Jason Edward Black
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628461961
- eISBN:
- 9781626744899
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628461961.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Situating U.S. governmental and American Indian rhetoric in a colonial context, Native Dualities examines the ways that both the government’s rhetoric and American Indian voices contributed to the ...
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Situating U.S. governmental and American Indian rhetoric in a colonial context, Native Dualities examines the ways that both the government’s rhetoric and American Indian voices contributed to the policies of Native-U.S. relations throughout the removal and allotment eras. These discourses co-constructed the silhouette of both the U.S. government and American Indian communities and contributed textures to the relationship. Such interactions – though certainly not equal between the two – illustrated the hybrid-like potentialities of Native-U.S. rhetoric in the nineteenth century. That is, both colonizing discourse and decolonizing discourse added arguments, identity constructions, and rhetorical moves to the colonizing relationship. Native Dualities demonstrates how American Indians decolonized dominant rhetoric in terms of impeding the realization of the removal and allotment policies. Likewise, by turning around the U.S. government’s discursive frameworks and inventing their own rhetorical tactics, American Indian communities helped restyle their own and the government’s identities. Interestingly, during the first third of the twentieth century, Native decolonization was shown to impact the Native-U.S. relationship as American Indians urged for the successful passage of the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924 and the Indian New Deal of 1934. In the end, Native communities were granted increased rhetorical power through decolonization, though the U.S. government still retained a powerful colonial influence over them. This duality of inclusion (controlled citizenship) and exclusion (controlled sovereignty) was built incrementally through the removal and allotment periods, and existed as residues of nineteenth century Native-U.S. rhetorical relations.Less
Situating U.S. governmental and American Indian rhetoric in a colonial context, Native Dualities examines the ways that both the government’s rhetoric and American Indian voices contributed to the policies of Native-U.S. relations throughout the removal and allotment eras. These discourses co-constructed the silhouette of both the U.S. government and American Indian communities and contributed textures to the relationship. Such interactions – though certainly not equal between the two – illustrated the hybrid-like potentialities of Native-U.S. rhetoric in the nineteenth century. That is, both colonizing discourse and decolonizing discourse added arguments, identity constructions, and rhetorical moves to the colonizing relationship. Native Dualities demonstrates how American Indians decolonized dominant rhetoric in terms of impeding the realization of the removal and allotment policies. Likewise, by turning around the U.S. government’s discursive frameworks and inventing their own rhetorical tactics, American Indian communities helped restyle their own and the government’s identities. Interestingly, during the first third of the twentieth century, Native decolonization was shown to impact the Native-U.S. relationship as American Indians urged for the successful passage of the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924 and the Indian New Deal of 1934. In the end, Native communities were granted increased rhetorical power through decolonization, though the U.S. government still retained a powerful colonial influence over them. This duality of inclusion (controlled citizenship) and exclusion (controlled sovereignty) was built incrementally through the removal and allotment periods, and existed as residues of nineteenth century Native-U.S. rhetorical relations.
Jason Edward Black
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628461961
- eISBN:
- 9781626744899
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628461961.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter introduces the contexts of Removal and Allotment and positions them both in the ideology of colonization and the response of decolonization. Throughout the chapter U.S. colonial ideas ...
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This chapter introduces the contexts of Removal and Allotment and positions them both in the ideology of colonization and the response of decolonization. Throughout the chapter U.S. colonial ideas (paternalism, territoriality, godly authority) are discussed as a larger framework. Simultaneously, Native decolonization efforts are outlined as a responsive, critical framework. A larger purpose statement – regarding the Native-U.S. relationship and the importance of studying the mingling of governmental and Native rhetoric in these contexts – is also articulated. The chapter ends with a discussion of textual veracity, textual methods, and the inevitability of strategic essentializing.Less
This chapter introduces the contexts of Removal and Allotment and positions them both in the ideology of colonization and the response of decolonization. Throughout the chapter U.S. colonial ideas (paternalism, territoriality, godly authority) are discussed as a larger framework. Simultaneously, Native decolonization efforts are outlined as a responsive, critical framework. A larger purpose statement – regarding the Native-U.S. relationship and the importance of studying the mingling of governmental and Native rhetoric in these contexts – is also articulated. The chapter ends with a discussion of textual veracity, textual methods, and the inevitability of strategic essentializing.
Jason Edward Black
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628461961
- eISBN:
- 9781626744899
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628461961.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Chapter One reviews the history of U.S.-Native relations, focusing on cultural interactions and identities during the time period between European contact and the beginning of the nineteenth century ...
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Chapter One reviews the history of U.S.-Native relations, focusing on cultural interactions and identities during the time period between European contact and the beginning of the nineteenth century prior to the removal era. The chapter details the early interactions among American Indians and both Europeans and Americans. Both institutional and Native discourses are examined to demonstrate how colonizing rhetoric and decolonizing rhetoric undergirded the early relationships preceding the Indian Removal Act of 1830.Less
Chapter One reviews the history of U.S.-Native relations, focusing on cultural interactions and identities during the time period between European contact and the beginning of the nineteenth century prior to the removal era. The chapter details the early interactions among American Indians and both Europeans and Americans. Both institutional and Native discourses are examined to demonstrate how colonizing rhetoric and decolonizing rhetoric undergirded the early relationships preceding the Indian Removal Act of 1830.
