Jolyon Howorth
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199283958
- eISBN:
- 9780191603297
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199283958.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Common wisdom has it that European disagreements over the American-led invasion of Iraq killed the prospects for a European defense and foreign policy—but the common wisdom is wrong. In recent years, ...
More
Common wisdom has it that European disagreements over the American-led invasion of Iraq killed the prospects for a European defense and foreign policy—but the common wisdom is wrong. In recent years, Europeans have moved fairly steadily in the direction of a meaningful European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). The member-states remain divided on many policy issues and a number of deep obstacles remain to a strong common policy. But few now question the idea that Europe should play a greater role on the world stage, and the past several years have seen modest but concrete steps toward that goal.Less
Common wisdom has it that European disagreements over the American-led invasion of Iraq killed the prospects for a European defense and foreign policy—but the common wisdom is wrong. In recent years, Europeans have moved fairly steadily in the direction of a meaningful European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). The member-states remain divided on many policy issues and a number of deep obstacles remain to a strong common policy. But few now question the idea that Europe should play a greater role on the world stage, and the past several years have seen modest but concrete steps toward that goal.
James W. Cortada
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195165869
- eISBN:
- 9780199868025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195165869.003.0003
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History
The US Department of Defense (DoD) is one of the largest users of computers and telecommunications in the world and the largest within the federal government. The story of how the DoD promoted the ...
More
The US Department of Defense (DoD) is one of the largest users of computers and telecommunications in the world and the largest within the federal government. The story of how the DoD promoted the development of new computing technologies from the 1940s through the 1990s has been studied by historians. This chapter focuses on the use of computers and telecommunications in order to demonstrate the extent to which this department relied on computing to do its work, and the degree to which its uses of the technology changed how the DoD evolved over time. The organization of the DoD, patterns of research and development, inventory control and logistics, weapons systems and ordnance, training, combat and non-combat applications, information age warfare, and IT deployment are discussed.Less
The US Department of Defense (DoD) is one of the largest users of computers and telecommunications in the world and the largest within the federal government. The story of how the DoD promoted the development of new computing technologies from the 1940s through the 1990s has been studied by historians. This chapter focuses on the use of computers and telecommunications in order to demonstrate the extent to which this department relied on computing to do its work, and the degree to which its uses of the technology changed how the DoD evolved over time. The organization of the DoD, patterns of research and development, inventory control and logistics, weapons systems and ordnance, training, combat and non-combat applications, information age warfare, and IT deployment are discussed.
Cheshire Calhoun
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257669
- eISBN:
- 9780191598906
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257663.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The positive arguments for same‐sex marriage are discussed. The first argument links marriage rights to a normative ideal of long‐term, monogamous, sexually faithful intimacy, and defends marriage ...
More
The positive arguments for same‐sex marriage are discussed. The first argument links marriage rights to a normative ideal of long‐term, monogamous, sexually faithful intimacy, and defends marriage rights based on the value of that ideal. The second argument presses the connection between homophobia and sexism, stressing the way that securing same‐sex marriage rights might reduce sexism. The third argument links the denial of marriage rights to the cultural construction of gay men and lesbians as outsiders to the family, who are for that reason defective citizens. In pursuing this third line of argument, the US House and Senate arguments supporting the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) of 1996 are addressed.Less
The positive arguments for same‐sex marriage are discussed. The first argument links marriage rights to a normative ideal of long‐term, monogamous, sexually faithful intimacy, and defends marriage rights based on the value of that ideal. The second argument presses the connection between homophobia and sexism, stressing the way that securing same‐sex marriage rights might reduce sexism. The third argument links the denial of marriage rights to the cultural construction of gay men and lesbians as outsiders to the family, who are for that reason defective citizens. In pursuing this third line of argument, the US House and Senate arguments supporting the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) of 1996 are addressed.
Beth A. Fischer
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813178172
- eISBN:
- 9780813178189
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813178172.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Virtually no one anticipated the ending of the Cold War. Understanding how this long-standing conflict was peacefully resolved can give us insight into how to conclude other seemingly intractable ...
More
Virtually no one anticipated the ending of the Cold War. Understanding how this long-standing conflict was peacefully resolved can give us insight into how to conclude other seemingly intractable conflicts.
