratic economy of truth. Delivered before the emperor and local Gallic dignitaries, the orator's terms reveal what we can assume would have been considered an ideal if not a reality of contemporary law — the measure of a good judge, according to this aristocratic elite, is the extent to which he copies imperial justice. That is, a good judge narrows the gap between state and judiciary; judges are not only not independent, but their very dependence on the imperial centre is presented as a virtue.Less
Early in his speech to the Roman emperor Maximian, probably delivered in Trier in the spring of AD 289, a Gallic orator catalogued the duties of imperial office. Maximian had been appointed co-emperor by Diocletian four years earlier, and in keeping with the conventions of the genre of panegyrical oratory, is said to have fulfilled his responsibilities with distinction. One interesting feature of this anonymous orator's version of the established form is his selection of iustitia (‘justice’) for special mention. By 289 Maximian's most notable achievements as Diocletian's co-emperor were less to do with the law than the military, such as his overwhelming suppression of the Bagaudae in Gaul at the beginning of his reign. The mention of iustitia is worth dwelling on, therefore, although not necessarily believing, since the genre of panegyric had its own idiosyncratic economy of truth. Delivered before the emperor and local Gallic dignitaries, the orator's terms reveal what we can assume would have been considered an ideal if not a reality of contemporary law — the measure of a good judge, according to this aristocratic elite, is the extent to which he copies imperial justice. That is, a good judge narrows the gap between state and judiciary; judges are not only not independent, but their very dependence on the imperial centre is presented as a virtue.
Peter Sheehan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774162992
- eISBN:
- 9781936190072
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774162992.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
The construction of the fortress is in the context of three major developments in the reign of Diocletian. This construction of a fortress is a reaction to the series of political and military crises ...
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The construction of the fortress is in the context of three major developments in the reign of Diocletian. This construction of a fortress is a reaction to the series of political and military crises that, throughout the third century, threatened to destroy the Roman empire and turn it “from Military Monarchy into Military Anarchy.” The existing limits of Diocletian's fortress form a five-sided figure enclosing a roughly rectangular area of some three hectares and the outline would form a rectangular wall. The alignment of the fortress was derived from the existing riverside walls of the harbor, and it is in the direction of the Amnis Traianus. The canal formed a median line of the fortress, while the eastern and western sides formed two enclosed walls on both sides of the canal. This combination of methods and materials produced a structure of great strength, allowing it to survive and intact for seventeen centuries.Less
The construction of the fortress is in the context of three major developments in the reign of Diocletian. This construction of a fortress is a reaction to the series of political and military crises that, throughout the third century, threatened to destroy the Roman empire and turn it “from Military Monarchy into Military Anarchy.” The existing limits of Diocletian's fortress form a five-sided figure enclosing a roughly rectangular area of some three hectares and the outline would form a rectangular wall. The alignment of the fortress was derived from the existing riverside walls of the harbor, and it is in the direction of the Amnis Traianus. The canal formed a median line of the fortress, while the eastern and western sides formed two enclosed walls on both sides of the canal. This combination of methods and materials produced a structure of great strength, allowing it to survive and intact for seventeen centuries.
Clyde E. Fant and Mitchell G. Reddish
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780195139174
- eISBN:
- 9780197561706
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780195139174.003.0011
- Subject:
- Archaeology, Biblical Archaeology
Virtually nothing remains from the ancient city of Beroea, once the second city of the Macedonian Empire. In the 1st century the Apostle Paul found Beroea ...
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Virtually nothing remains from the ancient city of Beroea, once the second city of the Macedonian Empire. In the 1st century the Apostle Paul found Beroea hospitable to his message, and today the city contains the most notable individual monument in Greece to the Christian missionary. The ancient city of Beroea today is known as Veria, located 42 miles west of Thessaloniki and 9 miles northwest of Vergina. Public buses are available from Thessaloniki’s KTEL stations (be sure to use the west side stations). Check carefully for departing and returning times, as the frequency of connections varies. Fares are inexpensive, less than $10 round trip. It is possible, if desired or time is limited, to make a day trip from Thessaloniki to nearby Vergina, go on to Veria, and return. Beroea was first mentioned by Thucydides in his histories when he records that the Athenians failed to take the city by siege in 432 B.C.E., during the Peloponnesian War. Plutarch later tells of a successful siege of Beroea in 288 B.C.E., after which the city was occupied by Pyrrhus. The Gauls who later robbed the royal tombs at Vergina were unsuccessful in taking Beroea. The city became part of the Roman Empire in 148 B.C.E. and was the site of training for the armies of Pompey, who spent the winter of 49–48 B.C.E. in Beroea prior to the battle of Pharsalos (48 B.C.E.). In the 1st century C.E. Beroea found favor with several of the Roman emperors and became an international city of varied races and religions. The Apostle Paul visited the city in 50 C.E. Later Diocletian made Beroea one of the two capitals of Macedonia. The biblical account of Paul’s visit to Beroea, following his escape from the hostility at Thessalonica, is found in Acts 17:10–15: . . . That very night the believers sent Paul and Silas off to Beroea; and when they arrived, they went to the Jewish synagogue. These Jews were more receptive than those at Thessalonica, for they welcomed the message very eagerly and examined the scriptures every day to see whether these things were so. . . .