Jason Edward Black
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628461961
- eISBN:
- 9781626744899
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628461961.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Chapter Three explores the ways that Native communities contributed to the removal debate and responded to the governmental and Native identities it helped construct. American Indians were able to ...
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Chapter Three explores the ways that Native communities contributed to the removal debate and responded to the governmental and Native identities it helped construct. American Indians were able to decolonize these identities by appropriating governmental arguments and rhetorical strategies as empowering investitures into the removal debate – a form of detournement. Such interaction with governmental discourses illumines the hybridity at work, as both the U.S. government and American Indians added to the U.S.-Native relationship. Specifically, the rhetoric of the Five Civilized Tribes and the Sauk Nation indicates that they sought sovereignties positioned outside the scope of U.S. citizenship. Overall, the chapter contends that American Indians exhibited a decolonial agency that at once slowed the implementation of removal and also challenged the governmental and indigenous identities stimulated by the policy.Less
Chapter Three explores the ways that Native communities contributed to the removal debate and responded to the governmental and Native identities it helped construct. American Indians were able to decolonize these identities by appropriating governmental arguments and rhetorical strategies as empowering investitures into the removal debate – a form of detournement. Such interaction with governmental discourses illumines the hybridity at work, as both the U.S. government and American Indians added to the U.S.-Native relationship. Specifically, the rhetoric of the Five Civilized Tribes and the Sauk Nation indicates that they sought sovereignties positioned outside the scope of U.S. citizenship. Overall, the chapter contends that American Indians exhibited a decolonial agency that at once slowed the implementation of removal and also challenged the governmental and indigenous identities stimulated by the policy.
Jason Edward Black
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628461961
- eISBN:
- 9781626744899
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628461961.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Chapter Five analyzes the fashion in which American Indians decolonially challenged the allotment policy, and did so in part by restructuring their dependent – and the government’s self-professed ...
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Chapter Five analyzes the fashion in which American Indians decolonially challenged the allotment policy, and did so in part by restructuring their dependent – and the government’s self-professed paternal and controlling – identities codified in the Dawes Act. American Indians crafted their rebukes to the policy through petitions, memorials, biographical and literary works and public speeches that served to interrogate the identity duality that was entrenched in the allotment scheme. Specifically, the chapter argues that American Indians gave voice to this dualism and these identity constructions, signifying both the hybrid relationship between the U.S. government and Native communities and the decolonizing power of indigenous voice in exposing the government’s contradictions. That is, Dawes era Native discourses pierced the mythos of republicanism and paternalism that the government imbricated, thus revealing the incongruence of the allotment policy’s promises of citizenship combined with further exclusion.Less
Chapter Five analyzes the fashion in which American Indians decolonially challenged the allotment policy, and did so in part by restructuring their dependent – and the government’s self-professed paternal and controlling – identities codified in the Dawes Act. American Indians crafted their rebukes to the policy through petitions, memorials, biographical and literary works and public speeches that served to interrogate the identity duality that was entrenched in the allotment scheme. Specifically, the chapter argues that American Indians gave voice to this dualism and these identity constructions, signifying both the hybrid relationship between the U.S. government and Native communities and the decolonizing power of indigenous voice in exposing the government’s contradictions. That is, Dawes era Native discourses pierced the mythos of republicanism and paternalism that the government imbricated, thus revealing the incongruence of the allotment policy’s promises of citizenship combined with further exclusion.
Henri Lauzière
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231175500
- eISBN:
- 9780231540179
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231175500.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Some Islamic scholars hold that Salafism is an innovative and rationalist effort at Islamic reform that emerged in the late nineteenth century but gradually disappeared in the mid twentieth. Others ...
