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Conclusion: Whither the Third World?

Louise Fawcett

in The Third World Beyond the Cold War: Continuity and Change

The aim of this concluding chapter is to gather together some of the threads of the thematic and regional chapters and to identify some common ground as well as some obvious differences of opinion ... More

The aim of this concluding chapter is to gather together some of the threads of the thematic and regional chapters and to identify some common ground as well as some obvious differences of opinion that have emerged. An attempt is made to rethink the place of the Third World in the international system, both from the inside out and the outside in: in other words, how have Third World countries come to perceive themselves and how are they perceived by the rest of the world? Different sections of the chapter address: Democratization: the political level; Liberalization: the economic level; Democratization and liberalization: implications for the security level; and Third World images. A final section looks at how mainstream theories of international relations and of development have fared in helping to explain and understand the progress of Third World countries ’beyond the cold war’.Less

State-market realignment in post-crises east asia: From GNP developmentalism to welfare developmentalism?

Alvin Y. So and Stephen Wing-kai Chiu

in Repositioning the Hong Kong Government: Social Foundations and Political Challenges

Using theoretical framework expounded by Evans in Chapter 1, this chapter examines how a classic developmental state – South Korea – has, in the wake of the 1997-8 Asian financial crisis, transformed ... More

Using theoretical framework expounded by Evans in Chapter 1, this chapter examines how a classic developmental state – South Korea – has, in the wake of the 1997-8 Asian financial crisis, transformed itself from an ailing crony state into a participatory democracy through simultaneously reinvigorating civil society, restoring markets, and strengthening the role of the state. These processes have further empowered the chaebols (large diversified family-owned conglomerates), while democratization has weakened the foundations of a developmental state based on authoritarianism and repression of civil society. This case study provides a helpful comparative model for Hong Kong.Less

Good governance

Mark Hampton

in Hong Kong and British Culture, 1945-97

As Britain prepared for the 1997 change of sovereignty, it became common to cite Hong Kong as an example of the British talent for “good governance”, and to name the establishment of rule of law and ... More

As Britain prepared for the 1997 change of sovereignty, it became common to cite Hong Kong as an example of the British talent for “good governance”, and to name the establishment of rule of law and governing institutions as one of Britain’s most important legacies. Yet this emphasis on good governance was not only a parting reflection, but was a constant theme throughout the post-war period. Before the late 1960s, commentary emphasized minimal government and indirect rule, with magistrate Austin Coates likening himself to a Confucian “mandarin”. After the 1967-68 riots, the Government emphasized more proactive attempts to connect to their subjects, and to close the “gap” that had emerged between rulers and ruled. In this context, especially under Governor Murray MacLehose, it pursued numerous administrative and social reforms, established the Independent Commission Against Corruption, and significantly expanded its public relations efforts, while steadily avoiding any move toward democratization, even as such activists as Elsie Elliott called for it. Only once the change of sovereignty was inevitable did the British countenance serious democratic reforms, as the Christopher Patten government sought to leave a legacy. Throughout all these changes, the discourse of “good governance” constantly emphasized its pragmatic character.Less

Mobilization and Conflicts over Hong Kong's Democratic Reform

Sing Ming and Tang Yuen-sum

in Contemporary Hong Kong Government and Politics

This chapter reviews the political landscape in Hong Kong after the July 1 rally of 2003, which has been characterized by greater intervention of the Central People's Government in Hong Kong's ... More

This chapter reviews the political landscape in Hong Kong after the July 1 rally of 2003, which has been characterized by greater intervention of the Central People's Government in Hong Kong's democratization such as the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (SCNPC)'s 2004 decision to rule out universal suffrage for electing the CE and the legislature in 2007 and 2008 respectively. The chapter then examines the development of new pro-democracy political parties in Hong Kong since 2003, their differing views about the controversial contents of the government's constitutional reform proposal as compared to the Democratic Party, and the different strategies used in the process of negotiation in 2010. Finally, the chapter discusses the prospects of Hong Kong's democracy movement under the influence of the CPG.Less

Creating Democratically Friendly Twin Tolerations Outside of Latin Christendom: Tunisia

Alfred Stepan

in Beyond the Secular West

This essay discusses democratic transition in Tunisia from the perspective of secularization, addressing how secular and religious interests can act together.

Norm Enforcement and Democratic Change

DANIELA DONNO

in Defending Democratic Norms: International Actors and the Politics of Electoral Misconduct

Do international actors enforce democratic norms in countries that hold flawed elections? Do their efforts make a difference? This chapter develops the theory of the causes and effects of norm ... More

