Roderick Martin
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198775690
- eISBN:
- 9780191695377
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198775690.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business, Political Economy
This book analyses changes in enterprises in seven European countries since 1989 — Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Russia, and Slovakia. Economic trends have differed vastly ...
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This book analyses changes in enterprises in seven European countries since 1989 — Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Russia, and Slovakia. Economic trends have differed vastly between these countries, but nevertheless, there are common objectives, common problems, and significant similarities in developments. This book shows the continuities, as well as the discontinuities, between the Socialist and post-Socialist periods. It argues that Central and Eastern European countries are developing a distinctive, hybrid form of post-Socialist economic system, largely dominated by enterprise managers in alliance with state administration DS politicized managerial capitalism. Privatization has not transformed management practices, but competition has.Less
This book analyses changes in enterprises in seven European countries since 1989 — Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Russia, and Slovakia. Economic trends have differed vastly between these countries, but nevertheless, there are common objectives, common problems, and significant similarities in developments. This book shows the continuities, as well as the discontinuities, between the Socialist and post-Socialist periods. It argues that Central and Eastern European countries are developing a distinctive, hybrid form of post-Socialist economic system, largely dominated by enterprise managers in alliance with state administration DS politicized managerial capitalism. Privatization has not transformed management practices, but competition has.
Milada Anna Vachudova
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199241194
- eISBN:
- 9780191602382
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241198.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The quality of political competition at the moment of transition explains the divergence in the domestic trajectories of East European states, steering Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic towards ...
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The quality of political competition at the moment of transition explains the divergence in the domestic trajectories of East European states, steering Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic towards liberal democracy, and Romania, Bulgaria and Slovakia towards illiberal democracy after 1989. From 1989 to 1994, the European Union (EU) exerted only passive leverage on its democratizing neighbours, reinforcing liberal strategies of reform but failing to avert illiberal ones. After 1995, the EU exerted active leverage on the domestic politics of credible future members through the enlargement process. The benefits and requirements of EU membership, combined with the structure of the EU’s pre-accession process, interacted with domestic factors to improve the quality of political competition and to accelerate political and economic reforms in candidate states. The enlargement of the EU has thus promoted a convergence towards liberal democracy across the region. I unpack the consequences of the pre-accession process for the quality of democracy in the new members, the dynamics of the negotiations between the old members and the candidates, and the impact of the 2004 enlargement on the future of European integration. I conclude by exploring the usefulness of the EU’s active leverage in promoting liberal democracy in other prospective members such as Turkey and the states of the Western Balkans, and the trade-offs of further enlargements for the EU itself. The most successful tool of EU foreign policy has turned out to be EU enlargement—and this book helps us understand why and how it works.Less
The quality of political competition at the moment of transition explains the divergence in the domestic trajectories of East European states, steering Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic towards liberal democracy, and Romania, Bulgaria and Slovakia towards illiberal democracy after 1989. From 1989 to 1994, the European Union (EU) exerted only passive leverage on its democratizing neighbours, reinforcing liberal strategies of reform but failing to avert illiberal ones. After 1995, the EU exerted active leverage on the domestic politics of credible future members through the enlargement process. The benefits and requirements of EU membership, combined with the structure of the EU’s pre-accession process, interacted with domestic factors to improve the quality of political competition and to accelerate political and economic reforms in candidate states. The enlargement of the EU has thus promoted a convergence towards liberal democracy across the region. I unpack the consequences of the pre-accession process for the quality of democracy in the new members, the dynamics of the negotiations between the old members and the candidates, and the impact of the 2004 enlargement on the future of European integration. I conclude by exploring the usefulness of the EU’s active leverage in promoting liberal democracy in other prospective members such as Turkey and the states of the Western Balkans, and the trade-offs of further enlargements for the EU itself. The most successful tool of EU foreign policy has turned out to be EU enlargement—and this book helps us understand why and how it works.
Carmen González‐Enríquez
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
An exploration is made of the nature and scope of de-communization and political justice in Czechoslovakia (the Czech Republic, Slovakia), Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland and Hungary, to each of ...