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Some Islamic scholars hold that Salafism is an innovative and rationalist effort at Islamic reform that emerged in the late nineteenth century but gradually disappeared in the mid twentieth. Others argue Salafism is an anti-innovative and antirationalist movement of Islamic purism that dates back to the medieval period yet persists today. Though they contradict each other, both narratives are considered authoritative, making it hard for outsiders to grasp the history of the ideology and its core beliefs. Introducing a third, empirically based genealogy, The Making of Salafism understands the concept as a recent phenomenon projected back onto the past, and it sees its purist evolution as a direct result of decolonization. Henri Lauzière builds his history on the transnational networks of Taqi al-Din al-Hilali (1894–1987), a Moroccan Salafi who, with his associates, participated in the development of Salafism as both a term and a movement. Traveling from Rabat to Mecca, from Calcutta to Berlin, al-Hilali interacted with high-profile Salafi scholars and activists who eventually abandoned Islamic modernism in favor of a more purist approach to Islam. Today, Salafis tend to claim a monopoly on religious truth and freely confront other Muslims on theological and legal issues. Lauzière’s pathbreaking history recognizes the social forces behind this purist turn, uncovering the popular origins of what has become a global phenomenon.Less
Some Islamic scholars hold that Salafism is an innovative and rationalist effort at Islamic reform that emerged in the late nineteenth century but gradually disappeared in the mid twentieth. Others argue Salafism is an anti-innovative and antirationalist movement of Islamic purism that dates back to the medieval period yet persists today. Though they contradict each other, both narratives are considered authoritative, making it hard for outsiders to grasp the history of the ideology and its core beliefs. Introducing a third, empirically based genealogy, The Making of Salafism understands the concept as a recent phenomenon projected back onto the past, and it sees its purist evolution as a direct result of decolonization. Henri Lauzière builds his history on the transnational networks of Taqi al-Din al-Hilali (1894–1987), a Moroccan Salafi who, with his associates, participated in the development of Salafism as both a term and a movement. Traveling from Rabat to Mecca, from Calcutta to Berlin, al-Hilali interacted with high-profile Salafi scholars and activists who eventually abandoned Islamic modernism in favor of a more purist approach to Islam. Today, Salafis tend to claim a monopoly on religious truth and freely confront other Muslims on theological and legal issues. Lauzière’s pathbreaking history recognizes the social forces behind this purist turn, uncovering the popular origins of what has become a global phenomenon.
Tony Chafer and Alexander Keese (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780719089305
- eISBN:
- 9781526135858
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089305.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
2010 marked the 50th anniversary of the ‘Year of Africa’. All France’s colonies in sub-Saharan Africa gained their independence in that year. This book brings together leading scholars from across ...
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2010 marked the 50th anniversary of the ‘Year of Africa’. All France’s colonies in sub-Saharan Africa gained their independence in that year. This book brings together leading scholars from across the globe to review ‘Francophone Africa at Fifty’. It examines continuities from the colonial to the post-colonial period and analyses the diverse and multi-faceted legacy of French colonial rule in sub-Saharan Africa. It also reviews the decolonization of French West Africa in comparative perspective and observes how independence is remembered and commemorated fifty years on.Less
2010 marked the 50th anniversary of the ‘Year of Africa’. All France’s colonies in sub-Saharan Africa gained their independence in that year. This book brings together leading scholars from across the globe to review ‘Francophone Africa at Fifty’. It examines continuities from the colonial to the post-colonial period and analyses the diverse and multi-faceted legacy of French colonial rule in sub-Saharan Africa. It also reviews the decolonization of French West Africa in comparative perspective and observes how independence is remembered and commemorated fifty years on.
Stuart Schaar
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231171564
- eISBN:
- 9780231539920
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231171564.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
During the period of the Cold War, while most analysts reduced intertnational relations to the conflict between the USSR and the US, Eqbal argued that insurgency and revolutionary warfare better ...
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During the period of the Cold War, while most analysts reduced intertnational relations to the conflict between the USSR and the US, Eqbal argued that insurgency and revolutionary warfare better defined the post 1945 era. Many proxy wars took the lives of millions of Third World citizens; He also saw Imperialism as a dying phenomenon, but wanted to speed up the porocesses of decolonization.Less
During the period of the Cold War, while most analysts reduced intertnational relations to the conflict between the USSR and the US, Eqbal argued that insurgency and revolutionary warfare better defined the post 1945 era. Many proxy wars took the lives of millions of Third World citizens; He also saw Imperialism as a dying phenomenon, but wanted to speed up the porocesses of decolonization.
Ma Ngok
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789888083497
- eISBN:
- 9789882209107
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888083497.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter outlines the transformation of governance in Hong Kong since the colonial era. It seeks to debunk the myth of Hong Kong's colonial laissez-faire policy as the result of ideological ...
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This chapter outlines the transformation of governance in Hong Kong since the colonial era. It seeks to debunk the myth of Hong Kong's colonial laissez-faire policy as the result of ideological adherence to the free market, arguing instead that it resulted from a carefully forged strategy of legitimizing colonial rule. After 1997, the state form of Hong Kong changed as a consequence of decolonization, democratization and economic restructuring. Continued efforts to incorporate new political elites into the state machinery have an eclectic, increasingly fragmented, corporatist structure. A type of 'organizational feudalism' leads to ad hoc and particularistic interventions by the government.Less
This chapter outlines the transformation of governance in Hong Kong since the colonial era. It seeks to debunk the myth of Hong Kong's colonial laissez-faire policy as the result of ideological adherence to the free market, arguing instead that it resulted from a carefully forged strategy of legitimizing colonial rule. After 1997, the state form of Hong Kong changed as a consequence of decolonization, democratization and economic restructuring. Continued efforts to incorporate new political elites into the state machinery have an eclectic, increasingly fragmented, corporatist structure. A type of 'organizational feudalism' leads to ad hoc and particularistic interventions by the government.
