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This chapter demonstrates how the potential for collaboration was developed in Denver and Atlanta and how it is proving appropriate and effective for both internal and external strategies of social reform. Membership size of churches in both cities varies widely; many—49% of churches in Denver and 52% in Atlanta — have between 100 and 500 members. There is a strong tendency in both cities for black churches to own their buildings rather than rent them. In addition, a majority of churches in both cities conduct at least one nonreligious community outreach program. Metro Denver Black Church Initiative was launched in Denver to improve conditions in low-income black neighborhoods through the local churches. Furthermore, the outreach to the community in Atlanta is described.

This chapter details events in Josephine Roche's life from 1912 to 1913. The chance to serve as Denver's first policewoman drew Roche out of graduate school in 1912. She was thrilled to go back west. “I find a certain quality of life here that I hungered for in vain all the time I worked in New York,” she explained, “I think perhaps I can express it by saying I feel more master of myself here.” By “mastery” of herself, Roche did not refer to personal freedom, which New York offered in greater degree than Denver, but to something she craved even more than freedom. That something was power. Only months after taking the police position, Roche transformed it into a command post in the campaign against Denver's notorious political machine. As a policewoman, Roche emerged as a controversial public figure with a stomach for battle.

This chapter focuses on “My Melancholy Baby” (1911), an example of collective innovation through its performance traditions and disputed authorship. Its mysterious origins center in Denver, Colorado, around little known figures: lyricists Maybelle E. Watson and George A. Norton; composers Ernie Burnett and Ben Light; performers William Frawley and Tommy Lyman; and restaurateurs Jack Maynard and Theron C. Bennett (also its first publisher, featuring slow and fast arrangements in a single edition). The initial melody resembles Mendelssohn’s Spring Song. The lyric combines introspection, empathy, courtship, and optimism. Its mid-level success is traced in detail, rising to national hit status in 1927. The first piece labeled a “torch song,” it became the standard request by inebriated men. The title is used in many works, including of humor and serious psychoanalysis; the song itself, in The Roaring Twenties movie, in Vassily Aksyonov’s first American tome, among other works, and as a lullaby.

In the spring of 2006, about 150,000 protestors took part in three major demonstrations in Denver, Colorado. This chapter focuses on the coalition of community-based organizations (CBOs) that drove the 2006 protests in Colorado and, specifically, in the city of Denver. The coalition mobilized Latinos and immigrants, and this chapter explores how CBOs mobilized thousands of protestors in light of opposition (by Latinos and non-Latinos, Republicans and Democrats, and anti-immigrant groups) and negative public perceptions that mounted during the course of the movement. Drawing on fifty-five interviews with CBO leaders, activists, and elected officials, the chapter shows that the 2006 marches were carefully coordinated and would not have been as massive without the combined efforts of a coalition of immigrant rights groups, social justice organizations, the Service Employees International Union, the Colorado Catholic Conference, and community activists. Using political opportunity theory, the chapter describes how organizers mobilized protestors; the tactics, strategies, and frames they employed; and their response to the anti-immigrant countermovement.

Beginning with the introduction of the federal urban relocation program in 1952, thousands of Native American people hoped to use the program on their own terms, with their own goals in mind. Many Native participants proved to be much more than passive subjects or victims--especially those who personally wrote federal officials to make specific requests and explain their particular needs within the program. This chapter provides an expansive view of Native American urban relocation program participants and their complicated and sometimes surprising experiences in cities during the 1950s-60s.

This chapter explains Article I of the Colorado Constitution, which defines the state’s boundaries. The constitution adopted the boundaries established by Congress under the Organic Act establishing Colorado Territory in 1861, ignoring earlier proposals that used the continental divide as a boundary. The state’s east-west limits are defined by two meridians measured from Washington, D. C. The north-south boundaries are set at 37 and 41 degrees of north latitude. A resurvey of the 37^th parallel led to New Mexico’s suit to claim a significant slice of territory, but the Supreme Court rejected the revision based on the standard rule that a resurvey does not change a boundary that has been relied on.

This chapter explores Article VIII of the Colorado Constitution, on state institutions. Section 1 requires that the general assembly establish and support educational, reformatory, and penal institutions, and empowers it to establish other institutions for the “public good.” The general assembly has liberally used this power to create community colleges, universities, and state colleges. Sections 2 and 3 establish Denver as the state capital unless changed at a general election by a two-thirds vote of the people. Original Section 5 created, as institutions of the new state, the University at Boulder, the Agricultural College at Fort Collins, the School of Mines at Golden, and the school for the deaf at Colorado Springs, and gave them substantial autonomy. A 1970 amendment broadened coverage to all higher education institutions and gave the General Assembly control over them so long as its intent is clearly expressed.