Triumphalists believe that President Ronald Reagan “won” the Cold War by building up US military power and threatening the USSR. His hard-line policies forced Moscow to reduce its arsenal, adopt democratic reforms, withdraw from its war in Afghanistan, and ultimately collapse. Triumphalists assert that contemporary leaders should follow Reagan’s example bycompelling adversaries into submission.
However, triumphalism is a myth, a series of falsehoods about Reagan’s intentions, his policies, and the impact his administration had on the USSR.Drawing upon American and Soviet sources,this book demonstrates that Reagan’s initial hard-line policies brought the superpowers to the brink of war and made it more difficult for Moscow to disarm and reform. Compellence failed miserably.
The Cold War was resolved through diplomacy, not threats. President Reagan eventually engaged in dialogue so as to ease Moscow’s security concerns, build trust, and focus on the superpowers’ mutual interest in eliminating nuclear arms. For his part, Mikhail Gorbachev sought to end the arms race so as to divert resources to democratization. He too sought dialogue and trust.
The ending of the Cold War demonstrates the importance of moral leadership. Reagan and Gorbachev both rose above their differences and introduced radical new ideas about nuclear disarmament. Consequently, both encountered domestic opposition. Each persevered, however, leading their nations toward a safer, more humane future.Less
Virtually no one anticipated the ending of the Cold War. Understanding how this long-standing conflict was peacefully resolved can give us insight into how to conclude other seemingly intractable conflicts.
Triumphalists believe that President Ronald Reagan “won” the Cold War by building up US military power and threatening the USSR. His hard-line policies forced Moscow to reduce its arsenal, adopt democratic reforms, withdraw from its war in Afghanistan, and ultimately collapse. Triumphalists assert that contemporary leaders should follow Reagan’s example bycompelling adversaries into submission.
However, triumphalism is a myth, a series of falsehoods about Reagan’s intentions, his policies, and the impact his administration had on the USSR.Drawing upon American and Soviet sources,this book demonstrates that Reagan’s initial hard-line policies brought the superpowers to the brink of war and made it more difficult for Moscow to disarm and reform. Compellence failed miserably.
The Cold War was resolved through diplomacy, not threats. President Reagan eventually engaged in dialogue so as to ease Moscow’s security concerns, build trust, and focus on the superpowers’ mutual interest in eliminating nuclear arms. For his part, Mikhail Gorbachev sought to end the arms race so as to divert resources to democratization. He too sought dialogue and trust.
The ending of the Cold War demonstrates the importance of moral leadership. Reagan and Gorbachev both rose above their differences and introduced radical new ideas about nuclear disarmament. Consequently, both encountered domestic opposition. Each persevered, however, leading their nations toward a safer, more humane future.
Christopher P. Loss
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148274
- eISBN:
- 9781400840052
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148274.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book tracks the dramatic outcomes of the federal government's growing involvement in higher education between World War I and the 1970s, and the conservative backlash against that involvement ...
More
This book tracks the dramatic outcomes of the federal government's growing involvement in higher education between World War I and the 1970s, and the conservative backlash against that involvement from the 1980s onward. The book recovers higher education's central importance to the larger social and political history of the United States in the twentieth century, and chronicles its transformation into a key mediating institution between citizens and the state. Framed around the three major federal higher education policies of the twentieth century—the 1944 G.I. Bill, the 1958 National Defense Education Act, and the 1965 Higher Education Act—the book charts the federal government's various efforts to deploy education to ready citizens for the national, bureaucratized, and increasingly global world in which they lived. It details the myriad ways in which academic leaders and students shaped, and were shaped by, the state's shifting political agenda as it moved from a preoccupation with economic security during the Great Depression, to national security during World War II and the Cold War, to securing the rights of African Americans, women, and other previously marginalized groups during the 1960s and 1970s. Along the way, the book reappraises the origins of higher education's current-day diversity regime, the growth of identity group politics, and the privatization of citizenship at the close of the twentieth century. At a time when people's faith in government and higher education is being sorely tested, this book sheds new light on the close relations between American higher education and politics.Less
This book tracks the dramatic outcomes of the federal government's growing involvement in higher education between World War I and the 1970s, and the conservative backlash against that involvement from the 1980s onward. The book recovers higher education's central importance to the larger social and political history of the United States in the twentieth century, and chronicles its transformation into a key mediating institution between citizens and the state. Framed around the three major federal higher education policies of the twentieth century—the 1944 G.I. Bill, the 1958 National Defense Education Act, and the 1965 Higher Education Act—the book charts the federal government's various efforts to deploy education to ready citizens for the national, bureaucratized, and increasingly global world in which they lived. It details the myriad ways in which academic leaders and students shaped, and were shaped by, the state's shifting political agenda as it moved from a preoccupation with economic security during the Great Depression, to national security during World War II and the Cold War, to securing the rights of African Americans, women, and other previously marginalized groups during the 1960s and 1970s. Along the way, the book reappraises the origins of higher education's current-day diversity regime, the growth of identity group politics, and the privatization of citizenship at the close of the twentieth century. At a time when people's faith in government and higher education is being sorely tested, this book sheds new light on the close relations between American higher education and politics.
