- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226561981
- eISBN:
- 9780226561998
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226561998.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
Abolitionism constituted one strain of antebellum philanthropy. Far less volatile were the growing array of female-controlled charities and reform movements that ran the gamut from humanitarianism to ...
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Abolitionism constituted one strain of antebellum philanthropy. Far less volatile were the growing array of female-controlled charities and reform movements that ran the gamut from humanitarianism to labor reform. Many of these women's groups pursued politically oriented agendas, whether through petition drives or ongoing requests for state and municipal appropriations. The common denominator that united them was their dependence on what might be termed “the politics of chivalry”—their shared reliance on the patronage and good will of male politicians. Despite the rhetoric of austerity, several male-controlled charities and societies did very well indeed during these years, receiving sizable public allocations under both Whiggish and Democratic administrations. Charities benefited a dual constituency: the trustees who managed them and the people they aided. The long-standing quasi-governmental roles of the middle-class white women who headed urban charities and asylums were curtailed in the Jackson and Van Buren years by public cutbacks.Less
Abolitionism constituted one strain of antebellum philanthropy. Far less volatile were the growing array of female-controlled charities and reform movements that ran the gamut from humanitarianism to labor reform. Many of these women's groups pursued politically oriented agendas, whether through petition drives or ongoing requests for state and municipal appropriations. The common denominator that united them was their dependence on what might be termed “the politics of chivalry”—their shared reliance on the patronage and good will of male politicians. Despite the rhetoric of austerity, several male-controlled charities and societies did very well indeed during these years, receiving sizable public allocations under both Whiggish and Democratic administrations. Charities benefited a dual constituency: the trustees who managed them and the people they aided. The long-standing quasi-governmental roles of the middle-class white women who headed urban charities and asylums were curtailed in the Jackson and Van Buren years by public cutbacks.
Fernando Guirao
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- February 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780198861232
- eISBN:
- 9780191893315
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198861232.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
The basic feature of the 1970 Agreement between the EEC and Spain, Chapter 6 explains, was the negotiated asymmetry in favour of Spain. Franco’s governments succeeded in securing irreversible access ...
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The basic feature of the 1970 Agreement between the EEC and Spain, Chapter 6 explains, was the negotiated asymmetry in favour of Spain. Franco’s governments succeeded in securing irreversible access to the Common Market, with the most favourable terms possible for a non-EEC country. This was despite the increasing political costs for the Six/Nine and Madrid not having to pay the price of political evolution. The Spanish administration accepted that the Franco regime should evolve but only if the speed and the destination were left up to Madrid. The 1970 Agreement represented a shield granted by the Six in favour of Franco Spain. The Six and the EEC Council and Commission dealt with a relatively weak partner. Meanwhile, Spain faced a set of countries that together formed an omnipotent trading bloc and embodied the highest democratic values. Despite this, Franco’s negotiators succeeded in imposing the essential aspects of their objectives.Less
The basic feature of the 1970 Agreement between the EEC and Spain, Chapter 6 explains, was the negotiated asymmetry in favour of Spain. Franco’s governments succeeded in securing irreversible access to the Common Market, with the most favourable terms possible for a non-EEC country. This was despite the increasing political costs for the Six/Nine and Madrid not having to pay the price of political evolution. The Spanish administration accepted that the Franco regime should evolve but only if the speed and the destination were left up to Madrid. The 1970 Agreement represented a shield granted by the Six in favour of Franco Spain. The Six and the EEC Council and Commission dealt with a relatively weak partner. Meanwhile, Spain faced a set of countries that together formed an omnipotent trading bloc and embodied the highest democratic values. Despite this, Franco’s negotiators succeeded in imposing the essential aspects of their objectives.