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An exploration is made of the nature and scope of de-communization and political justice in Czechoslovakia (the Czech Republic, Slovakia), Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland and Hungary, to each of which a section of the chapter is devoted. The term ‘political justice’ is here meant to refer to proceedings held to try crimes (generally related to political repression) committed by outgoing regimes. With the exception of Albania, transitions to democracy in these countries were initiated in 1989, and in all cases, great political tensions arose from demands for the punishment of former communist authorities and those responsible for political repression. These demands formed part of a wider political and cultural process, namely the reworking of public discourse on the nature of the communist regime, and their nature and results varied considerably from country to country; for example, only two – the former Czechoslovakia and Albania – actually carried out purges that affected large numbers of people. This chapter attempts to answer to two main questions: (1) what explains the differences in the scope and nature of the policies adopted, and (2) what impact have they had on the process of democratization. The focus is on the rationality of the political actors or the role that anti-communist campaigns had in shaping political competition, rather than the moral and legal debates surrounding the issue.Less
An exploration is made of the nature and scope of de-communization and political justice in Czechoslovakia (the Czech Republic, Slovakia), Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland and Hungary, to each of which a section of the chapter is devoted. The term ‘political justice’ is here meant to refer to proceedings held to try crimes (generally related to political repression) committed by outgoing regimes. With the exception of Albania, transitions to democracy in these countries were initiated in 1989, and in all cases, great political tensions arose from demands for the punishment of former communist authorities and those responsible for political repression. These demands formed part of a wider political and cultural process, namely the reworking of public discourse on the nature of the communist regime, and their nature and results varied considerably from country to country; for example, only two – the former Czechoslovakia and Albania – actually carried out purges that affected large numbers of people. This chapter attempts to answer to two main questions: (1) what explains the differences in the scope and nature of the policies adopted, and (2) what impact have they had on the process of democratization. The focus is on the rationality of the political actors or the role that anti-communist campaigns had in shaping political competition, rather than the moral and legal debates surrounding the issue.
Steven Saxonberg
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199246861
- eISBN:
- 9780191601965
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246866.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the reasons behind low female representation in the Czech parliament. It is argued that the nominating process is the biggest obstacle faced by female politicians. The absence ...
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This chapter examines the reasons behind low female representation in the Czech parliament. It is argued that the nominating process is the biggest obstacle faced by female politicians. The absence of a strong women’s movement causes parties that decide on how to balance the tickets to prioritise regional balance instead. Another reason is the lack of transparency in the nomination process of political parties, which tends to undermine female, minority, and other groups outside of the power structure.Less
This chapter examines the reasons behind low female representation in the Czech parliament. It is argued that the nominating process is the biggest obstacle faced by female politicians. The absence of a strong women’s movement causes parties that decide on how to balance the tickets to prioritise regional balance instead. Another reason is the lack of transparency in the nomination process of political parties, which tends to undermine female, minority, and other groups outside of the power structure.
Petr Kopecký
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes the transition of the Czech Republic from the federal Constitution of Czechoslovakia to the adoption of a new Constitution of the Czech Republic. The Czech Constitution is widely accepted ...
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Describes the transition of the Czech Republic from the federal Constitution of Czechoslovakia to the adoption of a new Constitution of the Czech Republic. The Czech Constitution is widely accepted to be a solid foundation for the country's democratic political system. The chapter focuses on the impact of historical legacies and shows how the nature of bargaining becomes more predictable when the domestic political actors involved in constitution‐drafting provide a stable set of opinions and motivations from which a compromise can be forged. In order to demonstrate this point, the chapter is divided into three parts. The first examines the key elements of the constitution‐making process in the Czechoslovak Federation between 1989 and 1992. It explains the crucial constitutional decisions made during Roundtable Talks and how this particular legacy, combined with the volatile nature of transition politics, resulted in Czechoslovakia's Velvet Divorce. The second part concentrates on the process of drafting the new Constitution of the Czech Republic at the end of 1992. Finally, Kopecky discusses the effects of the Constitution on the democratic Czech Republic.Less
Describes the transition of the Czech Republic from the federal Constitution of Czechoslovakia to the adoption of a new Constitution of the Czech Republic. The Czech Constitution is widely accepted to be a solid foundation for the country's democratic political system. The chapter focuses on the impact of historical legacies and shows how the nature of bargaining becomes more predictable when the domestic political actors involved in constitution‐drafting provide a stable set of opinions and motivations from which a compromise can be forged. In order to demonstrate this point, the chapter is divided into three parts. The first examines the key elements of the constitution‐making process in the Czechoslovak Federation between 1989 and 1992. It explains the crucial constitutional decisions made during Roundtable Talks and how this particular legacy, combined with the volatile nature of transition politics, resulted in Czechoslovakia's Velvet Divorce. The second part concentrates on the process of drafting the new Constitution of the Czech Republic at the end of 1992. Finally, Kopecky discusses the effects of the Constitution on the democratic Czech Republic.
Milada Anna Vachudová
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244096
- eISBN:
- 9780191600371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924409X.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes the influence of the international institutions in shaping democratic consolidation and economic reform in the Czech Republic as a case study of an East European state that strongly wished ...
