Alexandra Gheciu
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199217229
- eISBN:
- 9780191712449
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217229.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter argues that the risk of terrorist attacks by transnational groups has been systematically invoked by EU bodies to justify the launch (or expansion) of a broad set of risk-management ...
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This chapter argues that the risk of terrorist attacks by transnational groups has been systematically invoked by EU bodies to justify the launch (or expansion) of a broad set of risk-management programmes and projects that involve a combination of inclusive and exclusionary practices. To begin with, those actors seen as vulnerable to, but not yet fully corrupted by, the anti-liberal ideas promoted by terrorist organizations are to be supported, monitored, and guided by the EU in an attempt to transform them into self-disciplined, ‘responsible’ liberal actors who are worthy of inclusion in liberal relations of community. Thus, in the contemporary security environment, the EU has sought to enhance its ability to construct ‘good’ (liberal) actors, both in Europe and abroad, and in so doing also to expand the broader security community of liberal-democratic values. Those inclusive practices are accompanied by attempts at enhancing the collective ability of members of the Union to identify and exclude from their territory — or at least contain and place beyond the realm of normal politics and liberal socio-economic activities — individuals and groups with alleged links to international terrorism.Less
This chapter argues that the risk of terrorist attacks by transnational groups has been systematically invoked by EU bodies to justify the launch (or expansion) of a broad set of risk-management programmes and projects that involve a combination of inclusive and exclusionary practices. To begin with, those actors seen as vulnerable to, but not yet fully corrupted by, the anti-liberal ideas promoted by terrorist organizations are to be supported, monitored, and guided by the EU in an attempt to transform them into self-disciplined, ‘responsible’ liberal actors who are worthy of inclusion in liberal relations of community. Thus, in the contemporary security environment, the EU has sought to enhance its ability to construct ‘good’ (liberal) actors, both in Europe and abroad, and in so doing also to expand the broader security community of liberal-democratic values. Those inclusive practices are accompanied by attempts at enhancing the collective ability of members of the Union to identify and exclude from their territory — or at least contain and place beyond the realm of normal politics and liberal socio-economic activities — individuals and groups with alleged links to international terrorism.
Nicole Alecu de Flers, Laura Chappell, and Patrick Müller
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199596225
- eISBN:
- 9780191729140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199596225.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, International Relations and Politics
As decision-making in European foreign and security policy has remained an intergovernmental process where unanimous decision-making is the norm, this policy field seems a likely case for becoming ...
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As decision-making in European foreign and security policy has remained an intergovernmental process where unanimous decision-making is the norm, this policy field seems a likely case for becoming entangled in the ‘joint-decision trap’. Nevertheless, this chapter reveals that through various mechanisms, the member states have managed to escape the trap to an extent that many analysts had not expected. Besides functional adaptation to changed external circumstances, learning from joint foreign policy experiences — particularly from the failure to address joint problems — is identified as an important mechanism. Additionally, the institutionalization of European foreign policy cooperation has facilitated the emergence of important procedural and substantive EU norms which, through elite socialisation processes, influence the outcome of policy-making. This is illustrated in the case study on the EU's military mission EUFOR RD Congo, which was successfully deployed even though key participating states like Germany and Poland have no immediate defence interests in Africa.Less
As decision-making in European foreign and security policy has remained an intergovernmental process where unanimous decision-making is the norm, this policy field seems a likely case for becoming entangled in the ‘joint-decision trap’. Nevertheless, this chapter reveals that through various mechanisms, the member states have managed to escape the trap to an extent that many analysts had not expected. Besides functional adaptation to changed external circumstances, learning from joint foreign policy experiences — particularly from the failure to address joint problems — is identified as an important mechanism. Additionally, the institutionalization of European foreign policy cooperation has facilitated the emergence of important procedural and substantive EU norms which, through elite socialisation processes, influence the outcome of policy-making. This is illustrated in the case study on the EU's military mission EUFOR RD Congo, which was successfully deployed even though key participating states like Germany and Poland have no immediate defence interests in Africa.
