Nicholas Morris*
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199267217
- eISBN:
- 9780191601118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199267219.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Assesses the success of the two humanitarian interventions in the Balkans – Bosnia in 1995 and Kosovo in 1999 – from the perspective of humanitarian organizations. It argues how, ironically, the ...
More
Assesses the success of the two humanitarian interventions in the Balkans – Bosnia in 1995 and Kosovo in 1999 – from the perspective of humanitarian organizations. It argues how, ironically, the effectiveness of organizations such as UNHCR can dissuade powerful states from taking the necessary steps to address the root causes of massive human rights violations. Slow and ambiguous action from the international community can raise false expectations on the part of suffering civilians, and embolden those who commit atrocities. The author argues that the political, military, and humanitarian strands of interventions are always closely interwoven, and draws a series of lessons from the Balkans experience: the need for the international community to act early, credibly, and consistently; the importance of preserving the identity of a humanitarian operation; the imperative to end the impunity of those who orchestrate and commit massive violations of human rights; and the importance of engaging the United Nations.Less
Assesses the success of the two humanitarian interventions in the Balkans – Bosnia in 1995 and Kosovo in 1999 – from the perspective of humanitarian organizations. It argues how, ironically, the effectiveness of organizations such as UNHCR can dissuade powerful states from taking the necessary steps to address the root causes of massive human rights violations. Slow and ambiguous action from the international community can raise false expectations on the part of suffering civilians, and embolden those who commit atrocities. The author argues that the political, military, and humanitarian strands of interventions are always closely interwoven, and draws a series of lessons from the Balkans experience: the need for the international community to act early, credibly, and consistently; the importance of preserving the identity of a humanitarian operation; the imperative to end the impunity of those who orchestrate and commit massive violations of human rights; and the importance of engaging the United Nations.
Josip Glaurdic
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199246861
- eISBN:
- 9780191601965
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246866.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the increase in women’s parliamentary representation in Croatia in the 2000 elections. Three main factors contributed to the increase in representation. These are electoral rule ...
More
This chapter examines the increase in women’s parliamentary representation in Croatia in the 2000 elections. Three main factors contributed to the increase in representation. These are electoral rule changes provided party leaders with incentives to reach out to female candidates, the success of parties that have consistently nominated more women in gaining control of the parliament, and the fact that women became more organized and better able to pressure party gatekeepers into recruiting women.Less
This chapter examines the increase in women’s parliamentary representation in Croatia in the 2000 elections. Three main factors contributed to the increase in representation. These are electoral rule changes provided party leaders with incentives to reach out to female candidates, the success of parties that have consistently nominated more women in gaining control of the parliament, and the fact that women became more organized and better able to pressure party gatekeepers into recruiting women.
Alex J. Bellamy
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719065026
- eISBN:
- 9781781700440
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719065026.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book assesses the formation of Croatian national identity in the 1990s. It develops a novel framework, calling into question both primordial and modernist approaches to nationalism and national ...
More
This book assesses the formation of Croatian national identity in the 1990s. It develops a novel framework, calling into question both primordial and modernist approaches to nationalism and national identity, before applying that framework to Croatia. In doing so, the book provides a new way of thinking about how national identity is formed and why it is so important. An explanation is given of how Croatian national identity was formed in the abstract, via a historical narrative that traces centuries of yearning for a national state. The book shows how the government, opposition parties, dissident intellectuals and diaspora groups offered alternative accounts of this narrative in order to legitimise contemporary political programmes based on different versions of national identity. It then looks at how these debates were manifested in social activities as diverse as football, religion, economics and language. This book attempts to make an important contribution to both the way we study nationalism and national identity, and our understanding of post-Yugoslav politics and society.Less
This book assesses the formation of Croatian national identity in the 1990s. It develops a novel framework, calling into question both primordial and modernist approaches to nationalism and national identity, before applying that framework to Croatia. In doing so, the book provides a new way of thinking about how national identity is formed and why it is so important. An explanation is given of how Croatian national identity was formed in the abstract, via a historical narrative that traces centuries of yearning for a national state. The book shows how the government, opposition parties, dissident intellectuals and diaspora groups offered alternative accounts of this narrative in order to legitimise contemporary political programmes based on different versions of national identity. It then looks at how these debates were manifested in social activities as diverse as football, religion, economics and language. This book attempts to make an important contribution to both the way we study nationalism and national identity, and our understanding of post-Yugoslav politics and society.
Vjekoslav Perica
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195148565
- eISBN:
- 9780199834556
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148568.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Written on the basis of a wide range of South Slav sources and previously unpublished, often confidential documents from communist state archives, as well as on the author's own on‐the‐ground ...
