Louise Fawcett
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295518
- eISBN:
- 9780191599217
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295510.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The aim of this concluding chapter is to gather together some of the threads of the thematic and regional chapters and to identify some common ground as well as some obvious differences of opinion ...
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The aim of this concluding chapter is to gather together some of the threads of the thematic and regional chapters and to identify some common ground as well as some obvious differences of opinion that have emerged. An attempt is made to rethink the place of the Third World in the international system, both from the inside out and the outside in: in other words, how have Third World countries come to perceive themselves and how are they perceived by the rest of the world? Different sections of the chapter address: Democratization: the political level; Liberalization: the economic level; Democratization and liberalization: implications for the security level; and Third World images. A final section looks at how mainstream theories of international relations and of development have fared in helping to explain and understand the progress of Third World countries ’beyond the cold war’.Less
The aim of this concluding chapter is to gather together some of the threads of the thematic and regional chapters and to identify some common ground as well as some obvious differences of opinion that have emerged. An attempt is made to rethink the place of the Third World in the international system, both from the inside out and the outside in: in other words, how have Third World countries come to perceive themselves and how are they perceived by the rest of the world? Different sections of the chapter address: Democratization: the political level; Liberalization: the economic level; Democratization and liberalization: implications for the security level; and Third World images. A final section looks at how mainstream theories of international relations and of development have fared in helping to explain and understand the progress of Third World countries ’beyond the cold war’.
Hiroyuki Odagiri and Akira Goto
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198288022
- eISBN:
- 9780191684555
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198288022.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This chapter discusses the reforms made during the post-war era in Japan. Most of these reforms were undertaken by the General Headquarters (GHQ) of the Allied Power and was referred to as ‘Economic ...
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This chapter discusses the reforms made during the post-war era in Japan. Most of these reforms were undertaken by the General Headquarters (GHQ) of the Allied Power and was referred to as ‘Economic Democratization Policy’. One of the major goals of GHQ was to reduce the concentration of economic power. It ordered the dissolution of zaibatsu. About 1,575 executives from more than 400 companies were prohibited from taking managerial positions.Less
This chapter discusses the reforms made during the post-war era in Japan. Most of these reforms were undertaken by the General Headquarters (GHQ) of the Allied Power and was referred to as ‘Economic Democratization Policy’. One of the major goals of GHQ was to reduce the concentration of economic power. It ordered the dissolution of zaibatsu. About 1,575 executives from more than 400 companies were prohibited from taking managerial positions.
Alvin Y. So and Stephen Wing-kai Chiu
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789888083497
- eISBN:
- 9789882209107
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888083497.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Using theoretical framework expounded by Evans in Chapter 1, this chapter examines how a classic developmental state – South Korea – has, in the wake of the 1997-8 Asian financial crisis, transformed ...
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Using theoretical framework expounded by Evans in Chapter 1, this chapter examines how a classic developmental state – South Korea – has, in the wake of the 1997-8 Asian financial crisis, transformed itself from an ailing crony state into a participatory democracy through simultaneously reinvigorating civil society, restoring markets, and strengthening the role of the state. These processes have further empowered the chaebols (large diversified family-owned conglomerates), while democratization has weakened the foundations of a developmental state based on authoritarianism and repression of civil society. This case study provides a helpful comparative model for Hong Kong.Less
Using theoretical framework expounded by Evans in Chapter 1, this chapter examines how a classic developmental state – South Korea – has, in the wake of the 1997-8 Asian financial crisis, transformed itself from an ailing crony state into a participatory democracy through simultaneously reinvigorating civil society, restoring markets, and strengthening the role of the state. These processes have further empowered the chaebols (large diversified family-owned conglomerates), while democratization has weakened the foundations of a developmental state based on authoritarianism and repression of civil society. This case study provides a helpful comparative model for Hong Kong.
George F. Flaherty
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520291065
- eISBN:
- 9780520964938
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520291065.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
In 1968 a street and media-savvy democratization movement led by students emerged in Mexico City. The 68 Movement was targeted in a state-sponsored massacre at a massive new housing complex ten days ...