Avi Kober
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199599486
- eISBN:
- 9780191595806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599486.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
This chapter examines the rise and fall of operational art in the Israeli armed forces. It argues that until the early 1970s the dominance of high-intensity conflicts, with their relatively ...
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This chapter examines the rise and fall of operational art in the Israeli armed forces. It argues that until the early 1970s the dominance of high-intensity conflicts, with their relatively favourable conditions for battlefield manoeuvre, enabled Israeli operational art to flourish. Since then, operational art became a lost art form, a trend that Israel sought to overcome by establishing the Operational Theory Research Institute in 1995, but the author maintains that the effort failed miserably because it created a postmodern theoretical construct and terminology that few could understand and relate to. Furthermore, in terms of leadership training the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) focused more on equipping commanders with managerial skills than on grooming great captains.Less
This chapter examines the rise and fall of operational art in the Israeli armed forces. It argues that until the early 1970s the dominance of high-intensity conflicts, with their relatively favourable conditions for battlefield manoeuvre, enabled Israeli operational art to flourish. Since then, operational art became a lost art form, a trend that Israel sought to overcome by establishing the Operational Theory Research Institute in 1995, but the author maintains that the effort failed miserably because it created a postmodern theoretical construct and terminology that few could understand and relate to. Furthermore, in terms of leadership training the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) focused more on equipping commanders with managerial skills than on grooming great captains.
Jonathan Sachs
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195376128
- eISBN:
- 9780199871643
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195376128.003.0005
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
Shelley's later writing, despite its obvious fascination with Greece, represents Romanticism's most complicated engagement with Rome. Though considerable attention has been given to Shelley's ...
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Shelley's later writing, despite its obvious fascination with Greece, represents Romanticism's most complicated engagement with Rome. Though considerable attention has been given to Shelley's Hellenism, scholars have little to say about Shelley's use of Rome. This chapter argues that such critical oversight has left us with an incomplete understanding of the meaning and importance of Shelley's Hellenism, one which cannot be remedied without a sharper sense of Shelley's appreciation of antiquity more broadly and of the relationship between Greece and Rome in particular. To watch the changing fortunes of Athens and Rome in such later works as The Philosophical View of Reform, the “Ode to Liberty,” The Defence of Poetry, and Hellas reveals the critical role that Rome plays in Shelley's historicism and his strategies for understanding the past, which, in turn, exposes the relationship of these techniques to the deeply political functions of Shelley's classicism and his historiography.Less
Shelley's later writing, despite its obvious fascination with Greece, represents Romanticism's most complicated engagement with Rome. Though considerable attention has been given to Shelley's Hellenism, scholars have little to say about Shelley's use of Rome. This chapter argues that such critical oversight has left us with an incomplete understanding of the meaning and importance of Shelley's Hellenism, one which cannot be remedied without a sharper sense of Shelley's appreciation of antiquity more broadly and of the relationship between Greece and Rome in particular. To watch the changing fortunes of Athens and Rome in such later works as The Philosophical View of Reform, the “Ode to Liberty,” The Defence of Poetry, and Hellas reveals the critical role that Rome plays in Shelley's historicism and his strategies for understanding the past, which, in turn, exposes the relationship of these techniques to the deeply political functions of Shelley's classicism and his historiography.
Greg Walker
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199283330
- eISBN:
- 9780191712630
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199283330.003.0015
- Subject:
- Literature, 16th-century and Renaissance Literature
This chapter examines Wyatt’s embassy to the Imperial court of Charles V and his consequential arrest and interrogation by the Privy Council over allegations of treason. Wyatt’s impatience with his ...