Suzanne Vromen
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195181289
- eISBN:
- 9780199870752
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195181289.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
The chapter opens with lengthy interviews with two non‐Jewish women members of a resistance organization, the Committee for the Defense of Jews (CDJ). These women picked up Jewish children from their ...
More
The chapter opens with lengthy interviews with two non‐Jewish women members of a resistance organization, the Committee for the Defense of Jews (CDJ). These women picked up Jewish children from their homes and families and placed them in hiding places throughout the country. Paule Renard, a social worker, and Andrée Geulen, a teacher, describe how they joined the resistance committee and their difficult and heartbreaking assignments. Geulen also emphasizes the important roles of women in the CDJ and the cooperation she received from Church authorities. After the war, Renard kept silent about her war activities, while Geulen remained very involved in the lives of the rescued children and has become an iconic figure of the resistance. Both were named as Righteous Among the Nations, an honor conferred on rescuers of Jews by the State of Israel at the initiative of the rescued. The chapter then discusses the formation of the CDJ as a resistance network organized by Jews for Jews with the cooperation of non‐Jews, especially that of Yvonne Nèvejean, the head of the National Children's Bureau (Oeuvre Nationale de l'Enfance; ONE) overseeing children's homes. After providing a larger picture of the varied resistance networks that developed in Belgium, the chapter concludes that, with a few exceptions such as the CDJ, women resistors were given mainly auxiliary roles and that after the war the resistance movement had little effect on social change.Less
The chapter opens with lengthy interviews with two non‐Jewish women members of a resistance organization, the Committee for the Defense of Jews (CDJ). These women picked up Jewish children from their homes and families and placed them in hiding places throughout the country. Paule Renard, a social worker, and Andrée Geulen, a teacher, describe how they joined the resistance committee and their difficult and heartbreaking assignments. Geulen also emphasizes the important roles of women in the CDJ and the cooperation she received from Church authorities. After the war, Renard kept silent about her war activities, while Geulen remained very involved in the lives of the rescued children and has become an iconic figure of the resistance. Both were named as Righteous Among the Nations, an honor conferred on rescuers of Jews by the State of Israel at the initiative of the rescued. The chapter then discusses the formation of the CDJ as a resistance network organized by Jews for Jews with the cooperation of non‐Jews, especially that of Yvonne Nèvejean, the head of the National Children's Bureau (Oeuvre Nationale de l'Enfance; ONE) overseeing children's homes. After providing a larger picture of the varied resistance networks that developed in Belgium, the chapter concludes that, with a few exceptions such as the CDJ, women resistors were given mainly auxiliary roles and that after the war the resistance movement had little effect on social change.
Suzanne Vromen
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195181289
- eISBN:
- 9780199870752
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195181289.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
The organization of the Committee for the Defense of Jews was a remarkable ecumenical achievement transcending religious and political differences and overcoming xenophobia in a country where 94 ...