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In 1968 a street and media-savvy democratization movement led by students emerged in Mexico City. The 68 Movement was targeted in a state-sponsored massacre at a massive new housing complex ten days before the city hosted the Olympic Games. Both the complex and the mega event were symbols of the country’s rapid modernization but also decades-long political disenfranchisement and urban redevelopment that rendered citizens “guests” of the government and its allies. In spite of institutional denial, censorship and impunity, the massacre remains a touchstone in contemporary public culture thanks to the public memory work of survivors and narrators among Mexico’s intelligentsia. Hotel Mexico asks: How was urban space—material but also literary and cinematic—harnessed as a recalcitrant archive of 1968 and continues to serve as a framework for de facto modes of justice. The 68 Movement’s imaginary and tactics are interwoven and compared with other efforts, both official and countercultural, to reevaluate or renew Mexico’s post-revolutionary modernity: in architecture, urbanism, literature, visual arts, and film—among them, Mario Pani’s housing complex Nonoalco-Tlatelolco (1958–64), kinetic environments created for the 1968 Olympics, and David Alfaro Siqueiros last major mural, The March of Humanity (1964–71).Less
In 1968 a street and media-savvy democratization movement led by students emerged in Mexico City. The 68 Movement was targeted in a state-sponsored massacre at a massive new housing complex ten days before the city hosted the Olympic Games. Both the complex and the mega event were symbols of the country’s rapid modernization but also decades-long political disenfranchisement and urban redevelopment that rendered citizens “guests” of the government and its allies. In spite of institutional denial, censorship and impunity, the massacre remains a touchstone in contemporary public culture thanks to the public memory work of survivors and narrators among Mexico’s intelligentsia. Hotel Mexico asks: How was urban space—material but also literary and cinematic—harnessed as a recalcitrant archive of 1968 and continues to serve as a framework for de facto modes of justice. The 68 Movement’s imaginary and tactics are interwoven and compared with other efforts, both official and countercultural, to reevaluate or renew Mexico’s post-revolutionary modernity: in architecture, urbanism, literature, visual arts, and film—among them, Mario Pani’s housing complex Nonoalco-Tlatelolco (1958–64), kinetic environments created for the 1968 Olympics, and David Alfaro Siqueiros last major mural, The March of Humanity (1964–71).
Mark Hampton
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719099236
- eISBN:
- 9781526104373
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719099236.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
As Britain prepared for the 1997 change of sovereignty, it became common to cite Hong Kong as an example of the British talent for “good governance”, and to name the establishment of rule of law and ...
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As Britain prepared for the 1997 change of sovereignty, it became common to cite Hong Kong as an example of the British talent for “good governance”, and to name the establishment of rule of law and governing institutions as one of Britain’s most important legacies. Yet this emphasis on good governance was not only a parting reflection, but was a constant theme throughout the post-war period. Before the late 1960s, commentary emphasized minimal government and indirect rule, with magistrate Austin Coates likening himself to a Confucian “mandarin”. After the 1967-68 riots, the Government emphasized more proactive attempts to connect to their subjects, and to close the “gap” that had emerged between rulers and ruled. In this context, especially under Governor Murray MacLehose, it pursued numerous administrative and social reforms, established the Independent Commission Against Corruption, and significantly expanded its public relations efforts, while steadily avoiding any move toward democratization, even as such activists as Elsie Elliott called for it. Only once the change of sovereignty was inevitable did the British countenance serious democratic reforms, as the Christopher Patten government sought to leave a legacy. Throughout all these changes, the discourse of “good governance” constantly emphasized its pragmatic character.Less
As Britain prepared for the 1997 change of sovereignty, it became common to cite Hong Kong as an example of the British talent for “good governance”, and to name the establishment of rule of law and governing institutions as one of Britain’s most important legacies. Yet this emphasis on good governance was not only a parting reflection, but was a constant theme throughout the post-war period. Before the late 1960s, commentary emphasized minimal government and indirect rule, with magistrate Austin Coates likening himself to a Confucian “mandarin”. After the 1967-68 riots, the Government emphasized more proactive attempts to connect to their subjects, and to close the “gap” that had emerged between rulers and ruled. In this context, especially under Governor Murray MacLehose, it pursued numerous administrative and social reforms, established the Independent Commission Against Corruption, and significantly expanded its public relations efforts, while steadily avoiding any move toward democratization, even as such activists as Elsie Elliott called for it. Only once the change of sovereignty was inevitable did the British countenance serious democratic reforms, as the Christopher Patten government sought to leave a legacy. Throughout all these changes, the discourse of “good governance” constantly emphasized its pragmatic character.
Sing Ming and Tang Yuen-sum
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9789888139477
- eISBN:
- 9789882208681
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888139477.003.0007
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter reviews the political landscape in Hong Kong after the July 1 rally of 2003, which has been characterized by greater intervention of the Central People's Government in Hong Kong's ...