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This chapter examines Wyatt’s embassy to the Imperial court of Charles V and his consequential arrest and interrogation by the Privy Council over allegations of treason. Wyatt’s impatience with his king’s unwillingness to accept his advice, his attempts to use unorthodox methods to infiltrate the counsels of Cardinal Reginald Pole, and his loose talk among his friends and compatriots, all laid him open to charges of disloyalty from jealous or suspicious rivals; charges which were addressed and powerfully rebutted in two prose texts which Wyatt drew up while he was in prison, known for convenience sake as The Declaration and The Defence. Read together, the two texts provide an unparalleled insight into the principles and anxieties motivating Wyatt at this crucial point in his life.Less
This chapter examines Wyatt’s embassy to the Imperial court of Charles V and his consequential arrest and interrogation by the Privy Council over allegations of treason. Wyatt’s impatience with his king’s unwillingness to accept his advice, his attempts to use unorthodox methods to infiltrate the counsels of Cardinal Reginald Pole, and his loose talk among his friends and compatriots, all laid him open to charges of disloyalty from jealous or suspicious rivals; charges which were addressed and powerfully rebutted in two prose texts which Wyatt drew up while he was in prison, known for convenience sake as The Declaration and The Defence. Read together, the two texts provide an unparalleled insight into the principles and anxieties motivating Wyatt at this crucial point in his life.
Martin S. Navias
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198277545
- eISBN:
- 9780191684180
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277545.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
During the 1950s nuclear weapons began to play an increasingly important role in Britain’s defence policy. The development of thermonuclear bombs and assessments of the great destruction that would ...
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During the 1950s nuclear weapons began to play an increasingly important role in Britain’s defence policy. The development of thermonuclear bombs and assessments of the great destruction that would result from an exchange of nuclear warheads helped alter Britain’s planning for war, and influenced the structure and deployment of her armed forces. This book analyses the significance of the 1957 White Paper on Defence in the context of British strategic planning during the mid-1950s. It assesses claims that the White Paper represented a culmination of trends already prevalent in British defence planning, discusses whether the basis for a truly independent deterrent was established during 1955–6, and identifies continuities and discontinuities in strategic policies. A major theme throughout is the relationship between nuclear deterrence and the shape and size of conventional forces. Before Duncan Sandys became Minister of Defence, that ministry seemed unable to impose itself on the service departments. Sandys, however, was able to override many traditional service preferences. The result was the adoption of a British New Look: conventional forces were reduced, greater relative importance was placed on the nuclear deterrent, but once more the requirements of a truly independent deterrent did not receive priority.Less
During the 1950s nuclear weapons began to play an increasingly important role in Britain’s defence policy. The development of thermonuclear bombs and assessments of the great destruction that would result from an exchange of nuclear warheads helped alter Britain’s planning for war, and influenced the structure and deployment of her armed forces. This book analyses the significance of the 1957 White Paper on Defence in the context of British strategic planning during the mid-1950s. It assesses claims that the White Paper represented a culmination of trends already prevalent in British defence planning, discusses whether the basis for a truly independent deterrent was established during 1955–6, and identifies continuities and discontinuities in strategic policies. A major theme throughout is the relationship between nuclear deterrence and the shape and size of conventional forces. Before Duncan Sandys became Minister of Defence, that ministry seemed unable to impose itself on the service departments. Sandys, however, was able to override many traditional service preferences. The result was the adoption of a British New Look: conventional forces were reduced, greater relative importance was placed on the nuclear deterrent, but once more the requirements of a truly independent deterrent did not receive priority.
Martins S. Navias
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198277545
- eISBN:
- 9780191684180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277545.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter seeks to outline Army and Navy perceptions of their roles and required capabilities in the thermonuclear era as they expressed themselves during the Eden administration. It discusses the ...
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This chapter seeks to outline Army and Navy perceptions of their roles and required capabilities in the thermonuclear era as they expressed themselves during the Eden administration. It discusses the Royal Navy’s attachment to both broken-backed warfare and a worldwide cold war role as well as its nuclear ambitions as well as the Army’s view of its functions in Europe during wartime, its favoured order of battle, and its attitude to national service in the thermonuclear era. At the core of these discussions is the Navy and Army’s stance on the ‘long war-short war’ dichotomy and the difficulties the Ministry of Defence felt in imposing economic constraints and strategic coherence on disparate strategic visions.Less
This chapter seeks to outline Army and Navy perceptions of their roles and required capabilities in the thermonuclear era as they expressed themselves during the Eden administration. It discusses the Royal Navy’s attachment to both broken-backed warfare and a worldwide cold war role as well as its nuclear ambitions as well as the Army’s view of its functions in Europe during wartime, its favoured order of battle, and its attitude to national service in the thermonuclear era. At the core of these discussions is the Navy and Army’s stance on the ‘long war-short war’ dichotomy and the difficulties the Ministry of Defence felt in imposing economic constraints and strategic coherence on disparate strategic visions.