More
Written on the basis of a wide range of South Slav sources and previously unpublished, often confidential documents from communist state archives, as well as on the author's own on‐the‐ground experience as a journalist, this book explores the political role and influence of religious organizations, namely, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Catholic Church in Croatia and Bosnia‐Herzegovina, and the Yugoslav Muslim Organization (Islamic community) over the course of the last century. The author emphatically rejects the notion that a “clash of civilizations” has played a central role in fomenting aggression in the former Yugoslavia. He finds no compelling evidence of an upsurge in religious fervor among the general population. Rather, he concludes, the primary religious players in the conflicts have been activist clergy. What emerges from the book, which aims to be the first political history of religion in modern Yugoslav states, and combines narrative and analysis, is a deeply nuanced understanding of the history and troubled future of one of the world's most volatile regions. The narrative presents the process of the making, decay, and collapse of several regimes and nation‐states chronologically, highlighting the role of religion in these processes, while also presenting the history of the religious institutions mentioned above. The analysis deals with the role of religious institutions, symbols, and practices in state formation and destruction. The book starts with a chronology (1935–2002) and maps of the region as background to what follows in the 12 chapters.Less
Written on the basis of a wide range of South Slav sources and previously unpublished, often confidential documents from communist state archives, as well as on the author's own on‐the‐ground experience as a journalist, this book explores the political role and influence of religious organizations, namely, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Catholic Church in Croatia and Bosnia‐Herzegovina, and the Yugoslav Muslim Organization (Islamic community) over the course of the last century. The author emphatically rejects the notion that a “clash of civilizations” has played a central role in fomenting aggression in the former Yugoslavia. He finds no compelling evidence of an upsurge in religious fervor among the general population. Rather, he concludes, the primary religious players in the conflicts have been activist clergy. What emerges from the book, which aims to be the first political history of religion in modern Yugoslav states, and combines narrative and analysis, is a deeply nuanced understanding of the history and troubled future of one of the world's most volatile regions. The narrative presents the process of the making, decay, and collapse of several regimes and nation‐states chronologically, highlighting the role of religion in these processes, while also presenting the history of the religious institutions mentioned above. The analysis deals with the role of religious institutions, symbols, and practices in state formation and destruction. The book starts with a chronology (1935–2002) and maps of the region as background to what follows in the 12 chapters.
Eugene A. Hammel and Aaron Gullickson
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199280681
- eISBN:
- 9780191602467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199280681.003.0012
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This study of maternal mortality on the Croatian-Bosnian border in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries shows that the chance of death in childbirth was sensitive to major changes in the social ...
More
This study of maternal mortality on the Croatian-Bosnian border in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries shows that the chance of death in childbirth was sensitive to major changes in the social and economic system. Death was more likely when men were called to military duty, in military rather than civil parishes even in peacetime, and over time as wage labour increased and as economies of scale were lost as the joint household system decayed. The unifying factor in all of these influences is the withdrawal of male labour from family farming, placing greater burdens on pregnant and parturient women and on those other women who might nurture them.Less
This study of maternal mortality on the Croatian-Bosnian border in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries shows that the chance of death in childbirth was sensitive to major changes in the social and economic system. Death was more likely when men were called to military duty, in military rather than civil parishes even in peacetime, and over time as wage labour increased and as economies of scale were lost as the joint household system decayed. The unifying factor in all of these influences is the withdrawal of male labour from family farming, placing greater burdens on pregnant and parturient women and on those other women who might nurture them.
Vjekoslav Perica
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195148565
- eISBN:
- 9780199834556
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148568.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The first part of the chapter gives a brief account of the bloody fratricidal war fought in Croatia and Bosnia‐Herzegovina in 1991–5, which resulted from ethnic nationalistic revolutions aimed at ...
More
The first part of the chapter gives a brief account of the bloody fratricidal war fought in Croatia and Bosnia‐Herzegovina in 1991–5, which resulted from ethnic nationalistic revolutions aimed at destroying the multiethnic federation of Yugoslavia founded by the communists, and establishing independent homogeneous states. Further wars would continue in 1998 (between the Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo) and in 2001 (between Albanians and Macedonians in Macedonia). The main part of the chapter discusses religion and nationalism in these successor states – Islam and Muslim nationalism in Bosnia‐Herzegovina, Catholicism (the Madonna of Medjugorje) and Croatian nationalism in Bosnia‐Herzegovina and Croatia, and the Orthodox Church in Serbia (and Kosovo), Macedonia, and Montenegro. The remaining two sections of the chapter discuss saint making in Croatia in the late 1990s, and the role of religious organizations in the international peace process.Less
The first part of the chapter gives a brief account of the bloody fratricidal war fought in Croatia and Bosnia‐Herzegovina in 1991–5, which resulted from ethnic nationalistic revolutions aimed at destroying the multiethnic federation of Yugoslavia founded by the communists, and establishing independent homogeneous states. Further wars would continue in 1998 (between the Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo) and in 2001 (between Albanians and Macedonians in Macedonia). The main part of the chapter discusses religion and nationalism in these successor states – Islam and Muslim nationalism in Bosnia‐Herzegovina, Catholicism (the Madonna of Medjugorje) and Croatian nationalism in Bosnia‐Herzegovina and Croatia, and the Orthodox Church in Serbia (and Kosovo), Macedonia, and Montenegro. The remaining two sections of the chapter discuss saint making in Croatia in the late 1990s, and the role of religious organizations in the international peace process.