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This chapter reviews the political landscape in Hong Kong after the July 1 rally of 2003, which has been characterized by greater intervention of the Central People's Government in Hong Kong's democratization such as the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (SCNPC)'s 2004 decision to rule out universal suffrage for electing the CE and the legislature in 2007 and 2008 respectively. The chapter then examines the development of new pro-democracy political parties in Hong Kong since 2003, their differing views about the controversial contents of the government's constitutional reform proposal as compared to the Democratic Party, and the different strategies used in the process of negotiation in 2010. Finally, the chapter discusses the prospects of Hong Kong's democracy movement under the influence of the CPG.Less
This chapter reviews the political landscape in Hong Kong after the July 1 rally of 2003, which has been characterized by greater intervention of the Central People's Government in Hong Kong's democratization such as the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (SCNPC)'s 2004 decision to rule out universal suffrage for electing the CE and the legislature in 2007 and 2008 respectively. The chapter then examines the development of new pro-democracy political parties in Hong Kong since 2003, their differing views about the controversial contents of the government's constitutional reform proposal as compared to the Democratic Party, and the different strategies used in the process of negotiation in 2010. Finally, the chapter discusses the prospects of Hong Kong's democracy movement under the influence of the CPG.
Alfred Stepan
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231170802
- eISBN:
- 9780231541015
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231170802.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
This essay discusses democratic transition in Tunisia from the perspective of secularization, addressing how secular and religious interests can act together.
This essay discusses democratic transition in Tunisia from the perspective of secularization, addressing how secular and religious interests can act together.
Renaud Egreteau
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190620967
- eISBN:
- 9780190686468
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190620967.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This book examines the political landscape that followed the 2010 elections in Myanmar and the subsequent transition from direct military rule to a semi-civilian, ‘hybrid’ regime. Striking political, ...
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This book examines the political landscape that followed the 2010 elections in Myanmar and the subsequent transition from direct military rule to a semi-civilian, ‘hybrid’ regime. Striking political, social, and economic transformations have indeed taken place in the long-isolated country since the military junta disbanded in March 2011. To better construe – and question – what has routinely been labelled a ‘Burmese Spring’, the book examines the reasons behind the ongoing political transition, as well as the role of the Burmese armed forces in the process. The book draws on in-depth interviews with Burmese political actors, party leaders, parliamentarians, active and retired army officers. It also takes its cue from comparative scholarship on civil-military relations and post-authoritarian politics, looking at the ‘praetorian’ logic to explain the transitional moment. Myanmar’s road to democratic change is, however, paved with obstacles. As the book suggests, the continuing military intervention in domestic politics, the resilience of bureaucratic, economic and political clientelism at all levels of society, the towering presence of Aung San Suu Kyi, the shadowy influence of regional and global powers, and the enduring concerns about interethnic and interreligious relations, all are strong reminders of the series of elemental conundrums which Myanmar will have to deal with in order to achieve democratization, sustainable development and peace.Less
This book examines the political landscape that followed the 2010 elections in Myanmar and the subsequent transition from direct military rule to a semi-civilian, ‘hybrid’ regime. Striking political, social, and economic transformations have indeed taken place in the long-isolated country since the military junta disbanded in March 2011. To better construe – and question – what has routinely been labelled a ‘Burmese Spring’, the book examines the reasons behind the ongoing political transition, as well as the role of the Burmese armed forces in the process. The book draws on in-depth interviews with Burmese political actors, party leaders, parliamentarians, active and retired army officers. It also takes its cue from comparative scholarship on civil-military relations and post-authoritarian politics, looking at the ‘praetorian’ logic to explain the transitional moment. Myanmar’s road to democratic change is, however, paved with obstacles. As the book suggests, the continuing military intervention in domestic politics, the resilience of bureaucratic, economic and political clientelism at all levels of society, the towering presence of Aung San Suu Kyi, the shadowy influence of regional and global powers, and the enduring concerns about interethnic and interreligious relations, all are strong reminders of the series of elemental conundrums which Myanmar will have to deal with in order to achieve democratization, sustainable development and peace.
Daniela Donno
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199991280
- eISBN:
- 9780199363230
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199991280.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Comparative Politics
Although nearly every country in the world today holds multiparty elections, these contests are often blatantly unfair. Governments that engage in electoral misconduct may reap the benefits of higher ...