Martins S. Navias
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198277545
- eISBN:
- 9780191684180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277545.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In 1957 the new Minister of Defence, Duncan Sandys, sought to mould British defence policy and force structure to reflect the exigencies of war in the thermonuclear age. His termination of national ...
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In 1957 the new Minister of Defence, Duncan Sandys, sought to mould British defence policy and force structure to reflect the exigencies of war in the thermonuclear age. His termination of national service meant that even relatively, the importance of the deterrent would increase. His stress on the independence of Britain’s deterrent gave the impression to some of a new departure in British defence policy — at least in terms of the degree of commitment attributed to this posture. This chapter investigates these issues and analyses the contribution of Duncan Sandys to the substance of Britain’s nuclear strategy through a review of the 1957 White Paper negotiations as well as that document’s immediate implications for force structuring. It describes the political environment of the post-Suez world in which Sandys had to function and it argues that although he was guided by a strategic vision which recognized the merits of a policy of nuclear deterrence, he was more directly and immediately impressed by the economic necessity of terminating national service. It is further contended that his ‘New Look’ force posture followed more from the relative decline of conventional forces than from new plans for an increase in the absolute power of Britain’s nuclear deterrent.Less
In 1957 the new Minister of Defence, Duncan Sandys, sought to mould British defence policy and force structure to reflect the exigencies of war in the thermonuclear age. His termination of national service meant that even relatively, the importance of the deterrent would increase. His stress on the independence of Britain’s deterrent gave the impression to some of a new departure in British defence policy — at least in terms of the degree of commitment attributed to this posture. This chapter investigates these issues and analyses the contribution of Duncan Sandys to the substance of Britain’s nuclear strategy through a review of the 1957 White Paper negotiations as well as that document’s immediate implications for force structuring. It describes the political environment of the post-Suez world in which Sandys had to function and it argues that although he was guided by a strategic vision which recognized the merits of a policy of nuclear deterrence, he was more directly and immediately impressed by the economic necessity of terminating national service. It is further contended that his ‘New Look’ force posture followed more from the relative decline of conventional forces than from new plans for an increase in the absolute power of Britain’s nuclear deterrent.
David McKay
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198280583
- eISBN:
- 9780191684364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198280583.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter discusses the events from 1945 to 1982 that may have paved the way for the establishment of the EU. After the global war in 1945 the dominant world powers, the U.S. and the Soviet Union, ...
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This chapter discusses the events from 1945 to 1982 that may have paved the way for the establishment of the EU. After the global war in 1945 the dominant world powers, the U.S. and the Soviet Union, had developed clear policies towards Europe and European reconstruction. The first tentative move towards European cooperation came in 1949 with the creation of the Council of Europe and it was followed by the signing of the European Defence Community (EDC) in 1952. But between 1954 and 1980, a political union was absent from the agenda of European nations. And other events like the Falklands War in 1982 resulted in discord rather than harmony among the Member States of the European Community.Less
This chapter discusses the events from 1945 to 1982 that may have paved the way for the establishment of the EU. After the global war in 1945 the dominant world powers, the U.S. and the Soviet Union, had developed clear policies towards Europe and European reconstruction. The first tentative move towards European cooperation came in 1949 with the creation of the Council of Europe and it was followed by the signing of the European Defence Community (EDC) in 1952. But between 1954 and 1980, a political union was absent from the agenda of European nations. And other events like the Falklands War in 1982 resulted in discord rather than harmony among the Member States of the European Community.