Zahia Smail Salhi
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780748645800
- eISBN:
- 9781474464833
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748645800.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
The prime objective of this book is to underpin the Maghrebi encounter with the Occident, which evolved from fascination (Occidentophilia), to Ambivalence, to rejection of the Occident ...
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The prime objective of this book is to underpin the Maghrebi encounter with the Occident, which evolved from fascination (Occidentophilia), to Ambivalence, to rejection of the Occident (Occidentophobia) through a process of decolonization.
It sheds light on many neglected areas in the study of Maghrebi literature and culture by rehabilitating and reintegrating the pre-1945 novels, hitherto shunned as politically decadent, into the history and the study of Maghrebi literature. It deconstructs this endangered literary corpus with depth, and situates it with other works produced concomitantly in the form of manifestos and letters addressed to the Occident. These works represent the voices of the pre-1945 elite who expressed their fascination of occidental culture with a plea to the Occident to extend its civilization to all factions of the colonized society.
The book traces literary depictions of Algerian converts to Christianity; a community obliterated by mainstream discourse of nationalism. The book unearths their voices and gives explanation to their anguishes, and dilemmas as exemplified in the work of the Amrouche family of authors.
It also delves into Imperial Feminism and the writings of French feminists on their mission to save native Maghrebi women. To complete the circle the book examines the birth of Algerian feminism and its depiction through literature, of the native women’s encounter with the Occident as advocated in the work of Djamila Débêche.
The book concludes by analysing the reasons behind the failure of the East –West encounter as the end of a chimera.Less
The prime objective of this book is to underpin the Maghrebi encounter with the Occident, which evolved from fascination (Occidentophilia), to Ambivalence, to rejection of the Occident (Occidentophobia) through a process of decolonization.
It sheds light on many neglected areas in the study of Maghrebi literature and culture by rehabilitating and reintegrating the pre-1945 novels, hitherto shunned as politically decadent, into the history and the study of Maghrebi literature. It deconstructs this endangered literary corpus with depth, and situates it with other works produced concomitantly in the form of manifestos and letters addressed to the Occident. These works represent the voices of the pre-1945 elite who expressed their fascination of occidental culture with a plea to the Occident to extend its civilization to all factions of the colonized society.
The book traces literary depictions of Algerian converts to Christianity; a community obliterated by mainstream discourse of nationalism. The book unearths their voices and gives explanation to their anguishes, and dilemmas as exemplified in the work of the Amrouche family of authors.
It also delves into Imperial Feminism and the writings of French feminists on their mission to save native Maghrebi women. To complete the circle the book examines the birth of Algerian feminism and its depiction through literature, of the native women’s encounter with the Occident as advocated in the work of Djamila Débêche.
The book concludes by analysing the reasons behind the failure of the East –West encounter as the end of a chimera.
Teishan A. Latner
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469635460
- eISBN:
- 9781469635484
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635460.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Cuba’s grassroots revolution prevailed on America's doorstep in 1959, fueling intense interest within the multiracial American Left even as it provoked a backlash from the U.S. political ...
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Cuba’s grassroots revolution prevailed on America's doorstep in 1959, fueling intense interest within the multiracial American Left even as it provoked a backlash from the U.S. political establishment. In this groundbreaking book, historian Teishan A. Latner contends that in the era of decolonization, the Vietnam War, and Black Power, socialist Cuba claimed center stage for a generation of Americans who looked to the insurgent Third World for inspiration and political theory. As Americans studied the island’s achievements in education, health care, and economic redistribution, Cubans in turn looked to U.S. leftists as collaborators in the global battle against inequality and allies in the nation’s Cold War struggle with Washington. By forging ties with organizations such as the Venceremos Brigade, the Black Panther Party, and the Cuban American students of the Antonio Maceo Brigade, and by providing political asylum to activists such as Assata Shakur, Cuba became a durable global influence on the U.S. Left. Drawing from extensive archival and oral history research and declassified FBI and CIA documents, this is the first multidecade examination of the encounter between the Cuban Revolution and the U.S. Left after 1959. By analyzing Cuba’s multifaceted impact on American radicalism, Latner contributes to a growing body of scholarship that has globalized the study of U.S. social justice movements.Less
Cuba’s grassroots revolution prevailed on America's doorstep in 1959, fueling intense interest within the multiracial American Left even as it provoked a backlash from the U.S. political establishment. In this groundbreaking book, historian Teishan A. Latner contends that in the era of decolonization, the Vietnam War, and Black Power, socialist Cuba claimed center stage for a generation of Americans who looked to the insurgent Third World for inspiration and political theory. As Americans studied the island’s achievements in education, health care, and economic redistribution, Cubans in turn looked to U.S. leftists as collaborators in the global battle against inequality and allies in the nation’s Cold War struggle with Washington. By forging ties with organizations such as the Venceremos Brigade, the Black Panther Party, and the Cuban American students of the Antonio Maceo Brigade, and by providing political asylum to activists such as Assata Shakur, Cuba became a durable global influence on the U.S. Left. Drawing from extensive archival and oral history research and declassified FBI and CIA documents, this is the first multidecade examination of the encounter between the Cuban Revolution and the U.S. Left after 1959. By analyzing Cuba’s multifaceted impact on American radicalism, Latner contributes to a growing body of scholarship that has globalized the study of U.S. social justice movements.