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Although nearly every country in the world today holds multiparty elections, these contests are often blatantly unfair. Governments that engage in electoral misconduct may reap the benefits of higher vote shares, but misconduct is also a risky practice in that it represents a violation of international standards for free and fair elections. In Defending Democratic Norms, Daniela Donno examines how international actors respond to these norm violations. Which governments are punished for manipulating elections? Does international norm enforcement make a difference? Donno shows that although enforcement is selective and relatively rare, when international actors do employ tools of conditionality, diplomacy, mediation and shaming in response to electoral misconduct, they can have transformative effects on both the conduct and outcome of elections. Specifically, enforcement works by empowering the domestic opposition and increasing the government’s incentives to reform institutions of electoral management and oversight. These effects depend, however, on the presence of a viable opposition movement, as well as on the strength and credibility of the enforcement effort itself. Regional international organizations are shown to possess unique sources of leverage and legitimacy that make them the most consistently effective norm defenders, even compared to more materially powerful actors like the United States. Patterns of international enforcement are analyzed with an original dataset that records the use of conditionality and diplomatic engagement by 15 international actors in 668 elections around the world. The quantitative analysis is complemented by in-depth case studies of electoral politics in the Dominican Republic, Serbia, Armenia, Kenya and Cambodia.Less
Although nearly every country in the world today holds multiparty elections, these contests are often blatantly unfair. Governments that engage in electoral misconduct may reap the benefits of higher vote shares, but misconduct is also a risky practice in that it represents a violation of international standards for free and fair elections. In Defending Democratic Norms, Daniela Donno examines how international actors respond to these norm violations. Which governments are punished for manipulating elections? Does international norm enforcement make a difference? Donno shows that although enforcement is selective and relatively rare, when international actors do employ tools of conditionality, diplomacy, mediation and shaming in response to electoral misconduct, they can have transformative effects on both the conduct and outcome of elections. Specifically, enforcement works by empowering the domestic opposition and increasing the government’s incentives to reform institutions of electoral management and oversight. These effects depend, however, on the presence of a viable opposition movement, as well as on the strength and credibility of the enforcement effort itself. Regional international organizations are shown to possess unique sources of leverage and legitimacy that make them the most consistently effective norm defenders, even compared to more materially powerful actors like the United States. Patterns of international enforcement are analyzed with an original dataset that records the use of conditionality and diplomatic engagement by 15 international actors in 668 elections around the world. The quantitative analysis is complemented by in-depth case studies of electoral politics in the Dominican Republic, Serbia, Armenia, Kenya and Cambodia.
DANIELA DONNO
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199991280
- eISBN:
- 9780199363230
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199991280.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Comparative Politics
Do international actors enforce democratic norms in countries that hold flawed elections? Do their efforts make a difference? This chapter develops the theory of the causes and effects of norm ...
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Do international actors enforce democratic norms in countries that hold flawed elections? Do their efforts make a difference? This chapter develops the theory of the causes and effects of norm enforcement. Beginning with simple assumptions about the interactions between the government, opposition and international enforcers, it argues that the likelihood of enforcement is shaped, at the country-level, by variation in geopolitical interests and in the quality of information about electoral misconduct. Turning to the domestic effects of enforcement, the chapter identifies biased institutions and a weak opposition as two key barriers to democratic change after flawed elections. By employing tools of conditionality and diplomatic engagement, international actors can mitigate these barriers and provide a crucial push for improved elections. Outside pressure is unlikely to directly alter the government’s preference for manipulation, however. Instead, it works by incentivizing institutional reform, encouraging opposition unity, empowering post-election protests, and increasing the opposition’s electoral support. Building from these mechanisms, the chapter derives testable hypotheses about the effects of enforcement, which are contrasted with alternative hypotheses about “passive” forms of international influence.Less
Do international actors enforce democratic norms in countries that hold flawed elections? Do their efforts make a difference? This chapter develops the theory of the causes and effects of norm enforcement. Beginning with simple assumptions about the interactions between the government, opposition and international enforcers, it argues that the likelihood of enforcement is shaped, at the country-level, by variation in geopolitical interests and in the quality of information about electoral misconduct. Turning to the domestic effects of enforcement, the chapter identifies biased institutions and a weak opposition as two key barriers to democratic change after flawed elections. By employing tools of conditionality and diplomatic engagement, international actors can mitigate these barriers and provide a crucial push for improved elections. Outside pressure is unlikely to directly alter the government’s preference for manipulation, however. Instead, it works by incentivizing institutional reform, encouraging opposition unity, empowering post-election protests, and increasing the opposition’s electoral support. Building from these mechanisms, the chapter derives testable hypotheses about the effects of enforcement, which are contrasted with alternative hypotheses about “passive” forms of international influence.
DANIELA DONNO
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199991280
- eISBN:
- 9780199363230
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199991280.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Comparative Politics
This chapter uses quantitative evidence to assess the effects of international conditionality and diplomatic engagement on electoral conduct and outcomes. It shows, in short, that enforcement works. ...