Vjekoslav Perica
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195148565
- eISBN:
- 9780199834556
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148568.003.0011
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The beginning of the chapter briefly discusses the degradation of the Balkan successor states to Yugoslavia, and the despise with which they were held by the West (except for Slovenia) – Serbia and ...
More
The beginning of the chapter briefly discusses the degradation of the Balkan successor states to Yugoslavia, and the despise with which they were held by the West (except for Slovenia) – Serbia and Croatia came into conflict with the West, while Bosnia‐Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Macedonia became Western protectorates. The two main parts of the chapter discuss the role of the Catholic Church in the return of Croatia to the West, and the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in relation to the West and the failure of the Serbian revolution under Milošević. The last part of the chapter discusses the legacy of Yugoslavia, and current attitudes to Balkan nationalism, which has undergone heavy blows from demography (a diminishing population of children and young people) and migration to the West – which have replaced Marxism as the new key menace to the Churches.Less
The beginning of the chapter briefly discusses the degradation of the Balkan successor states to Yugoslavia, and the despise with which they were held by the West (except for Slovenia) – Serbia and Croatia came into conflict with the West, while Bosnia‐Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Macedonia became Western protectorates. The two main parts of the chapter discuss the role of the Catholic Church in the return of Croatia to the West, and the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in relation to the West and the failure of the Serbian revolution under Milošević. The last part of the chapter discusses the legacy of Yugoslavia, and current attitudes to Balkan nationalism, which has undergone heavy blows from demography (a diminishing population of children and young people) and migration to the West – which have replaced Marxism as the new key menace to the Churches.
Vjekoslav Perica
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195148565
- eISBN:
- 9780199834556
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148568.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Introduces the book by discussing the symbolic destruction of churches, monasteries and other monuments and sacred places of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Catholic Church in Croatia and ...
More
Introduces the book by discussing the symbolic destruction of churches, monasteries and other monuments and sacred places of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Catholic Church in Croatia and Bosnia‐Herzegovina, and the Yugoslav Muslim Religious Organization (Islamic community), and also in Albania that occurred during the various wars in the Yugoslav region in the 1990s. It then discusses myth in relation to the nation‐state. The last and main part of the chapter gives accounts of the four mainstream Yugoslav religious institutions (the Serbian Orthodox Church, Croatian Catholicism, the Muslim Religious Organization (Islamic community), and the Church and Nation of Macedonia), and also discusses the religious minority groups of the region (there are around 40, of which 14 are listed), and interfaith relations.Less
Introduces the book by discussing the symbolic destruction of churches, monasteries and other monuments and sacred places of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Catholic Church in Croatia and Bosnia‐Herzegovina, and the Yugoslav Muslim Religious Organization (Islamic community), and also in Albania that occurred during the various wars in the Yugoslav region in the 1990s. It then discusses myth in relation to the nation‐state. The last and main part of the chapter gives accounts of the four mainstream Yugoslav religious institutions (the Serbian Orthodox Church, Croatian Catholicism, the Muslim Religious Organization (Islamic community), and the Church and Nation of Macedonia), and also discusses the religious minority groups of the region (there are around 40, of which 14 are listed), and interfaith relations.
Vjekoslav Perica
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195148565
- eISBN:
- 9780199834556
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148568.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The largest of the Yugoslav nationalist movements that emerged in the late 1960s was the Croatian National Movement, which during the period 1973 to 1989 was heavily suppressed by Tito's communists, ...
More
The largest of the Yugoslav nationalist movements that emerged in the late 1960s was the Croatian National Movement, which during the period 1973 to 1989 was heavily suppressed by Tito's communists, while at the same time the Croatian Catholic Church was outspoken both in the cause of nationalism and in the fight for religious liberty. This chapter gives an account of the role of the Croatian Catholic Church in the development of the nation between 1970 and 1984. It discusses the Catholic Church in relation to the Croatian National Movement in 1970–2, the announcement of the resumption of the Great Novena (a nine‐year long jubilee) in 1974, and the birth of the Catholic nation of Croatia.Less
The largest of the Yugoslav nationalist movements that emerged in the late 1960s was the Croatian National Movement, which during the period 1973 to 1989 was heavily suppressed by Tito's communists, while at the same time the Croatian Catholic Church was outspoken both in the cause of nationalism and in the fight for religious liberty. This chapter gives an account of the role of the Croatian Catholic Church in the development of the nation between 1970 and 1984. It discusses the Catholic Church in relation to the Croatian National Movement in 1970–2, the announcement of the resumption of the Great Novena (a nine‐year long jubilee) in 1974, and the birth of the Catholic nation of Croatia.