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Describes the influence of the international institutions in shaping democratic consolidation and economic reform in the Czech Republic as a case study of an East European state that strongly wished to join those institutions. The chapter traces the changing nature of international influence on the consolidation of Czech democracy as the polity passed through four stages. The first was characterized by profound yet diffuse influence. In the second stage, Western influence was delimited by two factors: (1) ‘homemade’ reform by Prime Minister Václav Klaus, a mix of Czech provincialism, free market ideology, and political pragmatism; and (2) insufficient pressure of NATO and the EU to compel reforms. The third stage saw increased EU criticism of economic performance, corruption, and racism. The fourth stage was characterized by the weakening of the EU membership argument for difficult reforms. Overall, the Czech case shows that the conditionality of the EU depends on a certain tension between confidence in securing membership and fear of suffering rejection due to inadequate reform.Less
Describes the influence of the international institutions in shaping democratic consolidation and economic reform in the Czech Republic as a case study of an East European state that strongly wished to join those institutions. The chapter traces the changing nature of international influence on the consolidation of Czech democracy as the polity passed through four stages. The first was characterized by profound yet diffuse influence. In the second stage, Western influence was delimited by two factors: (1) ‘homemade’ reform by Prime Minister Václav Klaus, a mix of Czech provincialism, free market ideology, and political pragmatism; and (2) insufficient pressure of NATO and the EU to compel reforms. The third stage saw increased EU criticism of economic performance, corruption, and racism. The fourth stage was characterized by the weakening of the EU membership argument for difficult reforms. Overall, the Czech case shows that the conditionality of the EU depends on a certain tension between confidence in securing membership and fear of suffering rejection due to inadequate reform.
Ivo Samson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244096
- eISBN:
- 9780191600371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924409X.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Shows the relative failure of Western pressure aimed at improving the democratic record of successive Slovak governments led by the former Prime Minister Vladimir Mečiar. The chapter points to ...
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Shows the relative failure of Western pressure aimed at improving the democratic record of successive Slovak governments led by the former Prime Minister Vladimir Mečiar. The chapter points to several factors that contributed to the ineffectiveness of Western influence. Firstly, the manner in which Slovakia achieved independence created unfavourable conditions for its democratic consolidation. The division of Czechoslovakia was accomplished against the will of the majority of Slovaks and officially presented as a rejection of rapid and radical transformation. Secondly, a new proud and insecure State tried to assert its independence of all external actors. Western pressure was often considered as alien to Slovak culture and in conflict with Slovak national interest. Thirdly, the former Prime Minister, Vladimir Mečiar, misread Western determination to bring about democratic reforms in Slovakia. It was wrongly believed that regardless of its many democratic flaws, Slovakia would soon become a member of the European Union and NATO, simply because of its unique geostrategic importance and decent economic performance. Bratislava thought that allowing free and relatively fair elections in Slovakia would be enough to satisfy Western actors. However, the West wanted Slovakia to embrace a Western‐type of liberal constitutionalism before considering its possible membership in the EU and NATO. Overall, Slovakia's misperception of its geopolitical uniqueness and paradoxes of its domestic political development led to serious misunderstandings about Western responses.Less
Shows the relative failure of Western pressure aimed at improving the democratic record of successive Slovak governments led by the former Prime Minister Vladimir Mečiar. The chapter points to several factors that contributed to the ineffectiveness of Western influence. Firstly, the manner in which Slovakia achieved independence created unfavourable conditions for its democratic consolidation. The division of Czechoslovakia was accomplished against the will of the majority of Slovaks and officially presented as a rejection of rapid and radical transformation. Secondly, a new proud and insecure State tried to assert its independence of all external actors. Western pressure was often considered as alien to Slovak culture and in conflict with Slovak national interest. Thirdly, the former Prime Minister, Vladimir Mečiar, misread Western determination to bring about democratic reforms in Slovakia. It was wrongly believed that regardless of its many democratic flaws, Slovakia would soon become a member of the European Union and NATO, simply because of its unique geostrategic importance and decent economic performance. Bratislava thought that allowing free and relatively fair elections in Slovakia would be enough to satisfy Western actors. However, the West wanted Slovakia to embrace a Western‐type of liberal constitutionalism before considering its possible membership in the EU and NATO. Overall, Slovakia's misperception of its geopolitical uniqueness and paradoxes of its domestic political development led to serious misunderstandings about Western responses.
Ewa Morawska
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244096
- eISBN:
- 9780191600371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924409X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Examines the relationship between westbound international migrations and the consolidation of democracy in contemporary East Central Europe (ECE). The chapter focuses on Poland, the Czech Republic, ...