Sasha D. Pack
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781503606678
- eISBN:
- 9781503607538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503606678.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
This chapter analyzes the regional consequences of the advent of American hegemony over the course of two decades. The smuggling and banditry that long characterized the region continued, ultimately ...
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This chapter analyzes the regional consequences of the advent of American hegemony over the course of two decades. The smuggling and banditry that long characterized the region continued, ultimately undermining the Franco regime’s efforts to manipulate its currency and build an autarkic economy. Spanish attention to the southern border did not flag, however, as the Franco regime believed a strong authoritarian government in Morocco was necessary to prevent the spread of communism into northwest Africa and eventually Europe. This consideration, rather than the maintenance of a formal colonial position, guided Spanish action in Morocco from the middle of the World War II and throughout the decolonization era. Despite border conflicts further to the south, authoritarian Spain worked to support a strong independent Moroccan monarchy under Muhammad V and Hassan II, even when a revived Riffian movement presented Spain with the opportunity to restore a neocolonial foothold there.Less
This chapter analyzes the regional consequences of the advent of American hegemony over the course of two decades. The smuggling and banditry that long characterized the region continued, ultimately undermining the Franco regime’s efforts to manipulate its currency and build an autarkic economy. Spanish attention to the southern border did not flag, however, as the Franco regime believed a strong authoritarian government in Morocco was necessary to prevent the spread of communism into northwest Africa and eventually Europe. This consideration, rather than the maintenance of a formal colonial position, guided Spanish action in Morocco from the middle of the World War II and throughout the decolonization era. Despite border conflicts further to the south, authoritarian Spain worked to support a strong independent Moroccan monarchy under Muhammad V and Hassan II, even when a revived Riffian movement presented Spain with the opportunity to restore a neocolonial foothold there.
Sasha D. Pack
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781503606678
- eISBN:
- 9781503607538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503606678.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
This chapter discusses the post-World War II reconfiguration of ethno-religious relations that put an end to the modern trans-Gibraltar borderland society as it had developed over the previous ...
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This chapter discusses the post-World War II reconfiguration of ethno-religious relations that put an end to the modern trans-Gibraltar borderland society as it had developed over the previous century. Jews and Europeans departed Morocco in haste in the 1950s, their safety increasingly uncertain. Spain waged a protracted campaign to recover Gibraltar from Great Britain, closing the border by 1969. Although the effort failed, it put an end to Gibraltar’s role as a hub for traffic and circulation around the Strait for over a century. New currents of migration brought Africans northward, making Spain substantially multiconfessional for the first time in its modern history. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the new regional conjuncture and some remarks about the historical changes and continuities over the previous centuries.Less
This chapter discusses the post-World War II reconfiguration of ethno-religious relations that put an end to the modern trans-Gibraltar borderland society as it had developed over the previous century. Jews and Europeans departed Morocco in haste in the 1950s, their safety increasingly uncertain. Spain waged a protracted campaign to recover Gibraltar from Great Britain, closing the border by 1969. Although the effort failed, it put an end to Gibraltar’s role as a hub for traffic and circulation around the Strait for over a century. New currents of migration brought Africans northward, making Spain substantially multiconfessional for the first time in its modern history. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the new regional conjuncture and some remarks about the historical changes and continuities over the previous centuries.
Wen-Qing Ngoei
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501716409
- eISBN:
- 9781501716423
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501716409.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This book recasts the history of American empire in Southeast and East Asia from the Pacific War through the end of U.S. intervention in Vietnam. It argues that anticommunist nationalism in Southeast ...
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This book recasts the history of American empire in Southeast and East Asia from the Pacific War through the end of U.S. intervention in Vietnam. It argues that anticommunist nationalism in Southeast Asia intersected with pre-existing local antipathy toward China and the Chinese diaspora to usher the region from European-dominated colonialism into U.S. hegemony. Between the late 1940s and 1960s, Britain and its indigenous collaborators in Malaya and Singapore overcame the mostly Chinese communist parties of both countries by crafting a pro-West nationalism that was anticommunist by virtue of its anti-Chinese bent. London’s neocolonial schemes in Malaya and Singapore prolonged its influence in the region. But as British power waned, Malaya and Singapore’s anticommunist leaders cast their lot with the United States, mirroring developments in the Philippines, Thailand and, in the late 1960s, Indonesia. In effect, these five anticommunist states established, with U.S. support, a geostrategic arc of containment that encircled China and its regional allies. Southeast Asia’s imperial transition from colonial order to U.S. empire, through the tumult of decolonization and the Cold War, was more characteristic of the region’s history after 1945 than Indochina’s embrace of communism.Less
This book recasts the history of American empire in Southeast and East Asia from the Pacific War through the end of U.S. intervention in Vietnam. It argues that anticommunist nationalism in Southeast Asia intersected with pre-existing local antipathy toward China and the Chinese diaspora to usher the region from European-dominated colonialism into U.S. hegemony. Between the late 1940s and 1960s, Britain and its indigenous collaborators in Malaya and Singapore overcame the mostly Chinese communist parties of both countries by crafting a pro-West nationalism that was anticommunist by virtue of its anti-Chinese bent. London’s neocolonial schemes in Malaya and Singapore prolonged its influence in the region. But as British power waned, Malaya and Singapore’s anticommunist leaders cast their lot with the United States, mirroring developments in the Philippines, Thailand and, in the late 1960s, Indonesia. In effect, these five anticommunist states established, with U.S. support, a geostrategic arc of containment that encircled China and its regional allies. Southeast Asia’s imperial transition from colonial order to U.S. empire, through the tumult of decolonization and the Cold War, was more characteristic of the region’s history after 1945 than Indochina’s embrace of communism.