Vjekoslav Perica
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195148565
- eISBN:
- 9780199834556
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148568.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The chapter starts with a brief account of Albanian anti‐Serbian activities (attacks on Serbian sacred places and monuments, said to be fuelled by religious hatred) in Kosovo in the 1980s. It then ...
More
The chapter starts with a brief account of Albanian anti‐Serbian activities (attacks on Serbian sacred places and monuments, said to be fuelled by religious hatred) in Kosovo in the 1980s. It then goes on to discuss shrines as a powerful symbolic energizer to the Serbian nationalist movement of the 1980s, with accounts of the building of the new cathedral in Belgrade, and notes on the construction of Serbian churches in Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia, Montenegro, and Kosovo. Next an account is given of the Milošević era, including his initial pacification of Kosovo (which enabled more restoration and building of Serbian sacred sites, and a program of pilgrimages, jubilees, etc.) and his pilgrimage to the thirteenth‐century Hilandar monastery at the holy mountain of Athos in Greece, which paved the way for a new role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the Serbian nationalist movement.Less
The chapter starts with a brief account of Albanian anti‐Serbian activities (attacks on Serbian sacred places and monuments, said to be fuelled by religious hatred) in Kosovo in the 1980s. It then goes on to discuss shrines as a powerful symbolic energizer to the Serbian nationalist movement of the 1980s, with accounts of the building of the new cathedral in Belgrade, and notes on the construction of Serbian churches in Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia, Montenegro, and Kosovo. Next an account is given of the Milošević era, including his initial pacification of Kosovo (which enabled more restoration and building of Serbian sacred sites, and a program of pilgrimages, jubilees, etc.) and his pilgrimage to the thirteenth‐century Hilandar monastery at the holy mountain of Athos in Greece, which paved the way for a new role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the Serbian nationalist movement.
Vjekoslav Perica
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195148565
- eISBN:
- 9780199834556
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148568.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
After Tito's death, ethnic nationalism was simmering in all parts of Yugoslavia from Slovenia in the northwest to Kosovo in the southeast. The secular politics of the regime's establishment involved ...
More
After Tito's death, ethnic nationalism was simmering in all parts of Yugoslavia from Slovenia in the northwest to Kosovo in the southeast. The secular politics of the regime's establishment involved factional quarrels, and the activities of secular intellectual elites have been analyzed at length elsewhere. The religious scene, where important things occurred, has remained obscure, yet visible religious symbols and movements were no less telling harbingers of what was to happen in the 1990s; these are the subject of this chapter. The different sections cover: the clerical offensive and the communist regime's last stand (1979–87); the promise of peaceful transition (moderate religious policies and the belated democratization of the regime, 1988–90); ethnoreligious realignment and multiparty elections; worsening relations between the Catholic and Orthodox Churches, and the schisms between nation‐states in the Serbian Orthodox Church; the Churches and the official history of the genocide of Serbs by Croats in World War II; the establishment of a site of Serb martyrdom at Jasenovac in Croatia (completed in 1983) to commemorate the genocide of 1941, and the myths surrounding this; disputes over holy places; the collapse of interfaith dialog; untimely Serbian commemorations of World War II sufferings in 1990–1; and calls for partition and revenge by the Serbs.Less
After Tito's death, ethnic nationalism was simmering in all parts of Yugoslavia from Slovenia in the northwest to Kosovo in the southeast. The secular politics of the regime's establishment involved factional quarrels, and the activities of secular intellectual elites have been analyzed at length elsewhere. The religious scene, where important things occurred, has remained obscure, yet visible religious symbols and movements were no less telling harbingers of what was to happen in the 1990s; these are the subject of this chapter. The different sections cover: the clerical offensive and the communist regime's last stand (1979–87); the promise of peaceful transition (moderate religious policies and the belated democratization of the regime, 1988–90); ethnoreligious realignment and multiparty elections; worsening relations between the Catholic and Orthodox Churches, and the schisms between nation‐states in the Serbian Orthodox Church; the Churches and the official history of the genocide of Serbs by Croats in World War II; the establishment of a site of Serb martyrdom at Jasenovac in Croatia (completed in 1983) to commemorate the genocide of 1941, and the myths surrounding this; disputes over holy places; the collapse of interfaith dialog; untimely Serbian commemorations of World War II sufferings in 1990–1; and calls for partition and revenge by the Serbs.