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Examines the relationship between westbound international migrations and the consolidation of democracy in contemporary East Central Europe (ECE). The chapter focuses on Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary. It is argued that, paradoxically, in view of the rapidly expanding connection of ECE with the West, the relationship has weakened between the westbound travel by the vast majority of migrants and democratization processes in their home countries. The chapter focuses on the common features of the migration‐democracy relationship in East Central Europe. The author seeks to initiate a conversation between specialists in transnational migration and experts in democratization. The conclusion considers some of the generalizations and lessons are drawn from the study on the relationship between migration and democracy.Less
Examines the relationship between westbound international migrations and the consolidation of democracy in contemporary East Central Europe (ECE). The chapter focuses on Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary. It is argued that, paradoxically, in view of the rapidly expanding connection of ECE with the West, the relationship has weakened between the westbound travel by the vast majority of migrants and democratization processes in their home countries. The chapter focuses on the common features of the migration‐democracy relationship in East Central Europe. The author seeks to initiate a conversation between specialists in transnational migration and experts in democratization. The conclusion considers some of the generalizations and lessons are drawn from the study on the relationship between migration and democracy.
William Mishler and Richard Rose
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and ...
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Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia—during the first five years following the fall of communism. It begins by offering a reconceptualization of support for new democracies. An examination is then made of popular approval of the new regimes in 1991, shortly following the collapse of communism, and the trajectory of support is tracked through to 1995. Next, a model of the dynamics underlying these trends is developed and tested, paying particular attention to the extent to which support is contingent on political and economic performance. More generally, an exploration is made of whether and to what extent the sources of support change over time as citizens acquire experience with the new regimes.Less
Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia—during the first five years following the fall of communism. It begins by offering a reconceptualization of support for new democracies. An examination is then made of popular approval of the new regimes in 1991, shortly following the collapse of communism, and the trajectory of support is tracked through to 1995. Next, a model of the dynamics underlying these trends is developed and tested, paying particular attention to the extent to which support is contingent on political and economic performance. More generally, an exploration is made of whether and to what extent the sources of support change over time as citizens acquire experience with the new regimes.
Mitchell A. Orenstein and Lisa E. Hale
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199241149
- eISBN:
- 9780191598920
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241147.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
While global trends have forced labour into retreat in most countries, in post‐communist Europe, the dramatic opening to world markets in 1989 was achieved through a political breakthrough in which ...
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While global trends have forced labour into retreat in most countries, in post‐communist Europe, the dramatic opening to world markets in 1989 was achieved through a political breakthrough in which organized labour played a major role. Whereas trade unions under communism acted as ‘transmission belts to the working class for state policy and ideology, post‐communist governments needed to develop new roles for resurgent trade unions in a democratic society. In Poland, the post‐communist government juggled a number of different objectives in the reformation of labour market institutions. On the one hand, democratic consolidation demanded that trade unions be constituted as independent social and political forces that would support the new regime. On the other hand, liberalization demanded that trade unions moderate their wage demands so as not to foster runaway inflation. In addition, since trade unions remained the only major civil society organization with significant roots in the working class, trade unions immediately became important partners in any new political coalition. Corporatism, as advocated by the International Labour Organization office in the region, provided a compelling answer to many of these demands. This chapter argues that in Poland, the need to institutionalize a role for trade unions in the emerging democratic society led to a genuinely corporatist forum for indicative negotiation over wages, and the development of progressive social policy. Popular disillusion with structural economic reforms led to corporatist ‘pacts’ negotiated, first, by Solidarity leaders, and then, by the former communists who came to power in 1993. Finally, in 1995, to initiate a Polish tripartite council for social bargaining, using a comparison between Poland and the Czech Republic, the chapter concludes that globalization has strengthened trade unions and the pressures for including them in new forms of corporatist intermediation in post‐communist Europe. While these institutions suffer many of the same problems evident in the developed West, corporatism has become part of the institutional framework of post‐communism and appears to be here to stay.Less
While global trends have forced labour into retreat in most countries, in post‐communist Europe, the dramatic opening to world markets in 1989 was achieved through a political breakthrough in which organized labour played a major role. Whereas trade unions under communism acted as ‘transmission belts to the working class for state policy and ideology, post‐communist governments needed to develop new roles for resurgent trade unions in a democratic society. In Poland, the post‐communist government juggled a number of different objectives in the reformation of labour market institutions. On the one hand, democratic consolidation demanded that trade unions be constituted as independent social and political forces that would support the new regime. On the other hand, liberalization demanded that trade unions moderate their wage demands so as not to foster runaway inflation. In addition, since trade unions remained the only major civil society organization with significant roots in the working class, trade unions immediately became important partners in any new political coalition. Corporatism, as advocated by the International Labour Organization office in the region, provided a compelling answer to many of these demands. This chapter argues that in Poland, the need to institutionalize a role for trade unions in the emerging democratic society led to a genuinely corporatist forum for indicative negotiation over wages, and the development of progressive social policy. Popular disillusion with structural economic reforms led to corporatist ‘pacts’ negotiated, first, by Solidarity leaders, and then, by the former communists who came to power in 1993. Finally, in 1995, to initiate a Polish tripartite council for social bargaining, using a comparison between Poland and the Czech Republic, the chapter concludes that globalization has strengthened trade unions and the pressures for including them in new forms of corporatist intermediation in post‐communist Europe. While these institutions suffer many of the same problems evident in the developed West, corporatism has become part of the institutional framework of post‐communism and appears to be here to stay.
