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Creating a Unified Business Elite

Joel Rast

in The Origins of the Dual City: Housing, Race, and Redevelopment in Twentieth-Century Chicago

This chapter describes the origins of the Chicago Central Area Committee, an organization created in 1956 to provide a unified voice for the downtown corporate community in civic affairs. Prior to ... More

This chapter describes the origins of the Chicago Central Area Committee, an organization created in 1956 to provide a unified voice for the downtown corporate community in civic affairs. Prior to 1956 the downtown business community was fragmented, with no single organization representing downtown interests as a whole. By the mid-1950s, certain business leaders saw this as a growing problem. The passage of the Illinois Blighted Act in 1947 and the federal Housing Act of 1949 ushered in a series of slum clearance projects in the city’s central area sponsored by various neighborhood groups. Business leaders grew alarmed as these projects were introduced in piecemeal fashion, unconnected to any broader vision for downtown redevelopment. Business unity was forged through political struggles over concrete planning initiatives in which business elites became increasingly cognizant of their collective interests in the city’s slum clearance and redevelopment program.Less

Learning to Live with the Slums

Joel Rast

in The Origins of the Dual City: Housing, Race, and Redevelopment in Twentieth-Century Chicago

This chapter describes the development of Dearborn Park, a new housing development built in the South Loop during the 1970s and early 1980s. Dearborn Park, sponsored and financed by a group of ... More

This chapter describes the development of Dearborn Park, a new housing development built in the South Loop during the 1970s and early 1980s. Dearborn Park, sponsored and financed by a group of downtown business leaders associated with the Chicago Central Area Committee, was an effort to initiate the transformation of the near-downtown area into middle-class residential communities. The project was intended to increase the presence of middle-class whites in the downtown area, an objective viewed as central to the protection of downtown property values. Yet the project’s sponsors also sought to achieve some racial diversity in the new development. Concerned that the city’s growing black population would intensify white flight, the sponsors of Dearborn Park viewed the development as a model community that would disrupt rigid patterns of thinking about race and housing and persuade whites that integrated neighborhoods could work.Less

The Local Response to Sudden Industrialization

Sarah Jo Peterson

in Planning the Home Front: Building Bombers and Communities at Willow Run

For years, the Ford Motor Company brought dramatic changes around Detroit dating back to its expansion to Highland Park in 1910 and then to Dearborn in the 1920s. Hence, local residents could see the ... More

For years, the Ford Motor Company brought dramatic changes around Detroit dating back to its expansion to Highland Park in 1910 and then to Dearborn in the 1920s. Hence, local residents could see the Willow Run Bomber Plant as just another move by the company to expand west along the Michigan Central Railroad. The only physical manifestations of large-scale industrialization were the conversion of fields and orchards into steel and concrete. Ford’s relocation to Highland Park’s “Crystal Palace” and Dearborn’s River Rouge plant sparked social upheaval and economic disruption. In 1941, residents of Ypsilanti Township became anxious that the manic changes observed at Highland Park and Dearborn would soon be coming to their place. Meanwhile, local leaders saw Willow Run as the most recent manifestation of industrial suburbanization that characterized Detroit’s metropolitan area in the motor age.Less

Local Agendas and National Goals

David Andrew Nichols

in Engines of Diplomacy: Indian Trading Factories and the Negotiation of American Empire

The first U.S. Indian factories, opened at Coleraine, Detroit, Saint Stephens, and other locations, served the southeastern and Great Lakes Indian nations. The War Department instructed the factors ... More

The first U.S. Indian factories, opened at Coleraine, Detroit, Saint Stephens, and other locations, served the southeastern and Great Lakes Indian nations. The War Department instructed the factors to charge low prices for manufactured goods and avoid alienating their Indian trading partners. These instructions allowed Native Americans to turn the trading houses to their own ends, using them as hospitality centers, general stores, dumping points for unsaleable peltries (such as deerskins), and sources of credit for elites, like the Chickasaws' Colbert family. Concurrently, however, the United States used the factories to pursue its own secondary, lower-profile agendas: increasing its influence in contested borderlands, undermining foreign traders, and persuading some Indian nations to exchange factory debts for land cessions.Less