Gerard Toal and Carl T. Dahlman
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199730360
- eISBN:
- 9780199895250
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730360.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter examines Bosnia-Herzegovina's geopolitical setting in greater depth, most especially its status as a contested space between Serbia and Croatia. Both were not destined to fight over ...
More
This chapter examines Bosnia-Herzegovina's geopolitical setting in greater depth, most especially its status as a contested space between Serbia and Croatia. Both were not destined to fight over Bosnia-Herzegovina, yet the geopolitical cultures of both featured self-aggrandizing visions of national space that menaced the territorial integrity of Bosnia. All too often these visions were cartographic fantasies grounded not in geographical actualities but in nationalist idealizations. To underscore the implications of this deeply consequential disjuncture, the chapter then examines Bosnia on the eve of war. It contrasts the nationalist coloring of Bosnian space to the more complex human geographies evident from the 1991 census. Pace the maps that reduce Bosnia to a patchwork of national colors, it underscores the shared space, variable settlement geographies, and public culture of tolerance that characterized the actually existing Bosnia. The chapter ends with brief sketches of the three primary locations followed for the rest of the book.Less
This chapter examines Bosnia-Herzegovina's geopolitical setting in greater depth, most especially its status as a contested space between Serbia and Croatia. Both were not destined to fight over Bosnia-Herzegovina, yet the geopolitical cultures of both featured self-aggrandizing visions of national space that menaced the territorial integrity of Bosnia. All too often these visions were cartographic fantasies grounded not in geographical actualities but in nationalist idealizations. To underscore the implications of this deeply consequential disjuncture, the chapter then examines Bosnia on the eve of war. It contrasts the nationalist coloring of Bosnian space to the more complex human geographies evident from the 1991 census. Pace the maps that reduce Bosnia to a patchwork of national colors, it underscores the shared space, variable settlement geographies, and public culture of tolerance that characterized the actually existing Bosnia. The chapter ends with brief sketches of the three primary locations followed for the rest of the book.
MARIANA BERBEC-ROSTAS, ARKADY GUTNIKOV, and BARBARA NAMYSLOWSKA-GABRYSIAK
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195381146
- eISBN:
- 9780199869305
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195381146.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter looks at the history, rationale, current design, and future potential of clinical legal education programs in Central and Eastern Europe. It describes the early developments of clinical ...
More
This chapter looks at the history, rationale, current design, and future potential of clinical legal education programs in Central and Eastern Europe. It describes the early developments of clinical legal education in the region, including a discussion of the main sponsors and supporters of these programs. Drawing on experience, it then provides details of several selected programs in Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia, Russia, and Ukraine, and analyzes these programs' role in preparing a new generation of social justice and human rights lawyers. The chapter concludes by proposing potential directions for future development of clinical legal education in the region, looking at opportunities and challenges within the wider European context as well.Less
This chapter looks at the history, rationale, current design, and future potential of clinical legal education programs in Central and Eastern Europe. It describes the early developments of clinical legal education in the region, including a discussion of the main sponsors and supporters of these programs. Drawing on experience, it then provides details of several selected programs in Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia, Russia, and Ukraine, and analyzes these programs' role in preparing a new generation of social justice and human rights lawyers. The chapter concludes by proposing potential directions for future development of clinical legal education in the region, looking at opportunities and challenges within the wider European context as well.
Mila Dragojević
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501739828
- eISBN:
- 9781501739835
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501739828.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book examines how conditions conducive to atrocities against civilians are created during wartime in some communities. It identifies the exclusion of moderates and the production of borders as ...