Pavel Barša
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This paper comments on the proposals put forth by Kymlicka’s paper. It shows that a desired reconstruction of liberalism cannot be completed unless liberal nationalism is assessed alongside the ...
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This paper comments on the proposals put forth by Kymlicka’s paper. It shows that a desired reconstruction of liberalism cannot be completed unless liberal nationalism is assessed alongside the liberal neutralism criticised by Kymlicka. It defends the distinction between immigrant and European countries as empirically important. It then applies Kymlicka’s approach of ethnocultural diversity to Czech Roma to show that these concepts and their practical implications are helpful, even for the descriptive and normative assessment of groups that do not fit neatly into either of the two basic categories he proposes.Less
This paper comments on the proposals put forth by Kymlicka’s paper. It shows that a desired reconstruction of liberalism cannot be completed unless liberal nationalism is assessed alongside the liberal neutralism criticised by Kymlicka. It defends the distinction between immigrant and European countries as empirically important. It then applies Kymlicka’s approach of ethnocultural diversity to Czech Roma to show that these concepts and their practical implications are helpful, even for the descriptive and normative assessment of groups that do not fit neatly into either of the two basic categories he proposes.
Gábor Tóka
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294733
- eISBN:
- 9780191599699
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294735.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Examines the relevance for the new democracies of Eastern Europe of arguments about challenges to representative democracy in Western Europe, focusing on mass attitudes conventionally thought to ...
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Examines the relevance for the new democracies of Eastern Europe of arguments about challenges to representative democracy in Western Europe, focusing on mass attitudes conventionally thought to affect the stability of political regimes. The analysis focuses on four countries (Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia), and suggests that their levels of public support for government are lower than in Western Europe, with economic dissatisfaction having particular salience. However, these democracies are still too young for firm conclusions to emerge from the available evidence.Less
Examines the relevance for the new democracies of Eastern Europe of arguments about challenges to representative democracy in Western Europe, focusing on mass attitudes conventionally thought to affect the stability of political regimes. The analysis focuses on four countries (Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia), and suggests that their levels of public support for government are lower than in Western Europe, with economic dissatisfaction having particular salience. However, these democracies are still too young for firm conclusions to emerge from the available evidence.
Zbyněk Zeman and Antonín Klimek
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205838
- eISBN:
- 9780191676802
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205838.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter introduces Edvard Beneš as a foreign minister during the rise of the Czechoslovak Republic, and as the second president during the fall at Munich. Beneš's person attracted journalists ...
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This chapter introduces Edvard Beneš as a foreign minister during the rise of the Czechoslovak Republic, and as the second president during the fall at Munich. Beneš's person attracted journalists and writers, particularly from writers of memories rather than from historians. There exists a full-length biography of Beneš in Czech. One of his severest critics hinted that Beneš was not a democrat by nature. Beneš thought of politics as a scientific pursuit, and approached politics with a significant resilience. Beneš was slow in coming to terms with the changing international circumstances, and he did not informed his countrymen about the true extent of change that they were to experience.Less
This chapter introduces Edvard Beneš as a foreign minister during the rise of the Czechoslovak Republic, and as the second president during the fall at Munich. Beneš's person attracted journalists and writers, particularly from writers of memories rather than from historians. There exists a full-length biography of Beneš in Czech. One of his severest critics hinted that Beneš was not a democrat by nature. Beneš thought of politics as a scientific pursuit, and approached politics with a significant resilience. Beneš was slow in coming to terms with the changing international circumstances, and he did not informed his countrymen about the true extent of change that they were to experience.
Petr Kopecký
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199289653
- eISBN:
- 9780191710964
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289653.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the rise of political parties in the Czech and Slovak Republics. Topics discussed include party systems, party legitimacy, party organizational strength, and the role of the ...
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This chapter examines the rise of political parties in the Czech and Slovak Republics. Topics discussed include party systems, party legitimacy, party organizational strength, and the role of the party in the process of government. It is shown that both countries display behavioural and institutional features which provide for a strong form of party government. The parties control political recruitment; directly or indirectly, they are largely in charge of setting the agenda of the mass media; they enjoy their own autonomous power base; they control proceedings in parliaments; in the absence of strong challengers, they also enjoy a near monopoly over political representation. However, both countries also represent their own version of the generic model of party government, both in terms of its particular configuration of behavioural and institutional features, as well as in terms of its temporal development.Less
This chapter examines the rise of political parties in the Czech and Slovak Republics. Topics discussed include party systems, party legitimacy, party organizational strength, and the role of the party in the process of government. It is shown that both countries display behavioural and institutional features which provide for a strong form of party government. The parties control political recruitment; directly or indirectly, they are largely in charge of setting the agenda of the mass media; they enjoy their own autonomous power base; they control proceedings in parliaments; in the absence of strong challengers, they also enjoy a near monopoly over political representation. However, both countries also represent their own version of the generic model of party government, both in terms of its particular configuration of behavioural and institutional features, as well as in terms of its temporal development.