Gareth Mulvenna
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781781383261
- eISBN:
- 9781786944061
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9781781383261.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Tartan Gangs and Paramilitaries is a new oral history of the loyalist backlash of the early 1970s in Northern Ireland. In the violent maelstrom of Belfast in 1971 and 1972 many young members of ...
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Tartan Gangs and Paramilitaries is a new oral history of the loyalist backlash of the early 1970s in Northern Ireland. In the violent maelstrom of Belfast in 1971 and 1972 many young members of loyalist youth gangs known as ‘Tartans’ converged with fledgling paramilitary groups such as the Red Hand Commando, Ulster Volunteer Force and Young Citizen Volunteers. This fresh account focuses on the manner in which the loyalist community in Belfast reacted to an increasingly vicious Provisional IRA campaign and explores the violent role that young loyalist men played in the period from 1970 – 1975. Through the use of unique one-on-one interviews former members of Tartan gangs and loyalist paramilitaries explain what motivated them to cross the Rubicon from gang activity to paramilitaries. The book utilises a wide range of sources such as newspaper articles, loyalist newssheets, coroners’ inquest reports and government memorandums to provide the context for a dynamic new study of the emergence of loyalist paramilitarism.Less
Tartan Gangs and Paramilitaries is a new oral history of the loyalist backlash of the early 1970s in Northern Ireland. In the violent maelstrom of Belfast in 1971 and 1972 many young members of loyalist youth gangs known as ‘Tartans’ converged with fledgling paramilitary groups such as the Red Hand Commando, Ulster Volunteer Force and Young Citizen Volunteers. This fresh account focuses on the manner in which the loyalist community in Belfast reacted to an increasingly vicious Provisional IRA campaign and explores the violent role that young loyalist men played in the period from 1970 – 1975. Through the use of unique one-on-one interviews former members of Tartan gangs and loyalist paramilitaries explain what motivated them to cross the Rubicon from gang activity to paramilitaries. The book utilises a wide range of sources such as newspaper articles, loyalist newssheets, coroners’ inquest reports and government memorandums to provide the context for a dynamic new study of the emergence of loyalist paramilitarism.
Michael E. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199604104
- eISBN:
- 9780191741531
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199604104.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has been one of the most active areas of European foreign policy in recent years, and has launched over 20 foreign security operations since 2003. ...
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The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has been one of the most active areas of European foreign policy in recent years, and has launched over 20 foreign security operations since 2003. However, as the EU treaties are fairly limited in describing how the CSDP is supposed to operate, the EU has had to engage in a high degree of institutional improvisation in attempting to implement CSDP operations. This development demands further examination in light of not only the growing ambitions of the EU itself but also in terms of the increasing demands for security assistance placed on a variety of IOs, such as the UN, NATO, and the OSCE. This chapter examines these processes of institutional learning and change, paying close attention to several key CSDP operations that involve a mix of civilian and military tools; this type of integrated or ‘comprehensive approach’ is in fact rapidly becoming a hallmark of CSDP operations and may yield useful lessons for other attempts at crisis intervention and state-building. This is a critical question not only for European affairs but also for scholars of world politics and international development in light of recent experiences in Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, Liberia, and elsewhere.Less
The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has been one of the most active areas of European foreign policy in recent years, and has launched over 20 foreign security operations since 2003. However, as the EU treaties are fairly limited in describing how the CSDP is supposed to operate, the EU has had to engage in a high degree of institutional improvisation in attempting to implement CSDP operations. This development demands further examination in light of not only the growing ambitions of the EU itself but also in terms of the increasing demands for security assistance placed on a variety of IOs, such as the UN, NATO, and the OSCE. This chapter examines these processes of institutional learning and change, paying close attention to several key CSDP operations that involve a mix of civilian and military tools; this type of integrated or ‘comprehensive approach’ is in fact rapidly becoming a hallmark of CSDP operations and may yield useful lessons for other attempts at crisis intervention and state-building. This is a critical question not only for European affairs but also for scholars of world politics and international development in light of recent experiences in Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, Liberia, and elsewhere.
