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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the concept of Climate Change Criminology. Climate Change Criminology rests upon the four pillars of crime and harm; global connectedness and ecological justice; causes and consequences; and power and interests. These are separate but inextricably linked domains of analysis, interpretation, and critique. Each area demands novel ways of thinking about the problem, employing methods and approaches that necessarily push the boundaries of contemporary criminological theory and the purview of modern criminal justice institutions. In several important respects, Climate Change Criminology parallels work which focuses on ‘social harm’ as a constitutive concept. What makes a social harm ‘social’ is the fact that it does not stem from natural causes; it is intrinsically caused by humans. Analysis and response to this is central to the project of Climate Change Criminology.

This chapter presents a variety of explanations and typologies relating to the crime–climate relationship. It is clear that there are many specific causes for particular kinds of crime, and that it is the immediate variables, persons, and contexts that shape what occurs, why, where, and how. It is also apparent that temperature and climate changes do have an impact on human behaviour, and these are related to broader structural factors such as global warming. Moreover, government policy and market responses to climate change become important variables in the rise of new crimes and the movement of criminal networks and individuals into domains that hitherto did not exist. The carbon emissions credit market, for example, is precisely such a phenomenon. For Climate Change Criminology, it is imperative to keep developing sustained analyses of climate-related crimes.

This concluding chapter summarises the main propositions and areas of concern for Climate Change Criminology. It also emphasises the role of criminologists as public intellectuals and political activists, and the necessity that there be stewards and guardians of the future. This translates into prioritising research, policy, and practice around climate change themes. For criminologists, this means that they need to go beyond parochial viewpoints and those perspectives that frame harm in terms of national or regional interests. Their loyalty has to be to the planet as a whole, rather than being bound by a narrow prescriptive patriotism based on nation. Ultimately, the endeavour of Climate Change Criminology should be to create the conditions for a future that is more forgiving and generous rather than exploitive of humans, environments, and animals.

The youth’s narratives can add depth to many literatures, and chapter one reviews some of the core assumptions within the fields of youth violence, critical youth studies, and punishment in the juvenile justice system and schools. Chapter one also includes a brief review of the colonial history of Hawai‘i.

Having outlined the purpose of the book in Part I, in the last chapter, chapter 2 reviews existing US and British gang literature. This chapter breaks down the gang concept and analyse literature form three resulting perspectives: the environment; the structure; and activities. This allows aspects of the gang to be analysed while also accounting for a holistic picture as well. The chapter then looks to explain how research has gradually brought closer concepts of ‘the gang’ and ‘drug harms’ - in that drug distribution has become a central feature when conducting gang research. After reviewing gang research the chapter then provides a brief overview on organised crime literature. This explains how aspects of the gang, at all levels, has come to be tied to various aspects of organised crime terminology. As a consequence, such perceptions retain potentially net-widening and criminalising properties.

While chapter 2 outlined gang research in three main ways - context, structure, and literature – the discussion was largely situated within the wider US, European, and broader UK context. Yet Scottish gang literature was excluded. This chapter looks at gang research in the Scottish context more specifically and as such can essentially be broken into two parts. The first part of this chapter looks at Scottish gang literature in much the same format that the previous chapter explored gang research more broadly. This means looking at gang structure, activity and context. The second half of the chapter is dedicated to exploring in detail some of those reasons which have contributed to the stagnation of Scottish gang literature and how gangs are believed to be in the Scottish arena. This is explained by exploring several contributory factors, ranging from gang narratives, conducting gang research, socio-economic influences, amongst other reasons.

This chapter begins by detailing the theoretical, political, and research coordinates of a Critical Criminology that coalesced into an orthodox Marxist position in the course of the 1980s and 1990s. It then goes on to discuss the challenges now facing the field of Critical Criminology. It acknowledges from the outset that, globally, there are several critical criminological communities of identification and articulation and divergent thematic paths. To varying degrees they are antagonistic towards the conventional criminological complex. The chapter's primary geographical reference point is the UK as it is the geo-political context that has generated what is viewed to be the most forceful orthodox position.

The chapter examines the causes of the formation of two different penological identities in Europe and the United States and their characteristics, focusing on the distinction between US pragmatism and European doctrinarism. It analyses the foundation of the International Union of Penal Law, the American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology, the International Prison and Penitentiary Congresses, and other congresses and publications to show how the peno-criminological reform movement was driven by a renewed interest in legal comparison. The chapter also investigates how penal reformers and criminologists such as Liszt, Saleilles, Cuche, Pound, Ferri, and other adherents to the Italian Positivist School made a different use of legal history to uphold and legitimize their new proposals.