Hillel Kieval
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520214101
- eISBN:
- 9780520921160
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520214101.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book examines the contours and distinctive features of Jewish experience in the lands of Bohemia and Moravia (the present-day Czech Republic), from the late eighteenth to the late twentieth ...
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This book examines the contours and distinctive features of Jewish experience in the lands of Bohemia and Moravia (the present-day Czech Republic), from the late eighteenth to the late twentieth century. In the Czech lands, the book states, Jews have felt the need constantly to define and articulate the nature of group identity, cultural loyalty, memory, and social cohesiveness, and the period of “modernizing” absolutism, which began in 1780, brought changes of enormous significance. From that time forward, new relationships with Gentile society and with the culture of the state blurred the traditional outlines of community and individual identity. The book navigates skillfully among histories and myths as well as demography, biography, culture, and politics, illuminating the maze of allegiances and alliances that have molded the Jewish experience during these 200 years.Less
This book examines the contours and distinctive features of Jewish experience in the lands of Bohemia and Moravia (the present-day Czech Republic), from the late eighteenth to the late twentieth century. In the Czech lands, the book states, Jews have felt the need constantly to define and articulate the nature of group identity, cultural loyalty, memory, and social cohesiveness, and the period of “modernizing” absolutism, which began in 1780, brought changes of enormous significance. From that time forward, new relationships with Gentile society and with the culture of the state blurred the traditional outlines of community and individual identity. The book navigates skillfully among histories and myths as well as demography, biography, culture, and politics, illuminating the maze of allegiances and alliances that have molded the Jewish experience during these 200 years.
Conor O'Dwyer
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781479876631
- eISBN:
- 9781479877829
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479876631.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book offers a close study of the rapidly evolving politics of LGBT rights in postcommunist Europe, where social attitudes have historically marginalized the issue and where the legacy of weak ...
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This book offers a close study of the rapidly evolving politics of LGBT rights in postcommunist Europe, where social attitudes have historically marginalized the issue and where the legacy of weak civil society has handicapped activism in general. What happens in societies such as these when increased exposure to transnational institutions such as the European Union and the minority-rights norms that they promote brings new visibility to LGBT issues? Is activism boosted by the infusion of resources from transnational networks? Or does transnational pressure bring backlash, inflaming antigay attitudes and driving activism underground? This study uncovers and explains the surprising divergence in the organization of LGBT activism in postcommunist Europe, focusing on Poland and the Czech Republic from the late 1980s through 2012. Hungary, Slovakia, and Romania form additional case studies. It argues that domestic backlash against transnational rights norms has been a primary catalyst for organizational development in the region’s most robust LGBT movements. It offers a comparative framework of broader relevance describing the conditions under which transnational pressure and domestic politics may interact to build robust activism, or not. This theorization offers resolution for a striking puzzle of LGBT politics in the countries examined: Why is the most organized and influential activism often found in societies where attitudes toward homosexuality are least tolerant? The book uses a multimethod research design drawing on field interviews, original sources, and participant observation to process trace how the framing of homosexuality and the organization of LGBT activism change in historical time.Less
This book offers a close study of the rapidly evolving politics of LGBT rights in postcommunist Europe, where social attitudes have historically marginalized the issue and where the legacy of weak civil society has handicapped activism in general. What happens in societies such as these when increased exposure to transnational institutions such as the European Union and the minority-rights norms that they promote brings new visibility to LGBT issues? Is activism boosted by the infusion of resources from transnational networks? Or does transnational pressure bring backlash, inflaming antigay attitudes and driving activism underground? This study uncovers and explains the surprising divergence in the organization of LGBT activism in postcommunist Europe, focusing on Poland and the Czech Republic from the late 1980s through 2012. Hungary, Slovakia, and Romania form additional case studies. It argues that domestic backlash against transnational rights norms has been a primary catalyst for organizational development in the region’s most robust LGBT movements. It offers a comparative framework of broader relevance describing the conditions under which transnational pressure and domestic politics may interact to build robust activism, or not. This theorization offers resolution for a striking puzzle of LGBT politics in the countries examined: Why is the most organized and influential activism often found in societies where attitudes toward homosexuality are least tolerant? The book uses a multimethod research design drawing on field interviews, original sources, and participant observation to process trace how the framing of homosexuality and the organization of LGBT activism change in historical time.