Rumors of War

Gillum Ferguson

in Illinois in the War of 1812

This chapter examines how, across Illinois Territory, relations between red and white were already changing. At Chicago, the members of the small American community remained confined to Fort Dearborn ... More

This chapter examines how, across Illinois Territory, relations between red and white were already changing. At Chicago, the members of the small American community remained confined to Fort Dearborn and the fortified agency house nearby. At Peoria, French villagers who had long enjoyed cordial relations with the Indians now began finding great numbers of their cattle killed, and the carcasses sometimes left at their doorsteps. At the southern end of the territory, at the mouth of Grand Pierre Creek, lived a family named Crawford, who was on civil terms with passing Indian hunting parties. The day the Indians learned of war, they painted their faces, assumed a hostile attitude, commandeered the family's boat, loaded it with game, and then paddled off down the river, never to return.Less

Traversing Arab and American Spaces: Community and Labor Organizing in the Southend

Pamela E. Pennock

in Rise of the Arab American Left: Activists, Allies, and Their Fight against Imperialism and Racism, 1960s-1980s

The chapter explores how a transnational Arab American political consciousness played out on the local level in a series of inter-related developments in Dearborn, Michigan, starting with a movement ... More

The chapter explores how a transnational Arab American political consciousness played out on the local level in a series of inter-related developments in Dearborn, Michigan, starting with a movement to fight the city’s plans to destroy a working-class, immigrant neighborhood called the Southend, the creation of ACCESS, an Arab American community center, and a movement to protest the United Auto Workers’ investments in Israeli bonds. Tied to these activities was the activism of the Arab Workers Caucus that combined struggles for workplace justice and justice for Palestine.Less

Enforcement Without Law

in Henry Ford's War on Jews and the Legal Battle Against Hate Speech

Even before the impact of Henry Ford's apology that ended his legal battle with Aaron Sapiro could be felt in the United States, Louis Marshall knew that the document would be useful abroad. Aware of ... More

Even before the impact of Henry Ford's apology that ended his legal battle with Aaron Sapiro could be felt in the United States, Louis Marshall knew that the document would be useful abroad. Aware of the fact that American citizens enjoyed constitutional protections, Marshall thought that anti-Semitism had more pernicious effects in other countries, especially in Eastern Europe where Jews were suffering from discrimination and violence. Ford's apology became the basis for his continuing relationship with Marshall, rather than his libel opponents. Ford made several promises that Marshall hoped he would keep, but kept only one: he shut down the Dearborn Independent. In writing the apology, Marshall was hoping that The International Jew, which he dubbed “the Anti-Semites Bible,” would no longer be published in the United States and Europe. Anti-Semitic publishers from Germany and South America challenged both the terms of Ford's apology and the arguments presented by Marshall to substitute the apology for law.Less

Dearborn’s First Mosques

Sally Howell

in Old Islam in Detroit: Rediscovering the Muslim American Past

This chapter explores the new Muslim American identities that took shape during the Great Depression. Reduced in size and sorted into ethnoracial enclaves, Detroit’s Muslims in the 1930s embraced ... More

This chapter explores the new Muslim American identities that took shape during the Great Depression. Reduced in size and sorted into ethnoracial enclaves, Detroit’s Muslims in the 1930s embraced life in America as their certain future. Arabic-speaking Muslim families faced a new impetus to organize: the need to provide religious education and a distinctive ethnoreligious social space for their American-born children. The mosques they built in this period, which effectively recognized Sunni and Shiʿi differences, were creative spaces in which Muslim American institutional practices, many of which survive today, were first objectified, negotiated, and stabilized.Less

Introduction

in Henry Ford's War on Jews and the Legal Battle Against Hate Speech

In the 1920s, Aaron Sapiro, a Jewish lawyer from California, filed a libel case against Henry Ford and his newspaper, the Dearborn Independent. Sapiro's lawsuit stemmed from a series of articles ... More