More
The organization of the Committee for the Defense of Jews was a remarkable ecumenical achievement transcending religious and political differences and overcoming xenophobia in a country where 94 percent of the Jewish population was foreign born. The convents as closed institutions were in a particularly favorable position to offer safe hiding places. The cooperation of the mothers superior was essential to successful rescue. The motives of rescuers in general are discussed and the Belgian case examined. The question of how the former hidden children were affected by their experiences is raised, as well as how they deal with these experiences today. As for the issue of commemoration, in France recent ceremonies honoring the French Righteous have come to symbolize and unify all resisters, while in Belgium an extensive report on the collaboration of the Belgian administration with the Nazi occupiers has recently been published. The book's focus on the Belgian Righteous is therefore more than ever timely.Less
The organization of the Committee for the Defense of Jews was a remarkable ecumenical achievement transcending religious and political differences and overcoming xenophobia in a country where 94 percent of the Jewish population was foreign born. The convents as closed institutions were in a particularly favorable position to offer safe hiding places. The cooperation of the mothers superior was essential to successful rescue. The motives of rescuers in general are discussed and the Belgian case examined. The question of how the former hidden children were affected by their experiences is raised, as well as how they deal with these experiences today. As for the issue of commemoration, in France recent ceremonies honoring the French Righteous have come to symbolize and unify all resisters, while in Belgium an extensive report on the collaboration of the Belgian administration with the Nazi occupiers has recently been published. The book's focus on the Belgian Righteous is therefore more than ever timely.
Steven Casey
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195306927
- eISBN:
- 9780199867936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195306927.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In the middle of September 1950, MacArthur's dramatic victory at Inchon transformed the Korean War. This chapter explores the problems thrown up by this victory. In the battlefield theater, the ...
More
In the middle of September 1950, MacArthur's dramatic victory at Inchon transformed the Korean War. This chapter explores the problems thrown up by this victory. In the battlefield theater, the military received scant respite from correspondents, who complained that MacArthur had made it excessively difficult to cover the Inchon campaign. In Washington, the government's efforts to sustain domestic support for a prolonged mobilization campaign appeared threatened by the public's natural tendency to lapse into complacency the minute an international crisis had passed. And in the midterm election campaign, Truman and the Democrats found it surprisingly difficult to exploit the successful turn of events in Korea, not least because the administration's decision to cross the 38th parallel threatened to bring China into the war.Less
In the middle of September 1950, MacArthur's dramatic victory at Inchon transformed the Korean War. This chapter explores the problems thrown up by this victory. In the battlefield theater, the military received scant respite from correspondents, who complained that MacArthur had made it excessively difficult to cover the Inchon campaign. In Washington, the government's efforts to sustain domestic support for a prolonged mobilization campaign appeared threatened by the public's natural tendency to lapse into complacency the minute an international crisis had passed. And in the midterm election campaign, Truman and the Democrats found it surprisingly difficult to exploit the successful turn of events in Korea, not least because the administration's decision to cross the 38th parallel threatened to bring China into the war.
Hiroshi Nakanishi
- Published in print:
- 1953
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479889389
- eISBN:
- 9781479830893
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479889389.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
This chapter argues that the 2009-2011 period, under the leadership of the Democratic Party of Japan, was a watershed for postwar Japanese security policy. The economic depression after the Lehmann ...
More
This chapter argues that the 2009-2011 period, under the leadership of the Democratic Party of Japan, was a watershed for postwar Japanese security policy. The economic depression after the Lehmann shock, Chinese military pressure over Senkaku islands, and the Great East Japan Earthquake transformed the Japanese public’s mindset on security. This attitudinal change is the backdrop of a series of defense policy changes such as the new Defense Program Guideline announced in late 2010. The Yoshida Doctrine has been greatly revised, if not discarded completely, and the changes shaped the security policy framework of Japan for years to come, including the security policy adapted by the second Abe Cabinet.Less
This chapter argues that the 2009-2011 period, under the leadership of the Democratic Party of Japan, was a watershed for postwar Japanese security policy. The economic depression after the Lehmann shock, Chinese military pressure over Senkaku islands, and the Great East Japan Earthquake transformed the Japanese public’s mindset on security. This attitudinal change is the backdrop of a series of defense policy changes such as the new Defense Program Guideline announced in late 2010. The Yoshida Doctrine has been greatly revised, if not discarded completely, and the changes shaped the security policy framework of Japan for years to come, including the security policy adapted by the second Abe Cabinet.