Thomas McFarland
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198182870
- eISBN:
- 9780191673894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198182870.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
This chapter discusses a texture from the so-called second generation. It notes that it was Shelley's admiration of Rousseau that originally heralded this volume's shift to the texture of origins; ...
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This chapter discusses a texture from the so-called second generation. It notes that it was Shelley's admiration of Rousseau that originally heralded this volume's shift to the texture of origins; and it seems fitting, therefore, Rousseau and his effect having provided such important patternings up to now, that Shelley, Rousseau's celebrator and disciple and the second-generation Romantic, provided the texture to be descried in another part of the fabric called Romanticism. It also evaluates the differences as well as the similarities in the works of Coleridge, Rousseau, and Shelley. It notes that the whole point of Shelley's composition of the internally directed verse was, as it were, to loosen the grasp of actuality. It also discusses Shelley's masterpieces, Adonais, Defence of Poetry and ‘Mont Blanc’.Less
This chapter discusses a texture from the so-called second generation. It notes that it was Shelley's admiration of Rousseau that originally heralded this volume's shift to the texture of origins; and it seems fitting, therefore, Rousseau and his effect having provided such important patternings up to now, that Shelley, Rousseau's celebrator and disciple and the second-generation Romantic, provided the texture to be descried in another part of the fabric called Romanticism. It also evaluates the differences as well as the similarities in the works of Coleridge, Rousseau, and Shelley. It notes that the whole point of Shelley's composition of the internally directed verse was, as it were, to loosen the grasp of actuality. It also discusses Shelley's masterpieces, Adonais, Defence of Poetry and ‘Mont Blanc’.
Bryan Shelley
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198122845
- eISBN:
- 9780191671562
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198122845.003.0007
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
One common interpretation across modern criticism involves how Shelley is to be perceived as a ‘prophetic poet’ since, according to Victorian Gilfillan, Shelley's ‘burdened soul’ brought the ...
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One common interpretation across modern criticism involves how Shelley is to be perceived as a ‘prophetic poet’ since, according to Victorian Gilfillan, Shelley's ‘burdened soul’ brought the Israelite prophets' conscience to mind. Also, Bennett Weaver expressed that Shelley was able to address the social evils during his time prophetically. However, the notion of being ‘prophetic’ especially in terms of post-Christian writing is not without uncertainties. Shelley's notion of prophecy is evidently different from that of biblical writers since the poet in the ‘Ode to Naples’ represents one who discerns the political and social developments that determine ‘fate’. This chapter examines the poet as a prophet in Defence of Poetry in which the poet expresses the future in the present.Less
One common interpretation across modern criticism involves how Shelley is to be perceived as a ‘prophetic poet’ since, according to Victorian Gilfillan, Shelley's ‘burdened soul’ brought the Israelite prophets' conscience to mind. Also, Bennett Weaver expressed that Shelley was able to address the social evils during his time prophetically. However, the notion of being ‘prophetic’ especially in terms of post-Christian writing is not without uncertainties. Shelley's notion of prophecy is evidently different from that of biblical writers since the poet in the ‘Ode to Naples’ represents one who discerns the political and social developments that determine ‘fate’. This chapter examines the poet as a prophet in Defence of Poetry in which the poet expresses the future in the present.
Bryan Shelley
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198122845
- eISBN:
- 9780191671562
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198122845.003.0008
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
A political hope was shown in Shelley's Queen Mab that a ‘garden’ that is viewed to exceed the beauty of Eden will come about through material progress. However, in the Defence, he expressed that ‘a ...