In the 1920s, Aaron Sapiro, a Jewish lawyer from California, filed a libel case against Henry Ford and his newspaper, the Dearborn Independent. Sapiro's lawsuit stemmed from a series of articles published by the newspaper which accused him of spearheading a Jewish conspiracy to subvert American agriculture. The case, Sapiro v. Ford, was declared a mistrial after the legal process was derailed by a series of bizarre events. To avoid a new trial, Ford issued an apology to the Jews in July 1927. The apology was penned by another Jewish lawyer, the renowned civil rights leader Louis Marshall. This book examines the complex triangulated relationships linking Ford and the two Jewish lawyers and explores how Sapiro and Marshall, who were supposed to be allies in the fight against anti-Semitism because both of them were Jews, almost failed to stop Ford in his war on their fellow Jews. This book also reflects on the historical development of the First Amendment by revealing divisions in the civil liberties community over how to respond to hate speech.Less

Ford's Megaphone

in Henry Ford's War on Jews and the Legal Battle Against Hate Speech

In America, it was common for industrial magnates to acquire newspapers or start their own. One of them was Henry Ford, the founder of Ford Motor Company. In late 1918, Ford's public image suffered, ... More

In America, it was common for industrial magnates to acquire newspapers or start their own. One of them was Henry Ford, the founder of Ford Motor Company. In late 1918, Ford's public image suffered, in part due to his legal battles with the Chicago Tribune and Ford Motor Company's minority shareholders. Ford blamed the national press for these troubles and decided to buy his own newspaper. That newspaper turned out to be the Dearborn Independent, which he bought for $1,000 and served as his print version of a megaphone that would amplify—but not modify—everything he wanted to say. This chapter focuses on the events surrounding Ford's acquisition of the Dearborn Independent and some of the people he hired to run it, including William J. Cameron, Fred Black, and Ernest Gustav Liebold. It also looks at the Independent's publication of a series of anti-Semitic articles based on the document Protocols of the Elders of Zion that explicitly racialized views of Jews and took anti-Semitism to a different level.Less

Marshall for the Defense

in Henry Ford's War on Jews and the Legal Battle Against Hate Speech

The anti-Semitic articles published by Henry Ford's Dearborn Independent in its May 22, 1920 issue drew different reactions from Jewish religious leaders, intellectuals, activists, and lawyers. Many ... More

The anti-Semitic articles published by Henry Ford's Dearborn Independent in its May 22, 1920 issue drew different reactions from Jewish religious leaders, intellectuals, activists, and lawyers. Many Jews called for action, but the mainstream press, including the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Chicago Tribune, and Wall Street Journal, was eerily silent. Jewish lawyer Louis Marshall, a renowned leader of American Jewish civil rights activism, sent a telegram to Ford accusing his newspaper of disseminating anti-Semitism that might attract undesirable legal attention because the articles were libelous. Rabbi Leo M. Franklin of Temple Beth-El in Detroit also stepped in to address the Ford situation, but got into an acrimonious exchange with Marshall.Less

Taking It to the Streets

in Henry Ford's War on Jews and the Legal Battle Against Hate Speech

In December 1920, the American Jewish Committee (AJC) published a pamphlet, “The Protocols, Bolshevism, and the Jews,” in response to the anti-Semitic articles that appeared in Henry Ford's newspaper ... More

In December 1920, the American Jewish Committee (AJC) published a pamphlet, “The Protocols, Bolshevism, and the Jews,” in response to the anti-Semitic articles that appeared in Henry Ford's newspaper Dearborn Independent. The pamphlet generated a wave of positive publicity for AJC, which was framing the debate according to Marshall's strategy: an attack on Jewish civil rights was also an attack on American civil rights. Marshall wanted to end Ford's war on Jews by reminding Americans of the danger of violating their rights as citizens. He and his fellow Jews found allies in urban mayors and police chiefs, who relied on criminal libel laws to ban sales of the Independent on city streets. Also condemning Ford's anti-Semitism were former U.S. Presidents William Howard Taft and Woodrow Wilson, who signed a protest statement together with more than a hundred church leaders, politicians, artists, literary figures, and educators. This chapter examines the wave of protests generated by Ford's anti-Semitic articles and focuses on some of the prominent figures involved, including the American Civil Liberties Union and Herman Bernstein.Less