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This chapter uses quantitative evidence to assess the effects of international conditionality and diplomatic engagement on electoral conduct and outcomes. It shows, in short, that enforcement works. Specifically, post-election conditionality—the wielding of concrete sticks and carrots—is associated with improvements in electoral quality in the next election, while pre-election conditionality is associated with opposition electoral victories. Softer tools of diplomatic engagement—mediation, diplomatic missions and shaming—instead are associated with immediate post-election concessions, namely, a decision by the incumbent to step down or cancel electoral results. Crucially, the efforts of international actors interact with, and augment, the effect of opposition protests, indicating that international validation and support are indeed key ingredients for the success of mass mobilization after flawed elections. The chapter concludes by probing the robustness and nuances of these findings. It shows, first, that enforcement by regional organizations proves to have the strongest and most consistent positive effects, which points to these organizations’ unique combination of leverage and legitimacy. Second, no evidence is found to support the idea that enforcement is imposed disproportionately in “easy” cases that are otherwise more likely to democratize. On the contrary, conditionality tends to be imposed in more intransigent regimes where change is harder to achieve.Less
This chapter uses quantitative evidence to assess the effects of international conditionality and diplomatic engagement on electoral conduct and outcomes. It shows, in short, that enforcement works. Specifically, post-election conditionality—the wielding of concrete sticks and carrots—is associated with improvements in electoral quality in the next election, while pre-election conditionality is associated with opposition electoral victories. Softer tools of diplomatic engagement—mediation, diplomatic missions and shaming—instead are associated with immediate post-election concessions, namely, a decision by the incumbent to step down or cancel electoral results. Crucially, the efforts of international actors interact with, and augment, the effect of opposition protests, indicating that international validation and support are indeed key ingredients for the success of mass mobilization after flawed elections. The chapter concludes by probing the robustness and nuances of these findings. It shows, first, that enforcement by regional organizations proves to have the strongest and most consistent positive effects, which points to these organizations’ unique combination of leverage and legitimacy. Second, no evidence is found to support the idea that enforcement is imposed disproportionately in “easy” cases that are otherwise more likely to democratize. On the contrary, conditionality tends to be imposed in more intransigent regimes where change is harder to achieve.
DANIELA DONNO
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199991280
- eISBN:
- 9780199363230
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199991280.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Comparative Politics
This chapter presents qualitative evidence that fleshes out the statistical relationship between international norm enforcement and democratic change. It examines contested elections in the Dominican ...
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This chapter presents qualitative evidence that fleshes out the statistical relationship between international norm enforcement and democratic change. It examines contested elections in the Dominican Republic and Serbia. Both countries hail from regions of the world with strong regional regimes for promoting and protecting democracy. These cases support several key insights of the theory, namely, that the effect of enforcement is often gradual and delayed; that institutional reform constitutes an essential channel of international influence; that regional organizations are important players in mediating electoral disputes and promoting institutional change; and that opposition parties are empowered by international support. The cases underscore that enforcement does not merely correlate with opposition strength; rather, it exerts a causal effect on the opposition’s ability to translate mass outrage into democratic change.Less
This chapter presents qualitative evidence that fleshes out the statistical relationship between international norm enforcement and democratic change. It examines contested elections in the Dominican Republic and Serbia. Both countries hail from regions of the world with strong regional regimes for promoting and protecting democracy. These cases support several key insights of the theory, namely, that the effect of enforcement is often gradual and delayed; that institutional reform constitutes an essential channel of international influence; that regional organizations are important players in mediating electoral disputes and promoting institutional change; and that opposition parties are empowered by international support. The cases underscore that enforcement does not merely correlate with opposition strength; rather, it exerts a causal effect on the opposition’s ability to translate mass outrage into democratic change.
DANIELA DONNO
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199991280
- eISBN:
- 9780199363230
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199991280.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Comparative Politics
This chapter concludes the study by summarizing its findings, highlighting its pressing relevance for developing countries, and discussing its implications for elections, democracy promotion, and ...