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Virtually nothing remains from the ancient city of Beroea, once the second city of the Macedonian Empire. In the 1st century the Apostle Paul found Beroea hospitable to his message, and today the city contains the most notable individual monument in Greece to the Christian missionary. The ancient city of Beroea today is known as Veria, located 42 miles west of Thessaloniki and 9 miles northwest of Vergina. Public buses are available from Thessaloniki’s KTEL stations (be sure to use the west side stations). Check carefully for departing and returning times, as the frequency of connections varies. Fares are inexpensive, less than $10 round trip. It is possible, if desired or time is limited, to make a day trip from Thessaloniki to nearby Vergina, go on to Veria, and return. Beroea was first mentioned by Thucydides in his histories when he records that the Athenians failed to take the city by siege in 432 B.C.E., during the Peloponnesian War. Plutarch later tells of a successful siege of Beroea in 288 B.C.E., after which the city was occupied by Pyrrhus. The Gauls who later robbed the royal tombs at Vergina were unsuccessful in taking Beroea. The city became part of the Roman Empire in 148 B.C.E. and was the site of training for the armies of Pompey, who spent the winter of 49–48 B.C.E. in Beroea prior to the battle of Pharsalos (48 B.C.E.). In the 1st century C.E. Beroea found favor with several of the Roman emperors and became an international city of varied races and religions. The Apostle Paul visited the city in 50 C.E. Later Diocletian made Beroea one of the two capitals of Macedonia. The biblical account of Paul’s visit to Beroea, following his escape from the hostility at Thessalonica, is found in Acts 17:10–15: . . . That very night the believers sent Paul and Silas off to Beroea; and when they arrived, they went to the Jewish synagogue. These Jews were more receptive than those at Thessalonica, for they welcomed the message very eagerly and examined the scriptures every day to see whether these things were so. . . .
Clyde E. Fant and Mitchell G. Reddish
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780195139174
- eISBN:
- 9780197561706
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780195139174.003.0024
- Subject:
- Archaeology, Biblical Archaeology
In 315 B.C.E. Cassander, king of Macedonia, once a general in the army of Alexander the Great, founded a new city in his kingdom. He named it for his wife, ...
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In 315 B.C.E. Cassander, king of Macedonia, once a general in the army of Alexander the Great, founded a new city in his kingdom. He named it for his wife, Thessalonike, daughter of Philip II of Macedon and the half sister of Alexander. In the centuries that followed, Thessalonica became the premier city of northern Greece, enduring and flourishing under Hellenistic, Roman, and Greek control. Many famous figures in world history played important roles throughout its lengthy and colorful existence, including Alexander the Great, Cleopatra, Cicero, Pompey, and Sulëyman I the Magnificent, among others. But no resident or visitor to Thessalonica had a greater influence on the city than an obscure Christian missionary who visited there in the first century, Paul of Tarsus. The first New Testament writing is believed to be Paul’s First Letter to the Thessalonians. Modern Thessaloniki (biblical Thessalonica), second only to Athens among the cities of Greece, is easily reached by automobile or by frequent flights from Athens. Although its ancient ruins and monuments are overshadowed by those of Athens, this city is well worth visiting for its fine archaeological museum and as a point of departure for the spectacular Royal Tombs at Vergina, home to the amazing riches of the family of Alexander the Great. Increasingly, more of ancient Thessalonica is being unearthed by archaeologists and made available to public view. According to Strabo, Thessalonica was established at the site of ancient Therme and formed from the incorporation of twenty-five smaller villages. The ancient city was laid out according to the Hippodamian plan, that is, in rectangular blocks. Its development was encouraged by its fine port and, during the Roman period, by being made the capital of Macedonia. When the Romans connected the Via Egnatia, the historic road linking east and west, to Thessalonica, the city prospered even more. The Roman orator Cicero was exiled in Thessalonica (58–57 B.C.E.) and wrote to his friend Atticus on July 21, 57 B.C.E., that he had delayed leaving the city “owing to the constant traffic along the road” (the Via Egnatia; M. Tullius Cicero, Letters 69).