The Other War

in Henry Ford's War on Jews and the Legal Battle Against Hate Speech

In April 1924, Henry Ford's Dearborn Independent started publishing a series of articles attacking Aaron Sapiro. However, the newspaper made crucial mistakes that Sapiro would exploit in his lawsuit, ... More

In April 1924, Henry Ford's Dearborn Independent started publishing a series of articles attacking Aaron Sapiro. However, the newspaper made crucial mistakes that Sapiro would exploit in his lawsuit, including inaccurate and false reporting. Meanwhile, Ford continued to eye Muscle Shoals. After January 1922, the Independent stopped publishing negative comment about Jews, but Ernest Gustav Liebold and Fred Black secretly commissioned a series of articles designed to bolster Ford's Muscle Shoals campaign, burnish his rural image, and reveal how trusts and financial institutions exploit American farmers. One of the Independent's contributors was freelance writer Harry H. Dunn, who wrote the series of articles attacking Sapiro, Jewish involvement in agriculture, and international Jewish financiers' subversion of the cooperative movement. Sapiro knew that libel law was on his side in his legal battle with Ford, whom he knew would never be converted from his anti-Semitism. On April 22, his lawyer, William Henry Gallagher, filed a libel suit against Ford in Detroit's federal court, ushering in the saga of Sapiro v. Ford.Less

The Lawsuit

in Henry Ford's War on Jews and the Legal Battle Against Hate Speech

Aaron Sapiro filed his libel lawsuit against Henry Ford and his newspaper, Dearborn Independent, in April 1925, and the trial finally got under way in 1927. Both sides used the intervening period, ... More

Aaron Sapiro filed his libel lawsuit against Henry Ford and his newspaper, Dearborn Independent, in April 1925, and the trial finally got under way in 1927. Both sides used the intervening period, known in the civil litigation process as the discovery phase, to gather evidence and depose witnesses. Sapiro discovered that Ford had no intention of defending his newspaper's anti-Semitic articles, and instead wanted to focus on Sapiro's Jewishness. Instead of trying to vindicate all Jews, Sapiro and his lawyer, William Henry Gallagher, emphasized conventional individual libel grounds. Ford's team, which included Missouri Senator James A. Reed, sought to regain the moral high ground by denying explicit anti-Semitism. For both sides, Sapiro v. Ford was about Sapiro, Jews, and cooperatives.Less

Trial and Mistrial

in Henry Ford's War on Jews and the Legal Battle Against Hate Speech

Sapiro v. Ford was held in Detroit's “Million Dollar Courtroom,” where Henry Ford's defense made a last-ditch attempt to avoid trial while the plaintiff tested Judge Fred M. Raymond's willingness to ... More

Sapiro v. Ford was held in Detroit's “Million Dollar Courtroom,” where Henry Ford's defense made a last-ditch attempt to avoid trial while the plaintiff tested Judge Fred M. Raymond's willingness to permit group-libel claims into the case. Clifford B. Longley and James A. Reed, two members of Ford's defense team, submitted a plea that was described by Aaron Sapiro's lawyer, William Henry Gallagher, as irrelevant and confusing. Gallagher and Sapiro attempted to force Ford to defend the Dearborn Independent's explicitly anti-Semitic statements, a motion that was rejected by Raymond. Gallagher vowed to prove that charges of a conspiracy involving a network of prominent American Jews were totally unfounded. This chapter provides an overview of the litigation process, including the selection of the jury, and the judge's decision to declare a mistrial.Less

Gates Takes Command

Kevin J. Weddle

in The Compleat Victory:: Saratoga and the American Revolution

This chapter discusses the events surrounding the assumption of command of the American Northern Department and Army by Horatio Gates. When Gates replaced Schuyler on August 18, the army had mostly ... More