Mark Hampton
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719099236
- eISBN:
- 9781526104373
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719099236.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
This book examines the place of Hong Kong in the British imagination between the end of World War II and the return of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty in July 1997. It argues that Hong Kong has ...
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This book examines the place of Hong Kong in the British imagination between the end of World War II and the return of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty in July 1997. It argues that Hong Kong has received far less attention from British imperial and cultural historians than its importance would warrant. It argues that Hong Kong was a site within which competing yet complementary visions of Britishness could be imagined—for example, the British penchant for trade and good government, and their role as agents of modernization. At the centre of these articulations of Britishness was the idea of Hong Kong as a “barren rock” that British administration had transformed into one of the world’s great cities—and the danger of its destruction by the impending “handover” to communist China in 1997. The book moves freely between the activities of Britons in Hong Kong and portrayals of Hong Kong within domestic British discourse. It uses such printed primary sources as newspapers, memoirs, novels, political pamphlets, and academic texts, and archival material located in the United Kingdom, Hong Kong, the United States, and Australia, including government documents, regimental collections, and personal papers.Less
This book examines the place of Hong Kong in the British imagination between the end of World War II and the return of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty in July 1997. It argues that Hong Kong has received far less attention from British imperial and cultural historians than its importance would warrant. It argues that Hong Kong was a site within which competing yet complementary visions of Britishness could be imagined—for example, the British penchant for trade and good government, and their role as agents of modernization. At the centre of these articulations of Britishness was the idea of Hong Kong as a “barren rock” that British administration had transformed into one of the world’s great cities—and the danger of its destruction by the impending “handover” to communist China in 1997. The book moves freely between the activities of Britons in Hong Kong and portrayals of Hong Kong within domestic British discourse. It uses such printed primary sources as newspapers, memoirs, novels, political pamphlets, and academic texts, and archival material located in the United Kingdom, Hong Kong, the United States, and Australia, including government documents, regimental collections, and personal papers.
Françoise Vergès
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781789620665
- eISBN:
- 9781789623666
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781789620665.003.0029
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
In 1971, French white male doctors were found not-guilty of having practiced thousands of abortions and sterilizations without consent upon poor women of color in Reunion Island, a French overseas ...
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In 1971, French white male doctors were found not-guilty of having practiced thousands of abortions and sterilizations without consent upon poor women of color in Reunion Island, a French overseas territory. I analyze why, though it was still a crime severely punished in France, abortion was encouraged by the State in a French ‘postcolony’ and why the French Women’s Liberation Movement, despite being aware of the scandal, never confronted the dual politics of the State nor sought to understand what it meant for their struggle for rights. I see in this blindness the legacy of an indifference connected to what Aimé Césaire called the ‘shock in return’ of slavery and colonialism onto Europe, which has shaped even progressive movements such as feminism. I conclude that ‘the situation of poor and non-white women in overseas territories was ignored because it did not fit the narrative of a universal patriarchy that treated women in a similar way despite their race, ethnicity, age, ability, sexuality and class. The struggles of overseas feminist movements were also ignored because they did not fit the narrative of European women’s struggle for emancipation: they insisted too much on colonialism and anti-racism’.Less
In 1971, French white male doctors were found not-guilty of having practiced thousands of abortions and sterilizations without consent upon poor women of color in Reunion Island, a French overseas territory. I analyze why, though it was still a crime severely punished in France, abortion was encouraged by the State in a French ‘postcolony’ and why the French Women’s Liberation Movement, despite being aware of the scandal, never confronted the dual politics of the State nor sought to understand what it meant for their struggle for rights. I see in this blindness the legacy of an indifference connected to what Aimé Césaire called the ‘shock in return’ of slavery and colonialism onto Europe, which has shaped even progressive movements such as feminism. I conclude that ‘the situation of poor and non-white women in overseas territories was ignored because it did not fit the narrative of a universal patriarchy that treated women in a similar way despite their race, ethnicity, age, ability, sexuality and class. The struggles of overseas feminist movements were also ignored because they did not fit the narrative of European women’s struggle for emancipation: they insisted too much on colonialism and anti-racism’.