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In 315 B.C.E. Cassander, king of Macedonia, once a general in the army of Alexander the Great, founded a new city in his kingdom. He named it for his wife, Thessalonike, daughter of Philip II of Macedon and the half sister of Alexander. In the centuries that followed, Thessalonica became the premier city of northern Greece, enduring and flourishing under Hellenistic, Roman, and Greek control. Many famous figures in world history played important roles throughout its lengthy and colorful existence, including Alexander the Great, Cleopatra, Cicero, Pompey, and Sulëyman I the Magnificent, among others. But no resident or visitor to Thessalonica had a greater influence on the city than an obscure Christian missionary who visited there in the first century, Paul of Tarsus. The first New Testament writing is believed to be Paul’s First Letter to the Thessalonians. Modern Thessaloniki (biblical Thessalonica), second only to Athens among the cities of Greece, is easily reached by automobile or by frequent flights from Athens. Although its ancient ruins and monuments are overshadowed by those of Athens, this city is well worth visiting for its fine archaeological museum and as a point of departure for the spectacular Royal Tombs at Vergina, home to the amazing riches of the family of Alexander the Great. Increasingly, more of ancient Thessalonica is being unearthed by archaeologists and made available to public view. According to Strabo, Thessalonica was established at the site of ancient Therme and formed from the incorporation of twenty-five smaller villages. The ancient city was laid out according to the Hippodamian plan, that is, in rectangular blocks. Its development was encouraged by its fine port and, during the Roman period, by being made the capital of Macedonia. When the Romans connected the Via Egnatia, the historic road linking east and west, to Thessalonica, the city prospered even more. The Roman orator Cicero was exiled in Thessalonica (58–57 B.C.E.) and wrote to his friend Atticus on July 21, 57 B.C.E., that he had delayed leaving the city “owing to the constant traffic along the road” (the Via Egnatia; M. Tullius Cicero, Letters 69).
Simon James
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198743569
- eISBN:
- 9780191916878
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198743569.003.0027
- Subject:
- Archaeology, Greek and Roman Archaeology
In the foregoing, it was argued that the unitary base area seen in the third century, encompassing the entire N part of the city from the W defences almost ...
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In the foregoing, it was argued that the unitary base area seen in the third century, encompassing the entire N part of the city from the W defences almost to the River Gate, resulted from expansion and coalescence of two later-second-century nuclei, one near the Temple of Bêl, the other focused on the Citadel. Subsequently, presumably increasing Roman troop numbers at Dura led to takeover of the far N part of the intramural area, linking up the military holdings. But why did it start as two nuclei? When Roman power became permanently established over Dura c.165, and a decision was made to station Palmyrene symmachiarii there, while the Realpolitik may have been that these were proxy forces holding the city for Rome, the option of sending in troops from a long-standing friend of Dura may have been chosen as a face-saving measure for the Durene elite. The Palmyrenes were likely presented as defending the newly ‘liberated’ city from Arsacid interference. Under such circumstances, a less obtrusive, peripheral location would have been appropriate. The zone around the Temple of Bêl appears at the time to have comprised only partially built-up city blocks offering open ground, with more free space along the city wall to accommodate the Palmyrene force with minimal disruption to civic life. The temple plaza also offered a ready-made military assembly space. It is further possible that the Palmyrenes attested in Arsacid Dura—visiting traders and soldiers, and resident expatriates—already tended to congregate in or use this zone, around the temple which, at least later, would become especially associated with Palmyrene Bêl. With subsequent arrival of regular Roman troops, and the proposed enrolling of the Palmyrene archers as the nucleus of the nascent cohors XX, the NW cantonment was then probably expanded as it was developed into a Roman auxiliary base. With regard to the inner wadi/Citadel zone, it was suggested above that the incoming Romans would have taken over the great inner stronghold by default, as part of the defensive circuit. They also used the flat wadi floor in its shadow as a campus.
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In the foregoing, it was argued that the unitary base area seen in the third century, encompassing the entire N part of the city from the W defences almost to the River Gate, resulted from expansion and coalescence of two later-second-century nuclei, one near the Temple of Bêl, the other focused on the Citadel. Subsequently, presumably increasing Roman troop numbers at Dura led to takeover of the far N part of the intramural area, linking up the military holdings. But why did it start as two nuclei? When Roman power became permanently established over Dura c.165, and a decision was made to station Palmyrene symmachiarii there, while the Realpolitik may have been that these were proxy forces holding the city for Rome, the option of sending in troops from a long-standing friend of Dura may have been chosen as a face-saving measure for the Durene elite. The Palmyrenes were likely presented as defending the newly ‘liberated’ city from Arsacid interference. Under such circumstances, a less obtrusive, peripheral location would have been appropriate. The zone around the Temple of Bêl appears at the time to have comprised only partially built-up city blocks offering open ground, with more free space along the city wall to accommodate the Palmyrene force with minimal disruption to civic life. The temple plaza also offered a ready-made military assembly space. It is further possible that the Palmyrenes attested in Arsacid Dura—visiting traders and soldiers, and resident expatriates—already tended to congregate in or use this zone, around the temple which, at least later, would become especially associated with Palmyrene Bêl. With subsequent arrival of regular Roman troops, and the proposed enrolling of the Palmyrene archers as the nucleus of the nascent cohors XX, the NW cantonment was then probably expanded as it was developed into a Roman auxiliary base. With regard to the inner wadi/Citadel zone, it was suggested above that the incoming Romans would have taken over the great inner stronghold by default, as part of the defensive circuit. They also used the flat wadi floor in its shadow as a campus.