Theresa Lloyd (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813178790
- eISBN:
- 9780813178806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813178790.003.0704
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Social Groups
Mountain society changed dramatically with rapid post-Civil War industrialization, which laid the groundwork for the region’s wide-scale poverty and dependency. The hardships of work and oppressive ...
More
Mountain society changed dramatically with rapid post-Civil War industrialization, which laid the groundwork for the region’s wide-scale poverty and dependency. The hardships of work and oppressive living conditions in newly industrialized Appalachia gave birth to a rich and important body of literature, which includes fiction, poetry, drama, and songs. The development of Appalachia’s literature of protest paralleled the rise of social justice and workers’ literature internationally.Less
Mountain society changed dramatically with rapid post-Civil War industrialization, which laid the groundwork for the region’s wide-scale poverty and dependency. The hardships of work and oppressive living conditions in newly industrialized Appalachia gave birth to a rich and important body of literature, which includes fiction, poetry, drama, and songs. The development of Appalachia’s literature of protest paralleled the rise of social justice and workers’ literature internationally.
Linda L. Fowler
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151618
- eISBN:
- 9781400866465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151618.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines how the distinctive goals of the Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations committees led to strategic choices about how much attention to devote to oversight of national ...
More
This chapter examines how the distinctive goals of the Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations committees led to strategic choices about how much attention to devote to oversight of national security, particularly in comparison to budget activity. It explains why divided government was not a consistent motivator for national security oversight and how indicators of long-term committee goals influenced both committees' stance toward the executive branch. It argues that the Armed Services Committee muted partisan conflict and deemphasized oversight in order to attend to funding the Defense Department, whereas the Foreign Relations Committee was a more active overseer of foreign affairs during periods of divided government. The differences between the two committees reveal how selection biases built into the committee assignment process affected the rule of law in national security and shed light on the inconsistent findings in the scholarly literature with respect to divided government.Less
This chapter examines how the distinctive goals of the Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations committees led to strategic choices about how much attention to devote to oversight of national security, particularly in comparison to budget activity. It explains why divided government was not a consistent motivator for national security oversight and how indicators of long-term committee goals influenced both committees' stance toward the executive branch. It argues that the Armed Services Committee muted partisan conflict and deemphasized oversight in order to attend to funding the Defense Department, whereas the Foreign Relations Committee was a more active overseer of foreign affairs during periods of divided government. The differences between the two committees reveal how selection biases built into the committee assignment process affected the rule of law in national security and shed light on the inconsistent findings in the scholarly literature with respect to divided government.
Linda L. Fowler
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151618
- eISBN:
- 9781400866465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151618.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter challenges the efficacy of reform proposals currently circulating in Washington and makes practical recommendations for improving the capacity of the Senate Armed Services and Foreign ...
More
This chapter challenges the efficacy of reform proposals currently circulating in Washington and makes practical recommendations for improving the capacity of the Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations committees in terms of oversight of national security. These recommendations look beyond consultation about the initiation of conflicts to generate a more robust review of the implementation of administration policies over time. The focus is on the underlying incentives that drive committee inquiries into the performance of the Department of Defense and the State Department, with an eye to the self-correcting mechanisms at the heart of the Constitution that balance relations between the branches. The chapter argues that well-functioning committees that promote the rule of law in foreign affairs through regular, predictable, and public deliberation make a revised war powers act unnecessary; in the absence of such regular order, new rules for consultation seem likely to fail.Less
This chapter challenges the efficacy of reform proposals currently circulating in Washington and makes practical recommendations for improving the capacity of the Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations committees in terms of oversight of national security. These recommendations look beyond consultation about the initiation of conflicts to generate a more robust review of the implementation of administration policies over time. The focus is on the underlying incentives that drive committee inquiries into the performance of the Department of Defense and the State Department, with an eye to the self-correcting mechanisms at the heart of the Constitution that balance relations between the branches. The chapter argues that well-functioning committees that promote the rule of law in foreign affairs through regular, predictable, and public deliberation make a revised war powers act unnecessary; in the absence of such regular order, new rules for consultation seem likely to fail.
