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This chapter uses the Study of Adult Development — Harvard Medical School's sixty-year prospective study of the lives of college and inner-city men — to answer two questions about generativity. First, should the Eriksonian concept of generativity be distinguished from the human capacity for warm relationships? Second, does generativity lead to improved physical health in later life? The chapter begins by defining generativity not only as assuming responsibility for the growth and well-being of others, but also as community building and mentoring to the next generation, and it points out that generative relationships often require much greater maturity than does simple loving attachment. The chapter uses the examples of two men from the study's inner-city cohort to show that generativity is not dependent upon social privilege and that generative individuals do not always live long, healthy lives.

For many decades, scholars held that five transition markers delineated entry into adulthood: completing school, leaving home, beginning one's career, marrying, and becoming a parent. Based on these five criteria, however, the percentage of youth in their twenties and thirties who would qualify as adult has decreased significantly in recent decades. Drawing on data from the Youth Development Study, this chapter assesses the importance of the traditional transition markers and personal qualities in predicting whether young people view themselves as adult. It begins by briefly considering the conceptual and empirical basis for claims about the changing nature of adult identity. It then discusses the conceptual basis of “emerging adulthood” and subjective age identity before presenting empirical evidence for conceptions of adulthood. The results show that: the respondents distinguish among dimensions of self-perceived adulthood; family transitions significantly distinguish youth who feel not at all or somewhat like an adult from those that feel entirely like an adult; financial independence significantly, positively predicted self-perceived adulthood. Taken together, these results support the expectation that family transition markers and self-perceived adulthood are interrelated.

This chapter focuses on the much neglected criminal career aspect of adult-onset offenders. It stresses that risk factors do not always need to have an immediate and direct effect, that some early risk factors have a long-term impact, that many factors play a protective role in childhood and adulthood, but that this protective effect may cease in adulthood, that psychological insulation or resilience toward antisocial and criminogenic factors may not last long, and that delinquency abstention is not necessarily a sign of good adjustment in adolescence. Using data from the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development, the chapter presents important findings and formulates an agenda for future work on adult-onset offending.

This chapter uses David Farrington’s Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development as an example of a study that has generated hundreds of papers and several books relevant to criminal career research. It contrasts these findings with a discussion of contentious and unresolved substantive, theoretical, and methodological issues in criminal career research and provides pointers to areas in which future research is likely to pay off.

Chapter 2 explores the work of Clark Kerr as a thinker and university leader. It examines the Inter-University Study of Labor Problems in Economic Development directed by Kerr, one of the largest organized research projects in American social science during the postwar years. This study proposed a new theory of industrialism that informed Kerr’s thinking about universities. The Inter-University Study provides a window into its most important institutional contexts: the Institute of Industrial Relations (IIR) at UC Berkeley and the Ford Foundation’s Program in Economic Development and Administration. The chapter describes Kerr’s promotion of ORUs—first at the IIR, which he directed for seven years, and then across the Berkeley campus once he became chancellor. It also shows how his immersion in the administrative science movement shaped his view of the university’s mission. The chapter uncovers the sources of key ideas Kerr set forth in The Uses of the University.

This chapter describes a randomized controlled trial of the CTC system to show that it is possible to use this type of rigorous methodology to evaluate a community-based prevention system. This project, the Community Youth Development Study (CYDS), involved 24 communities in seven U.S. states. The methods used to recruit communities and state-level partners to the trial, as well as the measures used to collect data from community key leaders, service providers, coalition leaders, and youth in CTC and control communities, are described. The chapter also summarizes the study’s findings, including desired changes in community-level processes, youth-reported risk and protective factors, and youth-reported behavioral health problems. Estimates of CTC’s cost benefits are provided.

This chapter was published in 2008, shortly after the decision of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank to reorganize some 90 zakat committees and bring them under central control. The chapter (originally published by the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva) set out to review competing interpretations of the nature of the West Bank committees during the “Oslo period”, after limited autonomy was ceded by Israel to the Palestinian Authority but before the split between the West Bank and Gaza which took place in 2007. Allegations in the counter-terrorist literature that the zakat committees had been simply fronts for Hamas are considered here and found to be unpersuasive, short of hard evidence and especially in the light of the confidence that – according to reputable opinion surveys – they earned from the Palestinian public. A more benign interpretation is offered in this chapter – that these zakat committees were a result of the “Islamic resurgence” and were typically grass-roots, community based organizations that were beginning to tap into the international aid system, in response to urgent humanitarian needs and the pressures inflicted by the Israeli Occupation.

This chapter covers the period 1960–78. A readership in economics with reference to the Middle East at the London School of Economics and School of Oriental and African Studies was followed in 1964 by taking up the first chair of economics with special reference to Asia at the School of Oriental and African Studies. Edith developed the new department and co-founded the Journal of Development Studies. She travelled extensively, particularly in the Middle East, where she taught and advised at the American Universities of Beirut and Cairo. In 1978, with E. F. Penrose, she published Iraq: International Relations and National Development, a comprehensive study of the political and economic development of the state of Iraq. She contributed to public bodies including the British Social Science Research Council and the Overseas Development Institute, the Commonwealth Development Corporation, the Monopolies Commission, and the Sainsbury Committee.