This essay examines the adventures of Richard Marsh’s female detective and lip-reader Judith Lee (1911–16). The short-story series offers a powerful example of the cross-fertilisation of the genres of detective, Gothic, New-Woman and science fiction through Marsh’s ambivalent construction of his protagonist as a potentially progenerate being with seemingly supernatural communication skills. Lee is a liminal heroine who is simultaneously resistant to and complicit with the normalising taxonomies of gender, sexuality, ethnicity and class commonly associated with detective fiction. However, while the stories’ conformist position as scientifically minded crime fiction is complicated by their apparent tolerance of deviance, Lee’s expertise as a teacher of the deaf undermines counter-hegemonic readings because her profession aims to ‘cure’ a disability, deafness. Lee’s adventures show how popular fiction synthesised disparate discursive frameworks drawing on criminology, eugenics, science, communications technology and psychical research.

This chapter examines the values and the value of cultural criminology. It explores the characteristics and criticisms of the diverse range of perspectives, values and theoretical traditions held, and which are maintained by cultural criminologists. Briefly tracing cultural criminology’s lineage, the chapter demonstrates how often the distinct and divergent elements of previous criminology are deployed in a contemporary context. The chapter argues that cultural criminology has yet to construct a unified vision that transcends its constituent theories nor has it sought to develop a contemporary understanding of the structural determinants of crime.

Chapter eight showcases our theoretical interpretations of our findings reviewed in chapters three through seven. Featuring racial and gender inequalities, which we call the system of colonial patriarchy, we fill gaps in youth violence perspectives, interlocking inequalities perspectives of youth, and assumptions within the field of critical youth studies. We offer a theory of colonial patriarchy to explain youth violence, and we suggest how a colonial patriarchy lens can expand theories of punishment in the U.S.

The book opens with a description of the two key sites in my study: El Valle Juvenile Detention and Legacy community school. I describe the focus of the project and the questions I address. Here, I emphasize how these two institutions and wraparound services shape the pathways of my participants and how these young women navigate these interlocking entities. I then discuss why understanding these new educational and penal connections is important, especially the role they play in the lives of the Latina girls in my study. In this chapter I introduce the term wraparound incarceration, which I coin in the book. I draw on previous research on intersectionality, the school-to-prison pipeline, life course theory and work on gender and crime to situate my own intellectual contributions. The chapter ends with a discussion of the major components of the book, providing readers a “map” of what to expect in the text. Finally, I introduce my primary respondents who will lead off and end every chapter in this manuscript. This introduction as a whole reminds the readers of the importance of studying the processes that lead this growing group of girls into the juvenile justice system.

In this chapter, I draw on feminist criminology and research on gender and crime to demonstrate how abuse and neglect in the home led the young women in my study to their first contact with the criminal justice system. I pay attention to how home instability is shaped by gendered, racialized, and class-specific challenges. First, I discuss the multiple types of abuse girls experience in the home. This mistreatment led the young women in my study to begin dating at an early age; this new behavior resulted in more abuse at the hands of family members, who viewed their behavior as inappropriate and a violation of “proper” behavior for young Latinas. As this abuse continued, most of the young women in my study began using controlled substances. Soon, they ran away from home. Once on the street, they experienced a new set of challenges, which included finding housing, staying safe, and avoiding physical and sexual abuse. By this point their initial drug use had usually turned into full-blown drug addiction. Drug use and abuse were key factors contributing to first girls’ arrest.

For girls in El Valle and Legacy, incarceration is a central component of their lives. However, once kids turn 18, the violations that previously landed them in juvenile detention now lead directly to adult prisons. I identify the key turning points that lead girls in my study from detention to college, gainful employment, or the larger California prison system. I also reveal the key moments in girls’ development when they are ready and willing for positive change. Unfortunately, many youth are so entrenched in the criminal justice system that when they become ready for change, exiting the criminal justice system becomes impossible. I inform scholars understanding of young women and criminal desistance, as well as the institutional and interpersonal factors that prevent these youth from exiting the criminal justice system. This final section sheds light on the key factors that educators and criminal justice agencies can look for when attempting to make positive interventions in young peoples' life trajectories. It also sheds light on the shortcomings of wraparound services and further verifies my argument that these services resemble wraparound incarceration.

The conclusion revisits the major themes of book. It also highlights the larger implications of these findings for young people in the United States. New partnerships between education and penal facilities and wraparound services as a whole do not help young people stay away from the criminal justice system. Despite the positive intentions of these new services, law enforcement and education administrators inadvertently undermine their goal of helping youth by exposing them to further criminalization. Instead these new services break down social bonds between adults, institutional actors, and other young people that would help the girls in my study begin a more positive life-course. This is reflected in their failed attempts to finish probation, return to traditional school and leave the criminal justice system altogether. I revisit this clear disconnect between the well-intentioned goals of education and corrections administrators with negative outcomes young women must negotiate as they try, and often fail, to stay out of secure detention. I also remind the reader how this process has a set of challenges that are unique to Latinas’ intersecting identities.