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This chapter concludes the study by summarizing its findings, highlighting its pressing relevance for developing countries, and discussing its implications for elections, democracy promotion, and international organizations and norms. Citizens around the world are clamoring for more meaningful, free and fair elections. When international actors choose to engage with and pressure norm-violating regimes, they can make a real difference, promoting improved electoral quality and increasing the odds that cheating incumbents will be replaced. Regional international organizations prove to play a particularly important role in the defense of international democratic norms. Although norm enforcement cannot be taken for granted—it is imposed only selectively and rarely across countries—it does have the potential to exert powerful effects by empowering the domestic opposition and increasing incentives for institutional reform.Less
This chapter concludes the study by summarizing its findings, highlighting its pressing relevance for developing countries, and discussing its implications for elections, democracy promotion, and international organizations and norms. Citizens around the world are clamoring for more meaningful, free and fair elections. When international actors choose to engage with and pressure norm-violating regimes, they can make a real difference, promoting improved electoral quality and increasing the odds that cheating incumbents will be replaced. Regional international organizations prove to play a particularly important role in the defense of international democratic norms. Although norm enforcement cannot be taken for granted—it is imposed only selectively and rarely across countries—it does have the potential to exert powerful effects by empowering the domestic opposition and increasing incentives for institutional reform.
Serhiy Kudelia
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780804798457
- eISBN:
- 9781503600102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804798457.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Serhiy Kudelia takes an institutional approach to understanding corruption in Ukraine, arguing that as Ukraine’s institutional model has changed, patterns of corruption have changed along with it. ...
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Serhiy Kudelia takes an institutional approach to understanding corruption in Ukraine, arguing that as Ukraine’s institutional model has changed, patterns of corruption have changed along with it. Despite Ukraine’s turbulent post-Soviet evolution, neither the fact of corruption nor the extent of it has changed dramatically. This continuity he attributes to permissive conditions, in terms of weak institutionalization, and to powerful incentives for actors to engage in venality. His analysis is troubling in that it shows that political competition, the goal of democratization, tends to spur corruption on the part of leaders. He offers some suggestions for reform, including through changing the campaign financing laws.Less
Serhiy Kudelia takes an institutional approach to understanding corruption in Ukraine, arguing that as Ukraine’s institutional model has changed, patterns of corruption have changed along with it. Despite Ukraine’s turbulent post-Soviet evolution, neither the fact of corruption nor the extent of it has changed dramatically. This continuity he attributes to permissive conditions, in terms of weak institutionalization, and to powerful incentives for actors to engage in venality. His analysis is troubling in that it shows that political competition, the goal of democratization, tends to spur corruption on the part of leaders. He offers some suggestions for reform, including through changing the campaign financing laws.
Andrew T. Price-Smith
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780262029063
- eISBN:
- 9780262327527
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262029063.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
US grand energy strategy has used regional allies to foster regional political climates favorable to the oil companies and to the US, often resulting in US support for despotic and illiberal regimes. ...
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US grand energy strategy has used regional allies to foster regional political climates favorable to the oil companies and to the US, often resulting in US support for despotic and illiberal regimes. Thus the desire for power and profit has often triumphed over principle in US foreign energy policy.
Price-Smith also argues that Russian incursions into Georgia and Ukraine, particularly the annexation of Crimea, are driven by Putin’s desire to seize energy resources. Similarly, he argues that China’s continuing expansion throughout the South China Sea is driven by a similar calculus, and that both Russia and China’s bellicose actions are fostered in part by the language of the Law of the Sea Treaty (UNCLOS).
Because of its overwhelming direct dependence on oil from the Americas, and its diminishing reliance on Persian Gulf oil, Price-Smith argues that the US should reconsider its tradition of massive military deployments to the Persian Gulf region. The US should develop an energy grand strategy that would focus on the stabilization of oil supplies from the zone of direct dependence, the Americas. The US would do well to reallocate funds and forces to create a regional energy structure in the Americas. This would entail the diversion of funds away from the projection of military power and toward initiatives (economic and diplomatic) that foster the stabilization of democracy in the Americas.Less
US grand energy strategy has used regional allies to foster regional political climates favorable to the oil companies and to the US, often resulting in US support for despotic and illiberal regimes. Thus the desire for power and profit has often triumphed over principle in US foreign energy policy.
Price-Smith also argues that Russian incursions into Georgia and Ukraine, particularly the annexation of Crimea, are driven by Putin’s desire to seize energy resources. Similarly, he argues that China’s continuing expansion throughout the South China Sea is driven by a similar calculus, and that both Russia and China’s bellicose actions are fostered in part by the language of the Law of the Sea Treaty (UNCLOS).
Because of its overwhelming direct dependence on oil from the Americas, and its diminishing reliance on Persian Gulf oil, Price-Smith argues that the US should reconsider its tradition of massive military deployments to the Persian Gulf region. The US should develop an energy grand strategy that would focus on the stabilization of oil supplies from the zone of direct dependence, the Americas. The US would do well to reallocate funds and forces to create a regional energy structure in the Americas. This would entail the diversion of funds away from the projection of military power and toward initiatives (economic and diplomatic) that foster the stabilization of democracy in the Americas.