More
This book examines how conditions conducive to atrocities against civilians are created during wartime in some communities. It identifies the exclusion of moderates and the production of borders as the main processes. In these places, political and ethnic identities become linked and targeted violence against civilians becomes both tolerated and justified by the respective authorities as a necessary sacrifice for a greater political goal. The book augments the literature on genocide and civil wars by demonstrating how violence can be used as a political strategy, and how communities, as well as individuals, remember episodes of violence against civilians. It focuses on Croatia in the 1990s, and Uganda and Guatemala in the 1980s. In each case, it is considered how people who have lived peacefully as neighbors for many years are suddenly transformed into enemies, yet intracommunal violence is not ubiquitous throughout the conflict zone; rather, it is specific to particular regions or villages within those zones. As the book describes, the exclusion of moderates and the production of borders limit individuals' freedom to express their views, work to prevent the possible defection of members of an in-group, and facilitate identification of individuals who are purportedly a threat. Even before mass killings begin, the book finds, these and similar changes will have transformed particular villages or regions into amoral communities, places where the definition of crime changes and violence is justified as a form of self-defense by perpetrators.Less
This book examines how conditions conducive to atrocities against civilians are created during wartime in some communities. It identifies the exclusion of moderates and the production of borders as the main processes. In these places, political and ethnic identities become linked and targeted violence against civilians becomes both tolerated and justified by the respective authorities as a necessary sacrifice for a greater political goal. The book augments the literature on genocide and civil wars by demonstrating how violence can be used as a political strategy, and how communities, as well as individuals, remember episodes of violence against civilians. It focuses on Croatia in the 1990s, and Uganda and Guatemala in the 1980s. In each case, it is considered how people who have lived peacefully as neighbors for many years are suddenly transformed into enemies, yet intracommunal violence is not ubiquitous throughout the conflict zone; rather, it is specific to particular regions or villages within those zones. As the book describes, the exclusion of moderates and the production of borders limit individuals' freedom to express their views, work to prevent the possible defection of members of an in-group, and facilitate identification of individuals who are purportedly a threat. Even before mass killings begin, the book finds, these and similar changes will have transformed particular villages or regions into amoral communities, places where the definition of crime changes and violence is justified as a form of self-defense by perpetrators.
Marc Weller
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199566167
- eISBN:
- 9780191705373
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199566167.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter continues to trace the recent history of Kosovo within the context of the dissolution of the Yugoslav federation. Picking up in 1991, it examines the fall-out from the Serbian and ...
More
This chapter continues to trace the recent history of Kosovo within the context of the dissolution of the Yugoslav federation. Picking up in 1991, it examines the fall-out from the Serbian and Croatian declarations of independence, notably the Serbian military response and the internationally driven Carrington process. Of particular note was the restrictive and discretionary attitude of the Badinter Commission towards Kosovo's future status. The perceived sidelining of Kosovo is revisited in subsequent discussion of the 1992 London conference and follow-on meetings. The chapter also examines international efforts to stabilize the situation on the ground through the newly developed conflict prevention mechanisms of the Conference/Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (C/OSCE), notably its Mission of Long Duration, which undertook responsibilities relating to monitoring mediation and protection of individuals.Less
This chapter continues to trace the recent history of Kosovo within the context of the dissolution of the Yugoslav federation. Picking up in 1991, it examines the fall-out from the Serbian and Croatian declarations of independence, notably the Serbian military response and the internationally driven Carrington process. Of particular note was the restrictive and discretionary attitude of the Badinter Commission towards Kosovo's future status. The perceived sidelining of Kosovo is revisited in subsequent discussion of the 1992 London conference and follow-on meetings. The chapter also examines international efforts to stabilize the situation on the ground through the newly developed conflict prevention mechanisms of the Conference/Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (C/OSCE), notably its Mission of Long Duration, which undertook responsibilities relating to monitoring mediation and protection of individuals.
Jelena Subotic
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501742408
- eISBN:
- 9781501742415
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501742408.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book asks why Holocaust memory continues to be so deeply troubled—ignored, appropriated, and obfuscated—throughout Eastern Europe, even though it was in those lands that most of the ...
More
This book asks why Holocaust memory continues to be so deeply troubled—ignored, appropriated, and obfuscated—throughout Eastern Europe, even though it was in those lands that most of the extermination campaign occurred. As part of accession to the European Union, the book shows, East European states were required to adopt, participate in, and contribute to the established Western narrative of the Holocaust. This requirement created anxiety and resentment in post-communist states: Holocaust memory replaced communist terror as the dominant narrative in Eastern Europe, focusing instead on predominantly Jewish suffering in World War II. Influencing the European Union's own memory politics and legislation in the process, post-communist states have attempted to reconcile these two memories by pursuing new strategies of Holocaust remembrance. The memory, symbols, and imagery of the Holocaust have been appropriated to represent crimes of communism. This book presents in-depth accounts of Holocaust remembrance practices in Serbia, Croatia, and Lithuania, and extends the discussion to other East European states. It demonstrates how countries of the region used Holocaust remembrance as a political strategy to resolve their insecurities about their identities, about their international status, and about their relationships with other international actors. As the book concludes, Holocaust memory in Eastern Europe has never been about the Holocaust or about the desire to remember the past, whether during communism or in its aftermath. Rather, it has been about managing national identities in a precarious and uncertain world.Less
This book asks why Holocaust memory continues to be so deeply troubled—ignored, appropriated, and obfuscated—throughout Eastern Europe, even though it was in those lands that most of the extermination campaign occurred. As part of accession to the European Union, the book shows, East European states were required to adopt, participate in, and contribute to the established Western narrative of the Holocaust. This requirement created anxiety and resentment in post-communist states: Holocaust memory replaced communist terror as the dominant narrative in Eastern Europe, focusing instead on predominantly Jewish suffering in World War II. Influencing the European Union's own memory politics and legislation in the process, post-communist states have attempted to reconcile these two memories by pursuing new strategies of Holocaust remembrance. The memory, symbols, and imagery of the Holocaust have been appropriated to represent crimes of communism. This book presents in-depth accounts of Holocaust remembrance practices in Serbia, Croatia, and Lithuania, and extends the discussion to other East European states. It demonstrates how countries of the region used Holocaust remembrance as a political strategy to resolve their insecurities about their identities, about their international status, and about their relationships with other international actors. As the book concludes, Holocaust memory in Eastern Europe has never been about the Holocaust or about the desire to remember the past, whether during communism or in its aftermath. Rather, it has been about managing national identities in a precarious and uncertain world.