This chapter discusses the events surrounding the assumption of command of the American Northern Department and Army by Horatio Gates. When Gates replaced Schuyler on August 18, the army had mostly recovered from the Ticonderoga shock, due to Schuyler’s efforts and to reinforcements of leaders and units sent by Washington. The militia-friendly Gates was popular with the New England units. During this period, the most notable of the reinforcing units was Colonel Daniel Morgan’s riflemen. When Gates took command, he faced myriad issues, not the least of which was Schuyler’s bitter and resentful staff officers still with the army, who tried to undermine the new commander. Gates soon moved the army north to a place called Bemis Heights, overlooking the Hudson and the Albany road. On September 13, Burgoyne moved the army across the Hudson to the west bank and began to move south. The armies would soon meet.Less

The Battle of Freeman’s Farm

Kevin J. Weddle

in The Compleat Victory:: Saratoga and the American Revolution

This chapter discusses the September 19, 1777, battle of Freeman’s Farm. In this battle, Burgoyne wanted to probe the American positions on Bemis Heights, skirt around Gates’s left flank, and then ... More

This chapter discusses the September 19, 1777, battle of Freeman’s Farm. In this battle, Burgoyne wanted to probe the American positions on Bemis Heights, skirt around Gates’s left flank, and then dash to Albany. Burgoyne advanced with three columns. Gates ordered Morgan’s and Dearborn’s units to attack, keeping the rest of the army behind their fortifications. Americans struck the British center column, then two more brigades attacked. Elements of Burgoyne’s other two columns marched to the middle, and the Americans repulsed. Burgoyne held the ground and claimed victory, but he suffered heavy casualties that he could not replace. As Burgoyne’s army grew weaker, Gates’s army grew stronger. After the battle, Arnold and Gates quarrelled bitterly for days over credit for the battle’s outcome and the follow-on actions. Contrary to most accounts of the campaign, Gates and Arnold had reconciled by the time of the second battle.Less

The Battle of Bemis Heights

Kevin J. Weddle

in The Compleat Victory:: Saratoga and the American Revolution

This chapter discusses the battle of Bemis Heights. While Burgoyne waited in vain for Clinton to arrive, he was forced to reduce rations. On October 7 he led a 1,700-man reconnaissance force to ... More

This chapter discusses the battle of Bemis Heights. While Burgoyne waited in vain for Clinton to arrive, he was forced to reduce rations. On October 7 he led a 1,700-man reconnaissance force to forage for food to gather intelligence on Gates’s left flank. Contrary to the standard account of the battle, Gates and Arnold had reconciled to the point where they could work with each other. Gates ordered Arnold to send Morgan’s riflemen to attack. More American units were sent into the battle, and finally Arnold asked Gates for more men to finish the enemy. Gates agreed. The Americans mortally wounded Fraser and Burgoyne’s force fled back to their fortifications. Arnold personally led an attack that seized Breymann’s fortified camp on Burgoyne’s far right flank. Arnold was seriously wounded but Burgoyne, with Americans on his flank, had no choice but to fall back. The next day he ordered a retreat.Less

Music Appreciation

Judith Bowman

in The Music Professor Online

This chapter describes issues related to teaching music appreciation online and presents experiences with online music appreciation instruction in narratives provided by professors teaching music ... More

This chapter describes issues related to teaching music appreciation online and presents experiences with online music appreciation instruction in narratives provided by professors teaching music appreciation online. It provides background on music appreciation pedagogy, including significant conferences on music in general studies. It describes the nature of music appreciation study as rooted in the disciplines of music theory and musicology, lists accreditation standards for music in general studies, and explains its signature pedagogy. It reviews the state of the practice, including pedagogical innovations as reported in the literature and the status of online music appreciation instruction as reported in a national survey. It features two professors who describe their online teaching experiences: music appreciation online for a diverse audience and music appreciation online for adult learners. Each professor offers suggestions for prospective online music appreciation teachers, and the chapter concludes with some lessons drawn from the field.Less