Erik Swyngedouw
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780748682973
- eISBN:
- 9781474406475
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748682973.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Under a variety of generic names like Occupy!, Indignados, the Outraged, and others, a wave of deeply political protest is rolling through the world’s cities, whereby those who do not count demand a ...
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Under a variety of generic names like Occupy!, Indignados, the Outraged, and others, a wave of deeply political protest is rolling through the world’s cities, whereby those who do not count demand a new constituent process for producing space politically. The heterogeneous urban gatherers are outraged by and expose the variegated ‘wrongs’ and spiralling inequalities of autocratic neo-liberalization and actually-existing instituted democratic governance. The celebrated era of urban social movements as the horizon of progressive urban struggles seems to be over. A much more politicized if not radical mobilization, animated by insurgent urban architects, is increasingly choreographing the contemporary theatre of urban politicized struggle and conflict. It is precisely the aftermath of such urban insurrections that provides the starting point for the arguments developed in this chapter. From a radical political perspective, the central question that has opened up, after the wave of insurgencies of the past few years petered out, revolves around what to do and what to think next. Is there further thought and practice possible after the squares are cleared, the tents broken up, the energies dissipated, and everyday life resumes its routine practices?Less
Under a variety of generic names like Occupy!, Indignados, the Outraged, and others, a wave of deeply political protest is rolling through the world’s cities, whereby those who do not count demand a new constituent process for producing space politically. The heterogeneous urban gatherers are outraged by and expose the variegated ‘wrongs’ and spiralling inequalities of autocratic neo-liberalization and actually-existing instituted democratic governance. The celebrated era of urban social movements as the horizon of progressive urban struggles seems to be over. A much more politicized if not radical mobilization, animated by insurgent urban architects, is increasingly choreographing the contemporary theatre of urban politicized struggle and conflict. It is precisely the aftermath of such urban insurrections that provides the starting point for the arguments developed in this chapter. From a radical political perspective, the central question that has opened up, after the wave of insurgencies of the past few years petered out, revolves around what to do and what to think next. Is there further thought and practice possible after the squares are cleared, the tents broken up, the energies dissipated, and everyday life resumes its routine practices?
Helen Hardman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719079788
- eISBN:
- 9781781706213
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079788.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book looks at the liberalisation process in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) during the period of 1987-1989, focusing on Gorbachev's initiative to encourage perestroika in all the fraternal ...
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This book looks at the liberalisation process in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) during the period of 1987-1989, focusing on Gorbachev's initiative to encourage perestroika in all the fraternal regimes of CEE outside the Soviet Union. Archival materials, interviews and textual analysis identify a common initiative between 1987 and 1989 among the fraternal communist parties of CEE to perpetuate the one-party system across this space by liberalising the economy and modernising the regime. By this stage there was dialogue among these leaderships and agreement that the economic crisis was systemic, and that the one-party model was unsustainable. Support for the Party in society had plummeted across CEE and the underlying rationale was therefore to boost membership and find other ways to mobilise individuals in support of the regime. For this purpose, the fraternal parties were expected to follow the example of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and call a national party conference. The Party Rules do not elaborate the terms under which the conference was to be convoked. Applying institutional methods, the research demonstrates that the choice of conference, as an institution, was crucial to the respective party leaderships in achieving their aims: to stage the Party's consolidation of power and publicise that the party would not relinquish its leading role in society. This book will be of interest to those studying the transition process in CEE, democratisation, comparative politics more generally and students of research methods.Less
This book looks at the liberalisation process in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) during the period of 1987-1989, focusing on Gorbachev's initiative to encourage perestroika in all the fraternal regimes of CEE outside the Soviet Union. Archival materials, interviews and textual analysis identify a common initiative between 1987 and 1989 among the fraternal communist parties of CEE to perpetuate the one-party system across this space by liberalising the economy and modernising the regime. By this stage there was dialogue among these leaderships and agreement that the economic crisis was systemic, and that the one-party model was unsustainable. Support for the Party in society had plummeted across CEE and the underlying rationale was therefore to boost membership and find other ways to mobilise individuals in support of the regime. For this purpose, the fraternal parties were expected to follow the example of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and call a national party conference. The Party Rules do not elaborate the terms under which the conference was to be convoked. Applying institutional methods, the research demonstrates that the choice of conference, as an institution, was crucial to the respective party leaderships in achieving their aims: to stage the Party's consolidation of power and publicise that the party would not relinquish its leading role in society. This book will be of interest to those studying the transition process in CEE, democratisation, comparative politics more generally and students of research methods.