Mark Hampton
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719099236
- eISBN:
- 9781526104373
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719099236.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
This introduction argues that Hong Kong has rarely been considered as a site for Britain’s cultural engagement with its empire. For the period since World War II, the predominant narrative has been ...
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This introduction argues that Hong Kong has rarely been considered as a site for Britain’s cultural engagement with its empire. For the period since World War II, the predominant narrative has been decolonization, and yet in the case of Hong Kong, the first three post-war decades were a crucial period of colonial state-building, with the British departure becoming assured only after 1982. The British cultural engagement with Hong Kong was most salient for those Britons who actually spent time there, whether as expatriates, short-term soldiers, or tourists. Hong Kong featured in metropolitan discourse most strikingly at particular moments of crisis, including the 1967-68 riots and the 1997 “handover”. At the same time, though, it featured in more sporadic and mundane ways, whether as the setting for a television series or romance novel, the source of children’s toys, or in reports from friends and family who lived and worked there. In these various contexts, Hong Kong constituted a site for the projection of a distinct Britishness.Less
This introduction argues that Hong Kong has rarely been considered as a site for Britain’s cultural engagement with its empire. For the period since World War II, the predominant narrative has been decolonization, and yet in the case of Hong Kong, the first three post-war decades were a crucial period of colonial state-building, with the British departure becoming assured only after 1982. The British cultural engagement with Hong Kong was most salient for those Britons who actually spent time there, whether as expatriates, short-term soldiers, or tourists. Hong Kong featured in metropolitan discourse most strikingly at particular moments of crisis, including the 1967-68 riots and the 1997 “handover”. At the same time, though, it featured in more sporadic and mundane ways, whether as the setting for a television series or romance novel, the source of children’s toys, or in reports from friends and family who lived and worked there. In these various contexts, Hong Kong constituted a site for the projection of a distinct Britishness.
Traci Brynne Voyles
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780816692644
- eISBN:
- 9781452950778
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816692644.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Native American Studies
Wastelanding tells the history of the uranium industry on Navajo land in the U.S. Southwest, asking why certain landscapes and the peoples who inhabit them come to be targeted for disproportionate ...
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Wastelanding tells the history of the uranium industry on Navajo land in the U.S. Southwest, asking why certain landscapes and the peoples who inhabit them come to be targeted for disproportionate exposure to environmental harm. Uranium mines and mills on the Navajo Nation land have long supplied U.S. nuclear weapons and energy programs. By 1942, mines on the reservation were the main source of uranium for the top-secret Manhattan Project. Today, the Navajo Nation is home to more than a thousand abandoned uranium sites. Radiation-related diseases are endemic, claiming the health and lives of former miners and nonminers alike. Traci Brynne Voyles argues that the presence of uranium mining on Diné (Navajo) land constitutes a clear case of environmental racism. Looking at discursive constructions of landscapes, she explores how environmental racism develops over time. For Voyles, the “wasteland,” where toxic materials are excavated, exploited, and dumped, is both a racial and a spatial signifier that renders an environment and the bodies that inhabit it pollutable. Because environmental inequality is inherent in the way industrialism operates, the wasteland is the “other” through which modern industrialism is established. In examining the history of wastelanding in Navajo country, Voyles provides “an environmental justice history” of uranium mining, revealing how just as “civilization” has been defined on and through “savagery,” environmental privilege is produced by portraying other landscapes as marginal, worthless, and pollutable.Less
Wastelanding tells the history of the uranium industry on Navajo land in the U.S. Southwest, asking why certain landscapes and the peoples who inhabit them come to be targeted for disproportionate exposure to environmental harm. Uranium mines and mills on the Navajo Nation land have long supplied U.S. nuclear weapons and energy programs. By 1942, mines on the reservation were the main source of uranium for the top-secret Manhattan Project. Today, the Navajo Nation is home to more than a thousand abandoned uranium sites. Radiation-related diseases are endemic, claiming the health and lives of former miners and nonminers alike. Traci Brynne Voyles argues that the presence of uranium mining on Diné (Navajo) land constitutes a clear case of environmental racism. Looking at discursive constructions of landscapes, she explores how environmental racism develops over time. For Voyles, the “wasteland,” where toxic materials are excavated, exploited, and dumped, is both a racial and a spatial signifier that renders an environment and the bodies that inhabit it pollutable. Because environmental inequality is inherent in the way industrialism operates, the wasteland is the “other” through which modern industrialism is established. In examining the history of wastelanding in Navajo country, Voyles provides “an environmental justice history” of uranium mining, revealing how just as “civilization” has been defined on and through “savagery,” environmental privilege is produced by portraying other landscapes as marginal, worthless, and pollutable.
Julie L. Davis
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816674282
- eISBN:
- 9781452947495
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816674282.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Native American Studies
This book provides the first history of the AIM survival schools, two alternative, culture-based, community-controlled schools founded by American Indian Movement organizers and other Indian parents ...
