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Briefly restates the central argument of the book and then summarizes the main proposals for reforming the international legal system that the preceding chapters have developed on its basis. It sets the stage for Ch. 11, which explores morally accessible ways of undertaking the proposed reforms. The four sections of the chapter are: I. A Justice‐Based Approach; II. An International Legal Order Grounded in Obligation, not Mere Permissibility; III. Linking Justice, Legitimacy, and Self‐Determination; and IV. Needed Reforms.

This section begins with a brief description of the Uniform Determination of Death Act, which adopted in 1980 by the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws. It then discusses procedural guidelines for making a determination of death and for making a declaration of death; and continuing ethical debates on the determination of death.

This chapter explains Richard Nixon's message to the U.S. Congress on Indian affairs that led to the passing of the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975, which assures maximum Indian participation in education and other Federal services. Sitcoms airing during this era of self-determination signaled a shift in representations of Indians. Compared to sitcoms from the 1950s and 1960s that portrayed Indians as wild savages, the 1970s represented them as physically nonviolent and visually and audibly modern.

This chapter describes the Disability Determination Services (DDS) examiner—a system that determines whether a beneficiary is a disabled person. It also examines when a person would no longer be considered disabled, so that the government may demand recompense for those no longer officially disabled but would still like to continue receiving the benefits. On that note, the Reagan administration officials made a decision to accelerate the reviews in the transition period between the Carter and Reagan presidencies. This acceleration caused the state disability determination offices to accidentally terminate the benefits of some people who were still disabled. Thus, the Congress soon began questioning these reviews.

The authors argue, that a focus on Black intellectualism dissolves binary oppositions—as Paul Gilroy, W.E.B. DuBois, and others have attempted to do in their explorations of “double consciousness” and other (intellectual) ways in which people of African descent have proactively negotiated their heritage, past, and present in the face of external conditions of hardship and change. Studies on Black Intellectualism create a space for understanding self-determined, conscious actions and creative choices, without ignoring historical and systemic obstacles of inequality, discrimination, violence, enslavement, misfortune or other circumstances that may victimize. New literature focusing on the intellectualism of the Black Atlantic and beyond can now go further to make more connections across time and space and to show how these inventive connections and collaborations are an inherent part of the process of facing uncertainty, movement and change By moving beyond traditional and formerly limiting geographical, historical, and conceptual categories of the “Black Atlantic,” we expand and liberate this discourse to make possible the study of how movement to “anywhere but here” helped individuals to arrive at where they needed to be spiritually, socially, politically, and culturally.

This chapter examines the politics of place-making, the marking out of ethno-spaces, and the setting in motion of a process whereby citizenship's association with descent is affirmed. Since the amendment in the Citizenship Act pertained specifically to the state of Assam in northeastern India, it examines the complex reconfiguration of political forces and unfolding of power relations between the central government and the state of Assam on the question of definition and identification of illegal migrants, through the Assam Accord of 1985, the Citizenship Amendment Act of 1986, the contests around the Illegal Migrants Determination by Tribunal Act (IMDT) of 1983, and the Supreme Court judgment in August 2005 striking it down. The chapter shows how the illegality/alien-ness of the migrant became central to the construction of the Assamese identity in the 1980s and how the ‘migrant’ figured in precarious relationships of consensus and antagonism with the ‘citizen’, depending on the nature of political/electoral contests between the centre and state governments. It also shows how these contests produced the migrants as the ‘constitutive outsiders’ — as ‘residual citizens’ — who occupied a perpetual zone of uncertain, suspect, and indeterminate citizenship.

The introduction of this collection situates the contributing essays, interviews, and speeches within the existing and sparse literature on modern Native people of the southeast. It draws attention to the political, economic and social strides that Indian communities have made in the face of severe challenges at both the local and national levels—ones that primarily focus on Indian Self-Determination, leadership, and tribal organization. It also sets the stage for understanding the entries that comprise this collection as contributors share their own experiences, observations frustrations and aspirations as southern Indian people.

As the UKCS matures, the likelihood is that new discoveries (outside frontier areas, at least) will be relatively small. Their prospects for development will depend upon their ability to be linked up with the existingoil and gas transportation infrastructure.Where (as will almost invariably be the case) this infrastructure is in the ownership of others, securing access to that infrastructure can be a difficult process. The Secretary of State has a statutory power to compel the owner to permit access to its infrastructure and to determine the commercial terms on which such access takes place; however this power has been very rarely used in practice. This chapter describes and analyses the complex framework of legislation, Ministerial Guidance and Industry Codes of Best Practice which govern this situation, and discusses the reasons why applicants have hitherto been so reluctant to exercise their right to refer access disputes to the Secretary of State.

As a young officer serving under Zachary Taylor and Winfield Scott in the Mexican-American War, Ulysses S. Grant saw firsthand the difference a determined leader could make. He showed signs of a developing inner strength during those campaigns, but not until the Civil War did his own force of will become fully apparent. Through the Shiloh, Vicksburg, and Overland campaigns, General Grant made the conscious decision to drive on, to push himself and his men forward, and in each instance, his determination was rewarded with battlefield success. Ulysses S. Grant’s military career reveals the importance of a leader’s unremitting resolve in achieving critical objectives.