Erik Swyngedouw
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780262029032
- eISBN:
- 9780262326957
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262029032.003.0007
- Subject:
- Environmental Science, Environmental Studies
This chapter focuses on the significant socio-political, environmental and cultural-geographical transformations in democratizing Spain after the end of Fascism. The chapter explores the debate over ...
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This chapter focuses on the significant socio-political, environmental and cultural-geographical transformations in democratizing Spain after the end of Fascism. The chapter explores the debate over national water planning that rages between 1975 and 2002 and chronicles the intense struggle over and contestation of the dominant hydraulic water paradigm. While conservatives, engineering specialistsand southern regionalist forces insist on the completion of the national water grid, a series of new actors emerge (regionalists, localists, environmentalists, parts of the progressive movement, European actors) that begin to argue for a radical transformation of the water landscape, one more in line with regionalist, ecological, market-driven and environmental modernization arguments.Less
This chapter focuses on the significant socio-political, environmental and cultural-geographical transformations in democratizing Spain after the end of Fascism. The chapter explores the debate over national water planning that rages between 1975 and 2002 and chronicles the intense struggle over and contestation of the dominant hydraulic water paradigm. While conservatives, engineering specialistsand southern regionalist forces insist on the completion of the national water grid, a series of new actors emerge (regionalists, localists, environmentalists, parts of the progressive movement, European actors) that begin to argue for a radical transformation of the water landscape, one more in line with regionalist, ecological, market-driven and environmental modernization arguments.
Rebecca Neaera Abers
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199985265
- eISBN:
- 9780199364367
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199985265.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
Chapter 2 further develops the concept of entanglement through the lens of Brazilian political institutions and in doing so provides the reader with some of the background for the rest of the book. ...
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Chapter 2 further develops the concept of entanglement through the lens of Brazilian political institutions and in doing so provides the reader with some of the background for the rest of the book. After exploring four central political tensions in Brazilian politics, the chapter looks at how three reform narratives – developmentalism, liberalism and radical democracy – have left traces on the contemporary institutional landscape. This context helps explain some key characteristics of freshwater management policy in the period prior to the reform process the book explores, as well as why the ideas for freshwater management reform drew on liberal, democratic and developmentalist thinking.Less
Chapter 2 further develops the concept of entanglement through the lens of Brazilian political institutions and in doing so provides the reader with some of the background for the rest of the book. After exploring four central political tensions in Brazilian politics, the chapter looks at how three reform narratives – developmentalism, liberalism and radical democracy – have left traces on the contemporary institutional landscape. This context helps explain some key characteristics of freshwater management policy in the period prior to the reform process the book explores, as well as why the ideas for freshwater management reform drew on liberal, democratic and developmentalist thinking.
Kenneth Cohen
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501705496
- eISBN:
- 9781501714214
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501705496.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Although investors in the early national period originally hoped to build a sporting culture that granted them both profit and prestige, the demand for profit-seeking created by the economic culture ...
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Although investors in the early national period originally hoped to build a sporting culture that granted them both profit and prestige, the demand for profit-seeking created by the economic culture of the post-Revolutionary years ultimately forced them to decide whether to maximize revenue by appealing to the largest possible audience or craft prestige for themselves by making sure that venues and content emphasized exclusivity and celebrated the elite. The social history of attending sporting events in the early national period reveals how demands from nonelite audiences pushed investors and professionals to prioritize profit over prestige. It then concludes by detailing how white men united to limit the confrontation that resulted from broader accessibility by erecting gender and racial barriers to full participation, and how politicians then borrowed from sport to construct a white male republic rooted in the pursuit of manhood and profit. In sum, then, this chapter highlights how elites and investors responded to popular opposition to exclusive elitism by conceding their desire for social and cultural authority and focusing on deference earned through wealth and white male brotherhood.Less
Although investors in the early national period originally hoped to build a sporting culture that granted them both profit and prestige, the demand for profit-seeking created by the economic culture of the post-Revolutionary years ultimately forced them to decide whether to maximize revenue by appealing to the largest possible audience or craft prestige for themselves by making sure that venues and content emphasized exclusivity and celebrated the elite. The social history of attending sporting events in the early national period reveals how demands from nonelite audiences pushed investors and professionals to prioritize profit over prestige. It then concludes by detailing how white men united to limit the confrontation that resulted from broader accessibility by erecting gender and racial barriers to full participation, and how politicians then borrowed from sport to construct a white male republic rooted in the pursuit of manhood and profit. In sum, then, this chapter highlights how elites and investors responded to popular opposition to exclusive elitism by conceding their desire for social and cultural authority and focusing on deference earned through wealth and white male brotherhood.