Margaret Notley
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195305470
- eISBN:
- 9780199866946
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195305470.003.0008
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
This chapter resumes discussion begun in the first chapter, focusing on the changed outlooks of Brahms and his Viennese colleagues in the 1890s. Prominent citizens who had earlier objected to signs ...
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This chapter resumes discussion begun in the first chapter, focusing on the changed outlooks of Brahms and his Viennese colleagues in the 1890s. Prominent citizens who had earlier objected to signs of Czech nationalism now recognized consequences of German nationalism. Hanslick, who had grown up in Prague, exemplified contradictions of Liberalism in his simultaneous admiration for and unwitting condescension toward Dvořák. Discussion of reception of Dvořák's music by Hanslick and Theodor Helm highlights differences between the older and newer German nationalism. Brahms's library and an overlooked archival collection afford insights into his views. An orthodox Liberal, he rejected the cultural despair of German tribalism but voiced discouragement about the future of music. Liberal economics were being unmasked as second nature, as would absolute tonal music slightly later. Yet Brahms's late music is beautiful because it responds to demands of music-historical lateness while conveying the peculiar expressiveness of a late style.Less
This chapter resumes discussion begun in the first chapter, focusing on the changed outlooks of Brahms and his Viennese colleagues in the 1890s. Prominent citizens who had earlier objected to signs of Czech nationalism now recognized consequences of German nationalism. Hanslick, who had grown up in Prague, exemplified contradictions of Liberalism in his simultaneous admiration for and unwitting condescension toward Dvořák. Discussion of reception of Dvořák's music by Hanslick and Theodor Helm highlights differences between the older and newer German nationalism. Brahms's library and an overlooked archival collection afford insights into his views. An orthodox Liberal, he rejected the cultural despair of German tribalism but voiced discouragement about the future of music. Liberal economics were being unmasked as second nature, as would absolute tonal music slightly later. Yet Brahms's late music is beautiful because it responds to demands of music-historical lateness while conveying the peculiar expressiveness of a late style.
Monika Baár
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199581184
- eISBN:
- 9780191722806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199581184.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Chapter 9, ‘Perceptions of Others and Attitudes to European Civilization’, addresses overlapping national histories, using the examples of the Czech–German, the Polish–Lithuanian and the ...
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Chapter 9, ‘Perceptions of Others and Attitudes to European Civilization’, addresses overlapping national histories, using the examples of the Czech–German, the Polish–Lithuanian and the Romanian–Hungarian cases. The historians' attitudes to foreigners and enemies are also scrutinized, with special attention given to their views on the Jewish population, women and the role of the Jesuits in national history. Thereafter, the normative and anti‐normative attitudes to Western civilization are discussed, together with the historians' appeals to symbolic geography to locate their nation's place in Europe and the mission that the historians attributed to their nations in European history. The chapter reveals that they employed different argumentative strategies when addressing a domestic and a foreign audience and this phenomenon is called the Cyrano de Bergerac effect. When addressing their fellow patriots the historians often registered underdevelopment, whilst in narratives aimed at a foreign audience they were inclined to prioritize what they perceived as the unique traits of their societies.Less
Chapter 9, ‘Perceptions of Others and Attitudes to European Civilization’, addresses overlapping national histories, using the examples of the Czech–German, the Polish–Lithuanian and the Romanian–Hungarian cases. The historians' attitudes to foreigners and enemies are also scrutinized, with special attention given to their views on the Jewish population, women and the role of the Jesuits in national history. Thereafter, the normative and anti‐normative attitudes to Western civilization are discussed, together with the historians' appeals to symbolic geography to locate their nation's place in Europe and the mission that the historians attributed to their nations in European history. The chapter reveals that they employed different argumentative strategies when addressing a domestic and a foreign audience and this phenomenon is called the Cyrano de Bergerac effect. When addressing their fellow patriots the historians often registered underdevelopment, whilst in narratives aimed at a foreign audience they were inclined to prioritize what they perceived as the unique traits of their societies.
Tito Boeri, Micael Castanheira, Riccardo Faini, Vincenzo Galasso, Giorgio Barba Navaretti, Carcillo Stéphane, Jonathan Haskel, Giuseppe Nicoletti, Enrico Perotti, Carlo Scarpa, Lidia Tsyganok, and Christian Wey
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199203628
- eISBN:
- 9780191708169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199203628.003.0013
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This chapter takes a different angle on policy-making by recognizing that several successful reforms were actually implemented under pressure from external constraints. Although strong governments ...