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A political hope was shown in Shelley's Queen Mab that a ‘garden’ that is viewed to exceed the beauty of Eden will come about through material progress. However, in the Defence, he expressed that ‘a paradise was created as out of the wrecks of Eden’ wherein love serves as the means of attaining what is viewed to be eternal, or an Eden that is not affected by change and time. Also, Shelley suggested an understanding that concerns how Eden and its realms are not reachable in this life since Eden cannot exist without Eve. As this chapter explores the notion of achieving something that even resembles the garden of Eden, it also looks into how the garden is often associated with woman in connection with Eve, and how some feminine ideals are often expressed.Less
A political hope was shown in Shelley's Queen Mab that a ‘garden’ that is viewed to exceed the beauty of Eden will come about through material progress. However, in the Defence, he expressed that ‘a paradise was created as out of the wrecks of Eden’ wherein love serves as the means of attaining what is viewed to be eternal, or an Eden that is not affected by change and time. Also, Shelley suggested an understanding that concerns how Eden and its realms are not reachable in this life since Eden cannot exist without Eve. As this chapter explores the notion of achieving something that even resembles the garden of Eden, it also looks into how the garden is often associated with woman in connection with Eve, and how some feminine ideals are often expressed.
A.G. Noorani
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195678291
- eISBN:
- 9780199080588
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195678291.003.0057
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter analyses the issue of deployment of the army on the request of the state government to quell disturbances. Mr Sharad Pawar's criticism on the frequent deployment of the army has been ...
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This chapter analyses the issue of deployment of the army on the request of the state government to quell disturbances. Mr Sharad Pawar's criticism on the frequent deployment of the army has been widely welcomed. The army should be brought out only under extreme circumstances, as when anti-national forces threaten to destroy the country's fabric and the police and paramilitary forces fail to pacify or curb the situation. The army was trained to 'shoot to kill' and it is grievously callous on the part of the civil administration to embroil it in such situations. There appears to be a conflict between Sections 130(3) and 131 of the Criminal Procedure Code and the Defence Services Regulations. Sections 130 and 131 reflect British practice in the nineteenth century. A suitable revision of Sections 130 and 131 of the Code will offer an effective check.Less
This chapter analyses the issue of deployment of the army on the request of the state government to quell disturbances. Mr Sharad Pawar's criticism on the frequent deployment of the army has been widely welcomed. The army should be brought out only under extreme circumstances, as when anti-national forces threaten to destroy the country's fabric and the police and paramilitary forces fail to pacify or curb the situation. The army was trained to 'shoot to kill' and it is grievously callous on the part of the civil administration to embroil it in such situations. There appears to be a conflict between Sections 130(3) and 131 of the Criminal Procedure Code and the Defence Services Regulations. Sections 130 and 131 reflect British practice in the nineteenth century. A suitable revision of Sections 130 and 131 of the Code will offer an effective check.
Howard G. Brown
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205425
- eISBN:
- 9780191676628
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205425.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the history of the formation of the revolutionary government in France during the later part of the 18th century. The destruction of executive power between April 1792 and April ...
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This chapter examines the history of the formation of the revolutionary government in France during the later part of the 18th century. The destruction of executive power between April 1792 and April 1793 led to the creation of revolutionary means of directing the war effort and to the gradual disappearance of the separation of powers. The rebuilding of state power began in April 1793 when the Committee of Public Safety replaced the Committee of General Defence and made it possible for the legislature to usurp executive power without destroying it.Less
This chapter examines the history of the formation of the revolutionary government in France during the later part of the 18th century. The destruction of executive power between April 1792 and April 1793 led to the creation of revolutionary means of directing the war effort and to the gradual disappearance of the separation of powers. The rebuilding of state power began in April 1793 when the Committee of Public Safety replaced the Committee of General Defence and made it possible for the legislature to usurp executive power without destroying it.
Fatma H. Sayed
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774160165
- eISBN:
- 9781617970276
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774160165.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Identification of various external pressures on the Egyptian Ministry of Education makes them accept models of democratization, decentralization, and governance in education. Due to the absence of ...