Vera Stojarova
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719089732
- eISBN:
- 9781781706473
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089732.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal ...
More
This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal organization, leadership and collaboration in far right parties are treated under the label "internal supply-side". The "external supply side", then, includes the analysis of political, social, economic, ethno-cultural and international variables. The final chapters deal with voters for the far right, legislative implementation and far right organizations. The analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania shows the main factors important for the success of these parties in these countries are: charismatic leadership and strong party organization, the position and strategy of the mainstream parties, the state-building process, a strong national minority or diaspora abroad, electoral design and an international configuration.Less
This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal organization, leadership and collaboration in far right parties are treated under the label "internal supply-side". The "external supply side", then, includes the analysis of political, social, economic, ethno-cultural and international variables. The final chapters deal with voters for the far right, legislative implementation and far right organizations. The analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania shows the main factors important for the success of these parties in these countries are: charismatic leadership and strong party organization, the position and strategy of the mainstream parties, the state-building process, a strong national minority or diaspora abroad, electoral design and an international configuration.
Emily Greble
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801449215
- eISBN:
- 9780801460739
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449215.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
On April 15, 1941, Sarajevo fell to Germany's 16th Motorized Infantry Division. The city, along with the rest of Bosnia, was incorporated into the Independent State of Croatia, one of the most brutal ...
More
On April 15, 1941, Sarajevo fell to Germany's 16th Motorized Infantry Division. The city, along with the rest of Bosnia, was incorporated into the Independent State of Croatia, one of the most brutal of the Nazi satellite states run by the ultranationalist Croat Ustasha regime. The occupation posed an extraordinary set of challenges to Sarajevo's famously cosmopolitan culture and its civic consciousness. As detailed in this book, the city's complex mosaic of confessions and ethnicities began to fracture under the Ustasha regime's violent assault on “Serbs, Jews, and Roma.” Nor was there unanimity within the various ethnic and confessional groups: some Catholic Croats detested the Ustasha regime while others rode to power within it; Muslims quarreled about how best to position themselves for the postwar world, and some cast their lot with Hitler and joined the ill-fated Muslim Waffen SS. In time, these centripetal forces were complicated by the Yugoslav Civil War, a multisided civil conflict fought among Communist Partisans, Chetniks (Serb nationalists), Ustashas, and a host of other smaller groups. The book explores the different sides of civil conflict, shedding light on the ways that humanitarian crises contributed to civil tensions and the ways that marginalized groups sought political power within the shifting political system. In the late days of the war, the Ustasha leaders, realizing that their game was up, turned the city into a slaughterhouse before fleeing abroad. The arrival of the Communist Partisans in April 1945 ushered in a new revolutionary era, one met with caution by the townspeople.Less
On April 15, 1941, Sarajevo fell to Germany's 16th Motorized Infantry Division. The city, along with the rest of Bosnia, was incorporated into the Independent State of Croatia, one of the most brutal of the Nazi satellite states run by the ultranationalist Croat Ustasha regime. The occupation posed an extraordinary set of challenges to Sarajevo's famously cosmopolitan culture and its civic consciousness. As detailed in this book, the city's complex mosaic of confessions and ethnicities began to fracture under the Ustasha regime's violent assault on “Serbs, Jews, and Roma.” Nor was there unanimity within the various ethnic and confessional groups: some Catholic Croats detested the Ustasha regime while others rode to power within it; Muslims quarreled about how best to position themselves for the postwar world, and some cast their lot with Hitler and joined the ill-fated Muslim Waffen SS. In time, these centripetal forces were complicated by the Yugoslav Civil War, a multisided civil conflict fought among Communist Partisans, Chetniks (Serb nationalists), Ustashas, and a host of other smaller groups. The book explores the different sides of civil conflict, shedding light on the ways that humanitarian crises contributed to civil tensions and the ways that marginalized groups sought political power within the shifting political system. In the late days of the war, the Ustasha leaders, realizing that their game was up, turned the city into a slaughterhouse before fleeing abroad. The arrival of the Communist Partisans in April 1945 ushered in a new revolutionary era, one met with caution by the townspeople.