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This chapter takes a different angle on policy-making by recognizing that several successful reforms were actually implemented under pressure from external constraints. Although strong governments may prefer to be free to select their reform options, governments facing strong opposition may need to rely on external constraints to increase their bargaining power in the coalition building phase and to limit the opposition of lobby groups. The recipe provided in this chapter is hence to exploit external constraints, such as those imposed by World Trade Organization (WTO) rules, the Stability Pact, or International Monetary Fund (IMF) conditionality rules. The chapter concentrates on the reform experience of two transition countries — the Czech Republic and Ukraine — to highlight the role of commitment to reform provided by a truly external constraint; in this case, the European Union.Less
This chapter takes a different angle on policy-making by recognizing that several successful reforms were actually implemented under pressure from external constraints. Although strong governments may prefer to be free to select their reform options, governments facing strong opposition may need to rely on external constraints to increase their bargaining power in the coalition building phase and to limit the opposition of lobby groups. The recipe provided in this chapter is hence to exploit external constraints, such as those imposed by World Trade Organization (WTO) rules, the Stability Pact, or International Monetary Fund (IMF) conditionality rules. The chapter concentrates on the reform experience of two transition countries — the Czech Republic and Ukraine — to highlight the role of commitment to reform provided by a truly external constraint; in this case, the European Union.
Alan McDougall
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199276271
- eISBN:
- 9780191706028
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199276271.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
In communist East Germany, young people constituted the social group for whom the ruling authorities had the highest hopes — and in whom they were most frequently and bitterly disappointed. In this ...
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In communist East Germany, young people constituted the social group for whom the ruling authorities had the highest hopes — and in whom they were most frequently and bitterly disappointed. In this book, the author has undertaken a study of the East German communist youth organization, the Free German Youth (FDJ), and the young people that it tried, often in vain, to enthuse and control. Utilizing a wide range of primary sources, the author focuses upon East German youth during five ‘crisis points’ in the GDR's early history, beginning with the June 1953 uprising and concluding with the impact of the Czechoslovakian Prague Spring in 1968. In the process, he provides a political and social history of East German youth within and beyond the framework of ‘organized’ youth life. Important events in East German youth politics are analysed in detail, alongside the subversive role of Western youth culture in the GDR, particularly during the 1960s when ‘hot’ music by groups such as The Beatles penetrated the Iron Curtain. This book has important wider implications in the thriving field of GDR studies. It contends that there is little to be gained from viewing the history of East German youth politics — and that of the GDR more generally — through the narrow prism of totalitarian theory, with its heavy emphasis on the role of repression and Soviet military power in maintaining dictatorial rule. The relationship between rulers and ruled in the GDR was in fact based upon the dual precepts of coercion and consent, according to which the communist authorities sought both to appease and control the East German population. This model helps to explain the nature of youth dissent — both its proliferation and ultimate limitations — in the GDR. Despite an expanding secret police apparatus, youth dissent in the GDR was far more extensive than many Western scholars assumed in the Cold War era. Though much of this dissent was limited in character and intent, especially after the June 1953 uprising, it undermined the GDR's long-term stability — a fact reflected in the prominent role of former FDJ members in its collapse in 1989. By integrating social and political aspects at each stage of his study, the author provides a valuable study of the East German regime.Less
In communist East Germany, young people constituted the social group for whom the ruling authorities had the highest hopes — and in whom they were most frequently and bitterly disappointed. In this book, the author has undertaken a study of the East German communist youth organization, the Free German Youth (FDJ), and the young people that it tried, often in vain, to enthuse and control. Utilizing a wide range of primary sources, the author focuses upon East German youth during five ‘crisis points’ in the GDR's early history, beginning with the June 1953 uprising and concluding with the impact of the Czechoslovakian Prague Spring in 1968. In the process, he provides a political and social history of East German youth within and beyond the framework of ‘organized’ youth life. Important events in East German youth politics are analysed in detail, alongside the subversive role of Western youth culture in the GDR, particularly during the 1960s when ‘hot’ music by groups such as The Beatles penetrated the Iron Curtain. This book has important wider implications in the thriving field of GDR studies. It contends that there is little to be gained from viewing the history of East German youth politics — and that of the GDR more generally — through the narrow prism of totalitarian theory, with its heavy emphasis on the role of repression and Soviet military power in maintaining dictatorial rule. The relationship between rulers and ruled in the GDR was in fact based upon the dual precepts of coercion and consent, according to which the communist authorities sought both to appease and control the East German population. This model helps to explain the nature of youth dissent — both its proliferation and ultimate limitations — in the GDR. Despite an expanding secret police apparatus, youth dissent in the GDR was far more extensive than many Western scholars assumed in the Cold War era. Though much of this dissent was limited in character and intent, especially after the June 1953 uprising, it undermined the GDR's long-term stability — a fact reflected in the prominent role of former FDJ members in its collapse in 1989. By integrating social and political aspects at each stage of his study, the author provides a valuable study of the East German regime.