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Identification of various external pressures on the Egyptian Ministry of Education makes them accept models of democratization, decentralization, and governance in education. Due to the absence of results from development assistance funds directed to the developing world over several decades, their inefficient administration, and corrupt practices at several levels make the development agencies revise their development philosophies and procedures. The desire of the development agencies to find an alternative course for development assistance has opened a door to the concepts of participation, ownership, and empowerment of local communities. In the beginning of 1990s, these new ideas materialized into development assistance and soft plan policies. In this context, decentralization became a major condition for achieving success in development assistance.Less
Identification of various external pressures on the Egyptian Ministry of Education makes them accept models of democratization, decentralization, and governance in education. Due to the absence of results from development assistance funds directed to the developing world over several decades, their inefficient administration, and corrupt practices at several levels make the development agencies revise their development philosophies and procedures. The desire of the development agencies to find an alternative course for development assistance has opened a door to the concepts of participation, ownership, and empowerment of local communities. In the beginning of 1990s, these new ideas materialized into development assistance and soft plan policies. In this context, decentralization became a major condition for achieving success in development assistance.
S. P. Mackenzie
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205777
- eISBN:
- 9780191676789
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205777.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This chapter examines influence of the invasion scare of 1939 in the establishment of the Local Defence Volunteers (LDV) in Britain. Unlike in 1949, the reality of war in 1939 proved rather different ...
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This chapter examines influence of the invasion scare of 1939 in the establishment of the Local Defence Volunteers (LDV) in Britain. Unlike in 1949, the reality of war in 1939 proved rather different than popularly expected. There was uncertainty over what the Germans intend to against Britain and this caused public scare. To address spontaneous public action and to show that authorities were responsive to the parliament and the press, the government announced the formation of the LDV.Less
This chapter examines influence of the invasion scare of 1939 in the establishment of the Local Defence Volunteers (LDV) in Britain. Unlike in 1949, the reality of war in 1939 proved rather different than popularly expected. There was uncertainty over what the Germans intend to against Britain and this caused public scare. To address spontaneous public action and to show that authorities were responsive to the parliament and the press, the government announced the formation of the LDV.
S. P. Mackenzie
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205777
- eISBN:
- 9780191676789
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205777.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This chapter discusses the formation of the Local Defence Volunteers (LDV) in Britain in the spring of 1940. Secretary of State for War Anthony Eden made the official announcement about LDV's ...
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This chapter discusses the formation of the Local Defence Volunteers (LDV) in Britain in the spring of 1940. Secretary of State for War Anthony Eden made the official announcement about LDV's formation on May 14, 1949 just after the BBC news. In his speech, Eden mentioned about giving a chance for those not eligible to enrol in the regular forces who wanted to be allowed to serve in defence of their country in its hour of peril. The next day, around 250,000 listed their names to become part of the LDV, and by the end of May, the numbers reached between 300,000 and 400,000.Less
This chapter discusses the formation of the Local Defence Volunteers (LDV) in Britain in the spring of 1940. Secretary of State for War Anthony Eden made the official announcement about LDV's formation on May 14, 1949 just after the BBC news. In his speech, Eden mentioned about giving a chance for those not eligible to enrol in the regular forces who wanted to be allowed to serve in defence of their country in its hour of peril. The next day, around 250,000 listed their names to become part of the LDV, and by the end of May, the numbers reached between 300,000 and 400,000.
S. P. Mackenzie
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205777
- eISBN:
- 9780191676789
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205777.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This chapter examines the preparation of the Local Defence Volunteer (LDV) or the Home Guard during the summer of 1940. The commander in chief of the Home Forces Edmund Ironside grouped the LDV into ...
More
This chapter examines the preparation of the Local Defence Volunteer (LDV) or the Home Guard during the summer of 1940. The commander in chief of the Home Forces Edmund Ironside grouped the LDV into 22 infantry divisions and one armoured division for anti-invasion roles. Ironside acknowledged the weakness of the Home Guard but he was immensely stirred by their patriotic enthusiasm. This chapter also discusses some of the problems in terms of the discipline and training of the volunteers.Less
This chapter examines the preparation of the Local Defence Volunteer (LDV) or the Home Guard during the summer of 1940. The commander in chief of the Home Forces Edmund Ironside grouped the LDV into 22 infantry divisions and one armoured division for anti-invasion roles. Ironside acknowledged the weakness of the Home Guard but he was immensely stirred by their patriotic enthusiasm. This chapter also discusses some of the problems in terms of the discipline and training of the volunteers.