Marko Attila Hoare
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263808
- eISBN:
- 9780191734458
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The Partisan movement in Bosnia-Hercegovina was the product both of long-term socio-economic developments at home and of the short-term ‘accident’ of foreign invasion and occupation; it involved the ...
More
The Partisan movement in Bosnia-Hercegovina was the product both of long-term socio-economic developments at home and of the short-term ‘accident’ of foreign invasion and occupation; it involved the merger of a traditional Serb-peasant uprising and a modern urban-revolutionary movement; and it represented both a characteristic chapter and a turning-point in modern Bosnian history. The Axis powers of Germany and Italy, by destroying the Yugoslav kingdom, changed the course of Bosnian history. Their installation in power of the Ustasha regime, and the latter's genocide of the Serb population of Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina, unleashed a resistance movement that would take shape as the Partisans. Yet the Partisans were not simply an armed response to the new order, but a revolutionary movement of a specifically Bosnian kind.Less
The Partisan movement in Bosnia-Hercegovina was the product both of long-term socio-economic developments at home and of the short-term ‘accident’ of foreign invasion and occupation; it involved the merger of a traditional Serb-peasant uprising and a modern urban-revolutionary movement; and it represented both a characteristic chapter and a turning-point in modern Bosnian history. The Axis powers of Germany and Italy, by destroying the Yugoslav kingdom, changed the course of Bosnian history. Their installation in power of the Ustasha regime, and the latter's genocide of the Serb population of Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina, unleashed a resistance movement that would take shape as the Partisans. Yet the Partisans were not simply an armed response to the new order, but a revolutionary movement of a specifically Bosnian kind.
Marko Attila Hoare
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263808
- eISBN:
- 9780191734458
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The KPJ's careful organization and preparation made it the most important leader of the Serb rebellion in Bosnia-Hercegovina and Croatia in the summer of 1941. It was able to assume this position as ...
More
The KPJ's careful organization and preparation made it the most important leader of the Serb rebellion in Bosnia-Hercegovina and Croatia in the summer of 1941. It was able to assume this position as a result of the social links that bound its members to the Serb peasants who comprised the overwhelming majority of the rebels. No other political group had prepared for participation in a guerrilla uprising and the KPJ therefore enjoyed a head start over all rivals in its quest for leadership over the latter. There was, however, a latent opposition among wide sections of the conservative, patriarchal, religious, and nationally homogenous Serb peasantry to the KPJ and the values it represented: urban civilization, cosmopolitanism, internationalism, republicanism, secularism, and equality of the sexes. The Chetnik movement in Bosnia-Hercegovina arose as a Serb-nationalist, conservative, anti-Croat, anti-Muslim, anti-Semitic, and anti-urban resistance to the KPJ's leadership of the uprising-in short, a ‘Great Serb’ reaction to the ‘multinational Bosnian’ resistance proclaimed by the Communist leaders. The first months of the Partisan movement saw the Communists attempting to reconcile the military necessity of an alliance with the Chetniks with the political necessity of opposing the divisive and destructive chauvinism that they stood for. As the impossibility of squaring this circle became increasingly apparent, the Partisans were gradually, reluctantly but inexorably pushed into war with the Chetniks.Less
The KPJ's careful organization and preparation made it the most important leader of the Serb rebellion in Bosnia-Hercegovina and Croatia in the summer of 1941. It was able to assume this position as a result of the social links that bound its members to the Serb peasants who comprised the overwhelming majority of the rebels. No other political group had prepared for participation in a guerrilla uprising and the KPJ therefore enjoyed a head start over all rivals in its quest for leadership over the latter. There was, however, a latent opposition among wide sections of the conservative, patriarchal, religious, and nationally homogenous Serb peasantry to the KPJ and the values it represented: urban civilization, cosmopolitanism, internationalism, republicanism, secularism, and equality of the sexes. The Chetnik movement in Bosnia-Hercegovina arose as a Serb-nationalist, conservative, anti-Croat, anti-Muslim, anti-Semitic, and anti-urban resistance to the KPJ's leadership of the uprising-in short, a ‘Great Serb’ reaction to the ‘multinational Bosnian’ resistance proclaimed by the Communist leaders. The first months of the Partisan movement saw the Communists attempting to reconcile the military necessity of an alliance with the Chetniks with the political necessity of opposing the divisive and destructive chauvinism that they stood for. As the impossibility of squaring this circle became increasingly apparent, the Partisans were gradually, reluctantly but inexorably pushed into war with the Chetniks.