This chapter presents the results of a content analysis of four metropolitan dailies. These medium-sized dailies, the workhorses of the watchdogs in this study, give concrete evidence that accountability reporting is not only alive and well, but also that it continues to be valued by its audience. The four members of this sample group of papers—the Atlanta Journal-Constitution (AJC), Minneapolis Star Tribune (StarTrib or Strib), The Denver Post, and the Albany Times Union (ATU)—have over time evolved considerably in terms of content, and their paths illustrate the challenges that metropolitan newspapers face today in trying to keep the watchdog tradition alive. The stories behind their contrasting trajectories provide telling contrasts between the larger and smaller newspapers in this diverse group and suggest larger lessons for how mid-sized newspapers can grapple with issues tied to producing meaningful accountability journalism.

This chapter examines a school desegregation lawsuit out of Denver, Colorado:Keyes v. School District No. 1. This case was the first case in which the Supreme Court ruled on the issue of de facto segregation, which involved the separation of students by race that was not directly the result of law. This chapter places the case in its context, in which the Chicano Movement rose to challenge discrimination against Mexican American students in the city’s public schools. The chapter explores the conflicts between the ways that black and Chicano activists pursued justice in education. The chapter argues that Keyes was an important case in the court’s articulation of Fourteenth Amendment equal protection jurisprudence, as the courts limited the kinds of claims that advocates for black and Chicano students could make about the quality of education they received at school.

Part I focuses on the 1950s and early 60s, chronicling Quantrille McClung and Bernice Blackwelder work on their reappraisals of frontiersman Christopher “Kit” Carson. It situates their work vis-à-vis amateur, academic, and popular culture portrayals of the West were created when history buffs and Hollywood moguls, not university-trained scholars, monopolized regional representations. To trace both macro- and micro-historical contexts for the production of knowledge about the past, Part I explores the daily lives of McClung in downtown Denver and Blackwelder in suburban Washington, D.C., and it shows how Cold War politics and racial change shaped their work. It argues that Blackwelder and McClung produced a new sort of Carson, fashioned in part out of their own experiences as white women living in a rapidly changing postwar nation beset by Cold War fears and Civil Rights struggles and embraced “the family” and “the West” as anchors to an imagined past.

This chapter assesses the experiences of parents as they choose schools. It uses data from the survey research of parents' school choice in the cities of Milwaukee, Baltimore, and Denver. Analysis shows that the factors that parents find important in a school are student achievement, curriculum, and teacher performance.

Born in Holtville, California, Ruth Steiner experienced the civil rights movement firsthand as she grew up watching her father fight fervently against the racial discrimination endured by Mexican immigrants in Southern California. This experience, along with her active involvement as a member of the Unitarian Church of Denver, her experiences in the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), and the influence of CORE chairman Jim Reynolds, convinced Steiner that she had to make a difference. On December 13, 1964, she addressed the First Unitarian Society of Denver in Colorado. This chapter reproduces Steiner’s speech, in which she narrated her participation in the Freedom Vote in Hattiesburg, Mississippi. The Freedom Vote was aimed at encouraging the blacks of Mississippi to vote in a “mock” election with candidates from the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party. According to Steiner, the “big enemy of segregation” is multilayered and existentially devastating.

This chapter reviews the depth and breadth of what cities are doing to try to become more sustainable. It focuses on the cities of Seattle, Portland, Denver, Austin, and Chicago, with additional discussion of Grand Rapids, Los Angeles, and New York City. The end of the chapter includes a list of city-specific websites that provide greater detail concerning what these cities are doing to try to become more sustainable.

This chapter details the longest labor-management standoff at the Coors Brewing Company in Colorado: a 21-month strike by Brewery Workers Local 366, from April 1977 to December 1978. Like the Teamsters’ strike in San Francisco, detailed in chapter 4, this standoff combined the power of the strike with the consumer boycott and became a site of creative, unexpected coalitional activism. This chapter begins by discussing the history of Brewery Workers Local 366 since the 1960s, noting the increasingly tense relations between management and the union as well as union leaders’ growing radicalization. When Brewery Workers went on strike in 1977, they launched a regional boycott campaign, sending striking workers to cities such as Los Angeles, Austin, and Denver to build vibrant, interracial, working-class coalitions in support of the strike. In spite of this, the union ultimately lost its strike, falling to a decertification election in December of 1978, rendering the Coors brewery a non-union facility; the boycott, however, would continue.

This chapter is about how to word recall questions effectively. An example of why this topic matters occurred just days before the opening of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. At that time, a New York Times headline proclaimed that “1 of 5 in New Survey Express Some Doubt About the Holocaust.” The Times article’s lead paragraph described the finding in greater detail (emphasis added): . . . A poll released yesterday [sic] found that 22 percent of adults and 20 percent of high school students who were surveyed said they thought it was possible that Nazi Germany’s extermination of six million Jews never happened. In addition to the 22 percent of adult respondents to the survey by the Roper Organization who said it seemed possible that the Holocaust never happened, 12 percent more said they did not know if it was possible or impossible, according to the survey’s sponsor, the American Jewish Committee. . . . Reactions to this finding were swift. Benjamin Mead, president of the American Gathering of Jewish Holocaust Survivors, called the findings “a Jewish tragedy.” Elie Wiesel, a Nobel Laureate and concentration camp survivor, conveyed shock and disappointment: “What have we done? We have been working for years and years … I am shocked. I am shocked that 22 percent … oh, my God.” Similar headlines appeared across the country. In the months that followed these reports, many struggled to explain the finding. Some blamed education, as a Denver Post editorial described: . . . It’s hardly surprising that some Americans have swallowed the myth that the Holocaust never happened… . [E] ither these Americans have suffered a tragic lapse of memory, or they have failed to grasp even the rudiments of modern history… . Such widespread ignorance could lull future generations into dropping their guard against the continuing menace of ethnic intolerance, with potentially devastating consequences… . To this end, the public schools must obviously do a better job of teaching 20th century history, even if it means giving shorter shrift to the Civil War or the Revolution. . . .