Do international actors enforce democratic norms in countries that hold flawed elections? Do their efforts make a difference? This chapter develops the theory of the causes and effects of norm enforcement. Beginning with simple assumptions about the interactions between the government, opposition and international enforcers, it argues that the likelihood of enforcement is shaped, at the country-level, by variation in geopolitical interests and in the quality of information about electoral misconduct. Turning to the domestic effects of enforcement, the chapter identifies biased institutions and a weak opposition as two key barriers to democratic change after flawed elections. By employing tools of conditionality and diplomatic engagement, international actors can mitigate these barriers and provide a crucial push for improved elections. Outside pressure is unlikely to directly alter the government’s preference for manipulation, however. Instead, it works by incentivizing institutional reform, encouraging opposition unity, empowering post-election protests, and increasing the opposition’s electoral support. Building from these mechanisms, the chapter derives testable hypotheses about the effects of enforcement, which are contrasted with alternative hypotheses about “passive” forms of international influence.Less

The Effects of Enforcement

DANIELA DONNO

in Defending Democratic Norms: International Actors and the Politics of Electoral Misconduct

This chapter uses quantitative evidence to assess the effects of international conditionality and diplomatic engagement on electoral conduct and outcomes. It shows, in short, that enforcement works. ... More

This chapter uses quantitative evidence to assess the effects of international conditionality and diplomatic engagement on electoral conduct and outcomes. It shows, in short, that enforcement works. Specifically, post-election conditionality—the wielding of concrete sticks and carrots—is associated with improvements in electoral quality in the next election, while pre-election conditionality is associated with opposition electoral victories. Softer tools of diplomatic engagement—mediation, diplomatic missions and shaming—instead are associated with immediate post-election concessions, namely, a decision by the incumbent to step down or cancel electoral results. Crucially, the efforts of international actors interact with, and augment, the effect of opposition protests, indicating that international validation and support are indeed key ingredients for the success of mass mobilization after flawed elections. The chapter concludes by probing the robustness and nuances of these findings. It shows, first, that enforcement by regional organizations proves to have the strongest and most consistent positive effects, which points to these organizations’ unique combination of leverage and legitimacy. Second, no evidence is found to support the idea that enforcement is imposed disproportionately in “easy” cases that are otherwise more likely to democratize. On the contrary, conditionality tends to be imposed in more intransigent regimes where change is harder to achieve.Less

The Mechanisms of International Influence

DANIELA DONNO

in Defending Democratic Norms: International Actors and the Politics of Electoral Misconduct

This chapter presents qualitative evidence that fleshes out the statistical relationship between international norm enforcement and democratic change. It examines contested elections in the Dominican ... More

This chapter presents qualitative evidence that fleshes out the statistical relationship between international norm enforcement and democratic change. It examines contested elections in the Dominican Republic and Serbia. Both countries hail from regions of the world with strong regional regimes for promoting and protecting democracy. These cases support several key insights of the theory, namely, that the effect of enforcement is often gradual and delayed; that institutional reform constitutes an essential channel of international influence; that regional organizations are important players in mediating electoral disputes and promoting institutional change; and that opposition parties are empowered by international support. The cases underscore that enforcement does not merely correlate with opposition strength; rather, it exerts a causal effect on the opposition’s ability to translate mass outrage into democratic change.Less

Conclusion

DANIELA DONNO

in Defending Democratic Norms: International Actors and the Politics of Electoral Misconduct

This chapter concludes the study by summarizing its findings, highlighting its pressing relevance for developing countries, and discussing its implications for elections, democracy promotion, and ... More

This chapter concludes the study by summarizing its findings, highlighting its pressing relevance for developing countries, and discussing its implications for elections, democracy promotion, and international organizations and norms. Citizens around the world are clamoring for more meaningful, free and fair elections. When international actors choose to engage with and pressure norm-violating regimes, they can make a real difference, promoting improved electoral quality and increasing the odds that cheating incumbents will be replaced. Regional international organizations prove to play a particularly important role in the defense of international democratic norms. Although norm enforcement cannot be taken for granted—it is imposed only selectively and rarely across countries—it does have the potential to exert powerful effects by empowering the domestic opposition and increasing incentives for institutional reform.Less

Corruption in Ukraine: Perpetuum Mobile or the Endplay of Post-Soviet Elites?

Serhiy Kudelia

in Beyond the Euromaidan: Comparative Perspectives on Advancing Reform in Ukraine

Serhiy Kudelia takes an institutional approach to understanding corruption in Ukraine, arguing that as Ukraine’s institutional model has changed, patterns of corruption have changed along with it. ... More

Serhiy Kudelia takes an institutional approach to understanding corruption in Ukraine, arguing that as Ukraine’s institutional model has changed, patterns of corruption have changed along with it. Despite Ukraine’s turbulent post-Soviet evolution, neither the fact of corruption nor the extent of it has changed dramatically. This continuity he attributes to permissive conditions, in terms of weak institutionalization, and to powerful incentives for actors to engage in venality. His analysis is troubling in that it shows that political competition, the goal of democratization, tends to spur corruption on the part of leaders. He offers some suggestions for reform, including through changing the campaign financing laws.Less

Oil and US Grand Strategy

Andrew T. Price-Smith

in Oil, Illiberalism, and War: An Analysis of Energy and US Foreign Policy

US grand energy strategy has used regional allies to foster regional political climates favorable to the oil companies and to the US, often resulting in US support for despotic and illiberal regimes. ... More