The chapter reviews how EBIs are typically evaluated. Evaluation usually begins with small pilot studies that examine implementation processes and feasibility and gather input from community members on training and implementation needs. The next stages involve efficacy trials, such as randomized experiments to evaluate intervention impact and larger scale effectiveness and dissemination trials to understand how EBIs can be implemented at scale. This chapter describes how CTC has been evaluated following these stages. Early pilot studies examined its implementation procedures and feasibility, feedback from communities was used to improve the CTC system, and larger scale studies evaluated its impact on community rates of youth behavioral health problems. The research used to create valid and reliable measures of community processes is described, including the methods used to create the CTC Youth Survey that measures a comprehensive set of risk and protective factors and behavioral health problems across youth in a community.

Chapter 2, “The Materiality of Theory”, tells the story of the (ir)rationalization of the landscape of Palestine and Israel after 1948. It explores how the colonial legacies of cartography continue to influence land management and development efforts. It also outlines the benefits of combining critical geographical studies, including the literature on science and empire, with science and technology studies (STS) research that examines how specific technologies are intrinsically shaped by their social and material contexts.

This chapter looks at what can be said about the kinds of associations between childhood factors and adult earnings, by drawing on the data from two British birth cohorts were born sometime in March 1958 and in April 1970. These data sources are unique, in the sense that they followed the cohort members from birth, throughout the childhood years, and into adulthood. A short discussion of estimates on the extent of intergenerational mobility based on data from the two cohorts is provided first. This is followed by a summary of the earlier findings about the connections between childhood factors and adult outcomes. The next section tries to determine any evidence of an intergenerational spillover. The chapter ends with a BCS70 comparison with the National Child Development Study, while focusing on the associations with child poverty.

While the physical health of women and children is emphasized in international policy guidelines, the mental dimensions of their health are often ignored, especially in developing countries. However, recent and strong evidence suggests that the mental and physical health of mothers and children is inextricably linked, and the one cannot be possible without the other (Prince et al. 2007). This chapter reviews the evidence and suggests directions for policy and research in this area. Depression is the fourth leading cause of disease burden and the largest cause of nonfatal burden, accounting for almost 12% of all total years lived with disability worldwide. Depression around childbirth is common, affecting approximately 10–15% of all mothers in Western societies (O’Hara and Swain 1996). Epidemiological studies from the developing world have reported increasingly high rates of postnatal depression in diverse cultures across the developing world. An early pioneering study by Cox (1979) in a semirural Ugandan tribe found rates of 10% based on the ICD-8 criteria. Two decades later, a community study by Cooper et al. (1999) in a periurban settlement in South Africa, found rates of 34.7%, an increase of over threefold. Hospital-based studies have found rates of 23% in Goa, India (Patel et al. 2002), 22% in eastern Turkey (Inandi 2002) and 15.8% in Dubai, United Arab Emirates (Goubash and Abou-Saleh 1997). A rural-community study in Rawalpindi, Pakistan, reported over 25% women suffering from depression in the antenatal period and 28% in the postnatal period (Rahman et al. 2007). Over half these women were found to be still depressed a year later (Rahman and Creed 2007). A recent meta-analysis shows that the rates in low- and middle-income countries (LAMIC) are higher than high income countries, ranging from 18–25% (Fisher et al. 2012). Risk factors identified include previous psychiatric problems, life events in the previous year, poor marital relationship, lack of social support, and economic deprivation. Female infant gender was found to be an important determinant of postnatal depression in India, but not in South Africa. Importantly, postnatal depression was found to be associated with high degrees of chronicity, disability and disturbances of mother–infant relationship.

The aim of this chapter is to examine young women’s experience of mental health problems during the perinatal period. We shall argue that women who were young at the time of their transition to parenthood are at elevated risk for perinatal depression, in their first and subsequent pregnancies. Evidence for the impact of perinatal depression on children’s development will be outlined, and we propose that the elevated rates of mental health problems among young mothers may partly account for the increased prevalence of adverse outcomes often seen among their children. However, for these young women and their offspring, the impact of perinatal depression may be compounded by many other social, psychological, and biological risk factors, and young women’s circumstances may exacerbate their own and their children’s difficulties. Therefore any clinical strategies regarding the identification and treatment of depression during the antenatal and postnatal months may need to take into account the age of women, with women bearing children earlier and later than the average presenting different challenges for health professionals. Across the industrialized nations the demographics of parenthood are changing, with both men and women first becoming parents at increasingly older ages (Bosch 1998; Martin et al. 2005; Ventura et al. 2001). In the UK for example, the average maternal age at first birth in 1971 was 23.7 years, compared to the present figure of 29.5 years (ONS 2012). Correspondingly, over the last four decades, birth rates for women aged 30 and over have increased extensively, whilst those for women in their teenage years and early twenties have declined (ONS 2012, 2007). Since the 1970s, the proportion of children born to women aged 20–24 in the UK has been decreasing, with women aged 30–34 years now displaying the highest birth rates (ONS 2010). These changes in the demography of parenthood are not confined to the UK with similar trends toward delayed first births observed across Western Europe (Ventura et al. 2001), the United States (Mirowsky 2002), New Zealand (Woodward et al. 2006) and Australia (Barnes 2003). Thus, a transition to parenthood during adolescence and the early 20s is non-normative for Western women, and the implications of this ‘off-time’ transition (Elder 1997, 1998) for the mother’s and the child’s mental health warrants attention.