This chapter focuses on the means by which IRA companies, IRB circles, Cumann na mBan branches and Na Fianna Éireann troops were established and managed in Britain during the war of independence. The important people in the major centres of republican activity are introduced, including Art O’Brien in London, Neil Kerr and Paddy Daly in Liverpool, Paddy O’Donoghue in Manchester, Joe Vize in Glasgow, Richard Purcell in Newcastle-upon-Tyne and James Cunningham in Birmingham. The figures at IRA headquarters who interested themselves in the movement in Britain are introduced too, including Michael Collins, Rory O’Connor and Liam Mellows. The activities of associated political groups, such as Sinn Féin and the Irish Self-Determination League of Great Britain (ISDL), are studied. Membership figures are discussed, as are the type of people who joined republican organizations and their motivations. Relations between units in Britain and IRA headquarters in Dublin are explored. Problems like loose organization and bad leadership are noted.

This chapter deals mainly with activities of rival republican and Free State organizations in Britain, from the Volunteers to the ISDL, while the Irish civil war raged in Ireland. However, as a significant number of men and women from Britain travelled to Ireland to participate in the conflict, it also follows the course of events there. IRA organizational efforts, gunrunning and plans for violence against property are studied in detail. The author argues that while republicans in Britain played a role in keeping the IRA in Ireland in the field, organizational problems, declining membership and harassment by the British and Irish authorities meant that their contribution to the war effort was much smaller than during the war of independence.

The fortunes enjoyed in the years following the end of the civil war by Art O’Brien, the ISDL and other republicans formerly active in Britain are sketched. The IRA's campaign of violence in Britain in 1920–22 is compared and contrasted with that of the IRA in 1939–40, the Provisional IRA and Real IRA in 1972–2001 and al-Qaeda from 2005 onwards in terms of aims and execution. The author then reiterates his argument that republicans in Britain acted as auxiliaries to the IRA in Ireland. This was most obviously the case in the areas of gunrunning and violent attacks. However, such support was also evident in less spectacular activities, such as sheltering men on the run and contributing to republican fundraising schemes. ‘The war of independence and the civil war were ultimately won and lost by the actions of actors in Ireland,’ the author concludes, ‘but republicans in Britain played a noteworthy role in the drama.’

This chapter explores Native women’s quest for reproductive self-determination from the late 1960s through the early 1980s. The chapter documents Native women’s diverse attitudes toward and engagement with federal family planning services, while dedicating particular attention to growing concerns regarding unethical and even coercive sterilizations in the 1970s. Native nurses, community health representatives, and other activists struggled in various ways for women’s reproductive autonomy, collectively ensuring the centrality of reproduction to Red Power politics and the ongoing struggle for Native sovereignty. By the end of the decade, activist pressure resulted in the adoption of new federal regulations that provided some protections for Native and other women. Native women also founded grassroots organizations that pursued reproduction-related agendas such as a return to Native midwifery.

The Young Lords emerged in 1969, at the height of the decade’s radicalization when two million students polled in the US said they believed in the necessity of building a revolutionary party. Respectively, the group called for society’s radical transformation: the end of US colonial rule in Puerto Rico, colonization everywhere; self-determination for Puerto Ricans and all racially oppressed people in the US mainland; and a socialist society, which contrary to capitalism’s blind pursuit of profit, would prioritize human need. The group forms part of the New Left, the diverse social movements of the 60s that challenged racism and Jim Crow; US war in Vietnam; old soul-slaying social norms that constrained personal freedoms in the US; patriarchy and heteronormativity. While their white campus-based counterparts rebelled against the sterility of suburbia, sixties radicals of color, like the Young Lords and Black Panther, were radicalized by the experience of migration in the context of the new urban poverty produced by post-war deindustrialization, housing displacement, medical discrimination in public hospitals, and police violence in northern cities. Anchored in local communities, the group marshalled the best organizing strategies bequeathed to them by over a decade of movement activism and won ground breaking reforms.

This chapter covers Arab self-determination: as a wide Arab national self-determination movement that engages a worldview with the new international order imposed by WW1. It covers Arab Nationalism: The Great Arab Revolt of 1916; The British Alliance with the Arab Nationalist Movement; The Kingdom of Hijaz declaration of Arab independence; French and German outlook on Arab statehood; The era of the League of Nations; The Mandate System and Its Legal Challenges; Arab Representation in the Paris Peace Conference; San Remo conference and finally; the collapse of the Hijazi–British alliance.

Chapter 5 expands on the notion of self-determination, beyond the traditional nation-state, into the Islamic context. This is done by explaining (i) the pan-Islamic rise in reaction to the new international legal system (ii) the rejection of the colonial mandate system, which jeopardized the existence of The Hijaz as an independent unit of international law; and (iii) covering details of the Fall of the Caliphate and the Islamic diplomatic efforts for its preservation. The discussion in this part of the book highlights what was the original Islamic state as opposed to the states that were League of Nations additions including Iraq, Jordan, Syria and Palestine.

After the creation of Bangladesh, the rise to power of a Sindhi, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, contributed to the Pakistanization of Sindh. While Pashtun nationalism was diluted, the Baloch Self-Determination Movement re-emerged every ten years or so and Muhajir Militancy intensified in the 1980s. The eighteenth constitutional amendment (passed in 2010) was intended to promote national integration through increased federalism and the regionalization of politics, but it has not really been implemented.