US grand energy strategy has used regional allies to foster regional political climates favorable to the oil companies and to the US, often resulting in US support for despotic and illiberal regimes. Thus the desire for power and profit has often triumphed over principle in US foreign energy policy. Price-Smith also argues that Russian incursions into Georgia and Ukraine, particularly the annexation of Crimea, are driven by Putin’s desire to seize energy resources. Similarly, he argues that China’s continuing expansion throughout the South China Sea is driven by a similar calculus, and that both Russia and China’s bellicose actions are fostered in part by the language of the Law of the Sea Treaty (UNCLOS). Because of its overwhelming direct dependence on oil from the Americas, and its diminishing reliance on Persian Gulf oil, Price-Smith argues that the US should reconsider its tradition of massive military deployments to the Persian Gulf region. The US should develop an energy grand strategy that would focus on the stabilization of oil supplies from the zone of direct dependence, the Americas. The US would do well to reallocate funds and forces to create a regional energy structure in the Americas. This would entail the diversion of funds away from the projection of military power and toward initiatives (economic and diplomatic) that foster the stabilization of democracy in the Americas.Less

Marching Forward to the Past: From Hydro-Deadlock to Water and Modernity Reimagined

Erik Swyngedouw

in Liquid Power: Contested Hydro-Modernities in Twentieth-Century Spain

This chapter focuses on the significant socio-political, environmental and cultural-geographical transformations in democratizing Spain after the end of Fascism. The chapter explores the debate over ... More

This chapter focuses on the significant socio-political, environmental and cultural-geographical transformations in democratizing Spain after the end of Fascism. The chapter explores the debate over national water planning that rages between 1975 and 2002 and chronicles the intense struggle over and contestation of the dominant hydraulic water paradigm. While conservatives, engineering specialistsand southern regionalist forces insist on the completion of the national water grid, a series of new actors emerge (regionalists, localists, environmentalists, parts of the progressive movement, European actors) that begin to argue for a radical transformation of the water landscape, one more in line with regionalist, ecological, market-driven and environmental modernization arguments.Less

Insurgent Architects, Radical Cities and the Promise of the Political

Erik Swyngedouw

in The Post-Political and Its Discontents: Spaces of Depoliticization, Spectres of Radical Politics

Under a variety of generic names like Occupy!, Indignados, the Outraged, and others, a wave of deeply political protest is rolling through the world’s cities, whereby those who do not count demand a ... More

Under a variety of generic names like Occupy!, Indignados, the Outraged, and others, a wave of deeply political protest is rolling through the world’s cities, whereby those who do not count demand a new constituent process for producing space politically. The heterogeneous urban gatherers are outraged by and expose the variegated ‘wrongs’ and spiralling inequalities of autocratic neo-liberalization and actually-existing instituted democratic governance. The celebrated era of urban social movements as the horizon of progressive urban struggles seems to be over. A much more politicized if not radical mobilization, animated by insurgent urban architects, is increasingly choreographing the contemporary theatre of urban politicized struggle and conflict. It is precisely the aftermath of such urban insurrections that provides the starting point for the arguments developed in this chapter. From a radical political perspective, the central question that has opened up, after the wave of insurgencies of the past few years petered out, revolves around what to do and what to think next. Is there further thought and practice possible after the squares are cleared, the tents broken up, the energies dissipated, and everyday life resumes its routine practices?Less

The emergence of the apology

Michael Cunningham

in States of apology

This chapter considers the emergence of the apology in politics since approximately the mid 1980s. It argues that this is best explained by a combination of cultural changes, the political ... More

This chapter considers the emergence of the apology in politics since approximately the mid 1980s. It argues that this is best explained by a combination of cultural changes, the political opportunities given by democratization and the intervention of particular political actors.Less

The End of History and the Kantian Moment

David Martin Jones

in History's Fools: The Pursuit of Idealism and the Revenge of Politics

This chapter examines the economic, technological and financial changes that facilitated liberal globalization. To understand, The technological advances of the 1980’s that facilitated globalization ... More

This chapter examines the economic, technological and financial changes that facilitated liberal globalization. To understand, The technological advances of the 1980’s that facilitated globalization rendered rigid, closed, bureaucratic regimes redundant. The economic process established the structural preconditions that enabled the idea that history had ended and a new borderless world of political and economic convergence had emerged. The rise of the middle classes under global market conditions inexorably presaged modernization leading to democratization. Although, for a brief period after 1989, it seemed there might be an illiberal Asian alternative to the end of history, the Asian Financial Crisis (1997) demonstrated the ultimate redundancy of authoritarian alternatives to global liberalism. At the millennium, a democracy friendly ‘golden straightjacket’ shrank the state everywhere and opened it to a liberal institutional order, affording the preconditions for what Immanuel Kant foresaw in 1794 as a universal cosmopolitan and perpetual peace. However, the fact that some undeveloped countries and the blue collar working classes within developed states had lost out in this process of globalization, required, not more liberalization but a new borderless, post ideological, post historical third way in politics to realize perpetual global peace.Less