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This book provides the first history of the AIM survival schools, two alternative, culture-based, community-controlled schools founded by American Indian Movement organizers and other Indian parents in the Twin Cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul in 1972. It tells a compelling story of the schools’ origins, structure, curriculum, evolution, closing, impact, and meanings from 1968 to 2008. Davis explains how the survival schools emerged out of AIM’s local activism in education, child welfare, and juvenile justice and its efforts to achieve self-determination over urban Indian institutions. At the Heart of the Earth School in Minneapolis and the Red School House in St. Paul, AIM organizers and other local Indian people worked to nurture the identity development of Native youth through an educational system grounded in traditional Indigenous knowledge, infused with social consciousness, galvanized by political action, and anchored by a commitment to community. Over time, the schools themselves would become a center for Indigenous community in the Twin Cities and the upper Midwest region. Davis argues that the people of the survival schools practiced Indigenous decolonization. They resisted American settler colonialism’s “logic of elimination” by repairing the losses incurred through past assimilation policies and rejecting the ongoing assimilationist imperative at work in post-World War Two urban society. Survival school educators also contributed to the transnational Indigenous decolonization movement by restoring connections to individual and collective Indigenous identities; rebuilding Native family and community structures; and revitalizing Indigenous languages, cultural knowledge, and spiritual systems.Less
This book provides the first history of the AIM survival schools, two alternative, culture-based, community-controlled schools founded by American Indian Movement organizers and other Indian parents in the Twin Cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul in 1972. It tells a compelling story of the schools’ origins, structure, curriculum, evolution, closing, impact, and meanings from 1968 to 2008. Davis explains how the survival schools emerged out of AIM’s local activism in education, child welfare, and juvenile justice and its efforts to achieve self-determination over urban Indian institutions. At the Heart of the Earth School in Minneapolis and the Red School House in St. Paul, AIM organizers and other local Indian people worked to nurture the identity development of Native youth through an educational system grounded in traditional Indigenous knowledge, infused with social consciousness, galvanized by political action, and anchored by a commitment to community. Over time, the schools themselves would become a center for Indigenous community in the Twin Cities and the upper Midwest region. Davis argues that the people of the survival schools practiced Indigenous decolonization. They resisted American settler colonialism’s “logic of elimination” by repairing the losses incurred through past assimilation policies and rejecting the ongoing assimilationist imperative at work in post-World War Two urban society. Survival school educators also contributed to the transnational Indigenous decolonization movement by restoring connections to individual and collective Indigenous identities; rebuilding Native family and community structures; and revitalizing Indigenous languages, cultural knowledge, and spiritual systems.
Erin Twohig
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781789620214
- eISBN:
- 9781789629576
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781789620214.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
The second chapter examines novels that cast Arabization as a new colonialism: both by arguing that Standard Arabic was a “foreign” language in Algeria, and by discussing foreign teachers as a ...
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The second chapter examines novels that cast Arabization as a new colonialism: both by arguing that Standard Arabic was a “foreign” language in Algeria, and by discussing foreign teachers as a colonizing force bent on shaping a multilingual Algerian people into an “Arab” nation. Karima Berger’s l’Enfant des deux mondes (The child of two worlds) argues that studying Arabic after independence made her French-educated protagonist feel like a colonial subject in her own country. Haydar Haydar’s Walimah li-aʻshaab al-bahr (A banquet for seaweed), written by a Syrian who taught in Algeria in the 1970s, tells the story of a young Iraqi teacher who falls in love with an Algerian student, and must fight society’s impression that he is a sexually “colonizing” threat. Despite different approaches, both novels use colonialism as a metaphor to understand Algeria’s assumed “otherness” to the Arab world. This otherness is reflected, and indeed reproduced, in official textbooks, which often present modern Algerian literature as the lesser other of metropolitan French or Middle Eastern canons. This chapter explores the problems and limits of the colonial as metaphor, along with pedagogical theories of “decolonizing the classroom.”Less
The second chapter examines novels that cast Arabization as a new colonialism: both by arguing that Standard Arabic was a “foreign” language in Algeria, and by discussing foreign teachers as a colonizing force bent on shaping a multilingual Algerian people into an “Arab” nation. Karima Berger’s l’Enfant des deux mondes (The child of two worlds) argues that studying Arabic after independence made her French-educated protagonist feel like a colonial subject in her own country. Haydar Haydar’s Walimah li-aʻshaab al-bahr (A banquet for seaweed), written by a Syrian who taught in Algeria in the 1970s, tells the story of a young Iraqi teacher who falls in love with an Algerian student, and must fight society’s impression that he is a sexually “colonizing” threat. Despite different approaches, both novels use colonialism as a metaphor to understand Algeria’s assumed “otherness” to the Arab world. This otherness is reflected, and indeed reproduced, in official textbooks, which often present modern Algerian literature as the lesser other of metropolitan French or Middle Eastern canons. This chapter explores the problems and limits of the colonial as metaphor, along with pedagogical theories of “decolonizing the classroom.”