Jacob N. Shapiro
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157214
- eISBN:
- 9781400848645
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157214.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter studies the three most prominent terrorist groups operating in Northern Ireland from the 1960s through 2003: the Provisional IRA, the Ulster Defense Association (UDA), and the Ulster ...
More
This chapter studies the three most prominent terrorist groups operating in Northern Ireland from the 1960s through 2003: the Provisional IRA, the Ulster Defense Association (UDA), and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). Because the history of terrorism in Northern Ireland is so well known, the case provides an excellent venue for testing hypotheses about the relationship between discrimination and control. The history of the groups fighting in Northern Ireland also provides a critical illustration of the policy importance of this kind of organizational analysis. From 1987 on, leaders on both sides of the Northern Ireland conflict understood the broad contours of a negotiated settlement, but it took them many years to work the internal politics of their organizations to the point at which ceasefire orders were obeyed.Less
This chapter studies the three most prominent terrorist groups operating in Northern Ireland from the 1960s through 2003: the Provisional IRA, the Ulster Defense Association (UDA), and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). Because the history of terrorism in Northern Ireland is so well known, the case provides an excellent venue for testing hypotheses about the relationship between discrimination and control. The history of the groups fighting in Northern Ireland also provides a critical illustration of the policy importance of this kind of organizational analysis. From 1987 on, leaders on both sides of the Northern Ireland conflict understood the broad contours of a negotiated settlement, but it took them many years to work the internal politics of their organizations to the point at which ceasefire orders were obeyed.
Julia L. Mickenberg
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195152807
- eISBN:
- 9780199788903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195152807.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter takes as its point of departure the launch of the Soviet satellite, Sputnik, in 1957 and the subsequent passage of the National Defense Education Act, which, as part of its program of ...
More
This chapter takes as its point of departure the launch of the Soviet satellite, Sputnik, in 1957 and the subsequent passage of the National Defense Education Act, which, as part of its program of strengthening math and science education in the United States, also provided libraries with funds for purchasing books in these areas. Although designed to fortify the United States against the Communist menace, the Act helped foster a major market for books by people who were strongly critical of the Cold War, and, in some cases, were Marxists or even current or former Communist Party members. This chapter traces the development of science education and scientific literature for children as these intersected with interest in science among Socialists, Communists, and other Marxists, as well as radicals in general, starting in the early 20th century and continuing through the Cold War. In a repressive cultural climate, scientific themes had the advantage of seeming value-neutral, but in practice proved fertile ground for teaching children to think critically, to question received authority (especially on racial matters), and to feel empowered to influence and change the world around them. The chapter also suggests ways in which Marxism's logic influenced scientific thought and translated into scientific children's literature.Less
This chapter takes as its point of departure the launch of the Soviet satellite, Sputnik, in 1957 and the subsequent passage of the National Defense Education Act, which, as part of its program of strengthening math and science education in the United States, also provided libraries with funds for purchasing books in these areas. Although designed to fortify the United States against the Communist menace, the Act helped foster a major market for books by people who were strongly critical of the Cold War, and, in some cases, were Marxists or even current or former Communist Party members. This chapter traces the development of science education and scientific literature for children as these intersected with interest in science among Socialists, Communists, and other Marxists, as well as radicals in general, starting in the early 20th century and continuing through the Cold War. In a repressive cultural climate, scientific themes had the advantage of seeming value-neutral, but in practice proved fertile ground for teaching children to think critically, to question received authority (especially on racial matters), and to feel empowered to influence and change the world around them. The chapter also suggests ways in which Marxism's logic influenced scientific thought and translated into scientific children's literature.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines three East European states: Slovenia, a small country that has enjoyed a smooth transition to democracy and market economy; Russia, the world's largest state, which has failed ...