Questions

Which of the following theories was NOT proposed by Sigmund Freud?

The topographical model of mind

Affect trauma theory

Individual psychology theory

The structural model of the mind

Psychosexual stages of development

Which of the following is...

Without any higher organizational control such as denominational boards or conventions, fundamentalist schools struggled to figure out how to make difficult decisions. This chapter examines three cases from the 1930s in which different schools solved the dilemma of authority in very different ways. Some schools insisted on a rigid top-down autocratic system; others spread authority around. The chapter also looks at the contentious debate among fundamentalist intellectuals over the proper meaning of creationism between 1920 and 1940. A few endorsed the notion of a young earth, but many more argued that the “days” of Genesis actually represented long ages, or that a long gap stretched between early creation and the creation of humanity in Eden.

El Niño 97-98 will be remembered as one of the strongest ever recorded (Glantz, 1999). For the first time, climate anomalies associated with the event were anticipated by scientists, and this information was communicated to the public and policy makers to prepare for the “meteorological mayhem that climatologists are predicting will beset the entire globe this winter. The source of coming chaos is El Niño . . .” (Brownlee and Tangley, 1997). Congress and government agencies reacted in varying ways, as illustrated by the headlines presented in Figure 7-1. The link between El Niño events and seasonal weather and climate anomalies across the globe are called teleconnections (Glantz and Tarlton, 1991). Typically, during an El Niño cycle hurricane frequencies in the Atlantic are depressed, the southeast United States receives more rain than usual (chapter 2), and parts of Australia, Africa, and South America experience drought. Global attention became focused on the El Niño phenomenon following the 1982-1983 event, which, at that time, had the greatest magnitude of any El Niño observed in more than a century. After El Niño 82-83, many seasonal anomalies that had occurred during its two years were attributed, rightly or wrongly, to its influence on the atmosphere. As a consequence of the event, societies around the world experienced both costs and benefits (Glantz et al., 1987). Another lasting consequence of the 1982-1983 event was an increase in research into the phenomenon. One result of this research in the late 1990s has been the production of forecasts of El Niño (and La Niña) events and the seasonal climate anomalies associated with them. This chapter discusses the use of climate forecasts by policy makers, drawing on experiences from El Niño 97-98, which replaced the 1982-1983 eventas the” climate event of the century.” The purpose of this chapter is to draw lessons from the use of El Niño -based climate forecasts during the 1997-1998 event in order to improve the future production, delivery, and use of climate predictions. This chapter focuses on examples of federal, state, and local responses in California, Florida, and Colorado to illustrate the lessons.

There are a multitude of nonpharmacological (non-medication) therapies for autism spectrum disorder (ASD). These therapies generally have mainstream acceptance, especially compared with the complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) treatments mentioned in Chapter 7. Unfortunately, some of these non-medication therapies have little scientific evidence to support their effectiveness. Even those therapies that have some proven efficacy, and likely do work, are based on low-quality studies. Much more research is needed to prove that these therapies improve the symptoms of ASD and associated symptoms, and further studies are needed to differentiate in which children these therapies work best, the necessary treatment frequency and duration, and how young to begin these therapies. It is paramount that you be vigilant in researching and choosing the best therapy for your child. Many people are more than happy to take your money, and they know that you are vulnerable. Although many of these non-medication therapies are far from dangerous, wasting your time and money on the wrong therapy is harmful to your child and your family. The younger your child starts therapy or interventions, the greater the improvement is likely to be and the larger the impact on your child’s future. Thus, if you waste this window of opportunity on the wrong treatment, you will harm your child’s future. Luckily, there is sound evidence to support some of the therapies we will discuss. Applied Behavioral Analysis (ABA), as well as the behavioral interventions in general, has the best evidence to support its use in improving ASD symptoms in your child. Behavioral interventions for ASD are the most available and utilized category of nonpharmacological therapies as they are based on learning principles that are quite logical and evidence-based. One of the most widely recognized behavioral interventions/therapies is ABA, a type of therapy that uses learning and behavior techniques and principles to bring about positive changes in behavior. ABA is effective when applied to academics, adaptive skills, social skills, vocational skills, and communication. The goal of ABA therapy is to increase new skills and decrease problem behaviors.