More
This chapter examines three East European states: Slovenia, a small country that has enjoyed a smooth transition to democracy and market economy; Russia, the world's largest state, which has failed to establish democratic rule; and Romania, a medium-sized Balkan country that, following some early stumbling, found its way into NATO and the European Union. The three postcommunist states suggest very different experiences of building democratic armies. No postcommunist country had fewer major problems in establishing democratic civil–military relations than Slovenia, even though it had to create a new army on the rather flimsy foundations of the Territorial Defense Force. Meanwhile, the specific shortcomings of Russian military politics reflect the power relations that have doomed Russia's democratization prospects. Romania's postcommunist record of building civil–military relations falls between the two others in terms of democratic performance, though it is much closer to Slovenia than to Russia.Less
This chapter examines three East European states: Slovenia, a small country that has enjoyed a smooth transition to democracy and market economy; Russia, the world's largest state, which has failed to establish democratic rule; and Romania, a medium-sized Balkan country that, following some early stumbling, found its way into NATO and the European Union. The three postcommunist states suggest very different experiences of building democratic armies. No postcommunist country had fewer major problems in establishing democratic civil–military relations than Slovenia, even though it had to create a new army on the rather flimsy foundations of the Territorial Defense Force. Meanwhile, the specific shortcomings of Russian military politics reflect the power relations that have doomed Russia's democratization prospects. Romania's postcommunist record of building civil–military relations falls between the two others in terms of democratic performance, though it is much closer to Slovenia than to Russia.
Dee Garrison
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195183191
- eISBN:
- 9780199788804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195183191.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter discusses President Harry Truman's reluctant creation of the Federal Civil Defense Administration (FCDA) in 1950 and the predominant role it assigned to women; the importance of the ...
More
This chapter discusses President Harry Truman's reluctant creation of the Federal Civil Defense Administration (FCDA) in 1950 and the predominant role it assigned to women; the importance of the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) to civil defense history; and the content and purpose of early civil defense propaganda. It describes the reasons why Congress regularly cut civil defense funds by 80-90% during the Truman and early Eisenhower period. The chapter ends describing the United States' 1954 Pacific bomb test, called Bravo, which contaminated 7,000 square miles of the Pacific.Less
This chapter discusses President Harry Truman's reluctant creation of the Federal Civil Defense Administration (FCDA) in 1950 and the predominant role it assigned to women; the importance of the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) to civil defense history; and the content and purpose of early civil defense propaganda. It describes the reasons why Congress regularly cut civil defense funds by 80-90% during the Truman and early Eisenhower period. The chapter ends describing the United States' 1954 Pacific bomb test, called Bravo, which contaminated 7,000 square miles of the Pacific.
Jill Edwards
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198228714
- eISBN:
- 9780191678813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198228714.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
After successfully blocking United States economic aid to Spain for some time, President Harry S. Truman finally authorized credit for Spain, whittled down from the original proposal of $100 million ...
More
After successfully blocking United States economic aid to Spain for some time, President Harry S. Truman finally authorized credit for Spain, whittled down from the original proposal of $100 million to $62.5 million. United States military and commercial interest in Spain was now undisguised, and Truman's stance on the issue was ever more isolated in the context of current formulation of American foreign policy as a whole. Since the beginning of 1949, the State Department had been conducting detailed negotiations with France for base rights in French territory in Mediterranean and North African areas. Agreements signed in September 1953 were a series of twenty-seven accords or pacts covering Defense, Economic Aid, and Mutual Defense Assistance. This chapter examines Britain's reaction to the military bases agreements signed by the United States with other countries, the rise to power of the Conservative Party in British politics, and the aftermath of the base agreements.Less
After successfully blocking United States economic aid to Spain for some time, President Harry S. Truman finally authorized credit for Spain, whittled down from the original proposal of $100 million to $62.5 million. United States military and commercial interest in Spain was now undisguised, and Truman's stance on the issue was ever more isolated in the context of current formulation of American foreign policy as a whole. Since the beginning of 1949, the State Department had been conducting detailed negotiations with France for base rights in French territory in Mediterranean and North African areas. Agreements signed in September 1953 were a series of twenty-seven accords or pacts covering Defense, Economic Aid, and Mutual Defense Assistance. This chapter examines Britain's reaction to the military bases agreements signed by the United States with other countries, the rise to power of the Conservative Party in British politics, and the aftermath of the base agreements.
Marion Elizabeth Rodgers
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195072389
- eISBN:
- 9780199787982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195072389.003.0024
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
This chapter explores another private aspect of Mencken that extended beyond his domesticity at home and his musical evenings with The Saturday Night Club. With his growing fame and America's ...
More
This chapter explores another private aspect of Mencken that extended beyond his domesticity at home and his musical evenings with The Saturday Night Club. With his growing fame and America's repudiation of its Victorian and Puritan past, Mencken's social life entered a new phase. With the publication of his book, In Defense of Women, Mencken became known as “the German Valentino”, and his life was filled with a succession of girlfriends. When Marion Bloom decided to marry, another woman entered his life, Southern writer Sara Haardt.Less
This chapter explores another private aspect of Mencken that extended beyond his domesticity at home and his musical evenings with The Saturday Night Club. With his growing fame and America's repudiation of its Victorian and Puritan past, Mencken's social life entered a new phase. With the publication of his book, In Defense of Women, Mencken became known as “the German Valentino”, and his life was filled with a succession of girlfriends. When Marion Bloom decided to marry, another woman entered his life, Southern writer Sara Haardt.
Randall Caroline Watson Forsberg
Matthew Evangelista and Neta C. Crawford (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501744358
- eISBN:
- 9781501744365
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501744358.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Military analyst, peace activist, teacher, and social theorist, the author of this book (1943–2007) founded the Nuclear Freeze campaign and the Institute for Defense and Disarmament Studies. This ...
More
Military analyst, peace activist, teacher, and social theorist, the author of this book (1943–2007) founded the Nuclear Freeze campaign and the Institute for Defense and Disarmament Studies. This book, completed in 1997 and published for the first time here, delves into a vast literature in psychology, anthropology, archeology, sociology, and history to examine the ways in which changing moral beliefs came to stigmatize forms of socially sanctioned violence, such as human sacrifice, cannibalism, and slavery, eventually rendering them unacceptable. Could the same process work for war? The book begins by giving attention to the theory of peace—that is, the theory of the conditions under which war might end. A controversial topic because many people are convinced that war cannot end. It then considers how war could be abolished. In doing so, the book reviews some of the widely practiced forms of socially sanctioned group violence and concludes with a brief discussion of the prospects for the abolition of all forms of such violence. The book is edited, with an introduction by two political scientists, both of whom worked with Forsberg.Less
Military analyst, peace activist, teacher, and social theorist, the author of this book (1943–2007) founded the Nuclear Freeze campaign and the Institute for Defense and Disarmament Studies. This book, completed in 1997 and published for the first time here, delves into a vast literature in psychology, anthropology, archeology, sociology, and history to examine the ways in which changing moral beliefs came to stigmatize forms of socially sanctioned violence, such as human sacrifice, cannibalism, and slavery, eventually rendering them unacceptable. Could the same process work for war? The book begins by giving attention to the theory of peace—that is, the theory of the conditions under which war might end. A controversial topic because many people are convinced that war cannot end. It then considers how war could be abolished. In doing so, the book reviews some of the widely practiced forms of socially sanctioned group violence and concludes with a brief discussion of the prospects for the abolition of all forms of such violence. The book is edited, with an introduction by two political scientists, both of whom worked with Forsberg.
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Batista's response to the increasing tension was to get even tougher. He closed all the public secondary schools and discouraged an effort by Roman Catholic bishops in Cuba to create a national unity ...
More
Batista's response to the increasing tension was to get even tougher. He closed all the public secondary schools and discouraged an effort by Roman Catholic bishops in Cuba to create a national unity in government. This effort at national unity died when Castro declined the offer. Stiff-arming the U.S. request to punish police officers and military officials known for severe brutalities, Castro instated a new chief of police and a new SIM chief. Looking for methods to influence Batista to lessen regime violence and to silence the furor due to Castro's rebellion, the State Department decided to enforce the disregarded terms of the 1952 Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement.Less
Batista's response to the increasing tension was to get even tougher. He closed all the public secondary schools and discouraged an effort by Roman Catholic bishops in Cuba to create a national unity in government. This effort at national unity died when Castro declined the offer. Stiff-arming the U.S. request to punish police officers and military officials known for severe brutalities, Castro instated a new chief of police and a new SIM chief. Looking for methods to influence Batista to lessen regime violence and to silence the furor due to Castro's rebellion, the State Department decided to enforce the disregarded terms of the 1952 Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement.
