Edmund Richardson
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265413
- eISBN:
- 9780191760464
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265413.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter examines the ways in which Britain's campaigns in the Crimean War (1854–56) became entangled in the ancient world. During the conflict, British officers in the Crimea went in search of ...
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This chapter examines the ways in which Britain's campaigns in the Crimean War (1854–56) became entangled in the ancient world. During the conflict, British officers in the Crimea went in search of ancient sites to excavate — while newspapers in London reported avidly on their finds. The chapter centres around Duncan McPherson, a military doctor who carried out several strikingly ambitious Crimean excavations in collaboration with Robert Westmacott, son of the neoclassical sculptor Sir Richard Westmacott. It explores how difficult and frustrating the search for the ancient world became, for Britain's soldier-archaeologists — and how frequently their pursuit of the past was thwarted.Less
This chapter examines the ways in which Britain's campaigns in the Crimean War (1854–56) became entangled in the ancient world. During the conflict, British officers in the Crimea went in search of ancient sites to excavate — while newspapers in London reported avidly on their finds. The chapter centres around Duncan McPherson, a military doctor who carried out several strikingly ambitious Crimean excavations in collaboration with Robert Westmacott, son of the neoclassical sculptor Sir Richard Westmacott. It explores how difficult and frustrating the search for the ancient world became, for Britain's soldier-archaeologists — and how frequently their pursuit of the past was thwarted.
Miles Taylor
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204824
- eISBN:
- 9780191676413
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204824.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
The reform party, and the reform movement more generally, led the demands for British intervention in the Crimea during 1853 and 1854. However, support for British intervention was not unconditional. ...
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The reform party, and the reform movement more generally, led the demands for British intervention in the Crimea during 1853 and 1854. However, support for British intervention was not unconditional. Arguments in favour of intervention were based on a set of interrelated expectations. For most of the reform party and the reform movement, the Crimean War came to revolve around the tension between European progress and civilization, and Russian barbarism. As a Christian European state England had little in common with the infidelism of the Orient. As the Crimean war got under way, pro-interventionist opinion had not only become convinced of the issues involved, it had also grown confident that the war would be fought in a manner compatible with British free trade. During the winter of 1853–4 the reform movement had resigned itself to the long-term costs involved in British intervention on the continent.Less
The reform party, and the reform movement more generally, led the demands for British intervention in the Crimea during 1853 and 1854. However, support for British intervention was not unconditional. Arguments in favour of intervention were based on a set of interrelated expectations. For most of the reform party and the reform movement, the Crimean War came to revolve around the tension between European progress and civilization, and Russian barbarism. As a Christian European state England had little in common with the infidelism of the Orient. As the Crimean war got under way, pro-interventionist opinion had not only become convinced of the issues involved, it had also grown confident that the war would be fought in a manner compatible with British free trade. During the winter of 1853–4 the reform movement had resigned itself to the long-term costs involved in British intervention on the continent.
Miloš Ković
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199574605
- eISBN:
- 9780191595134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199574605.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
The Crimean War played a decisive role in consolidating Disraeli's perceptions of the Eastern Question. Guided by Aberdeen's example and following Palmerston's tactics, he claimed that Russia had to ...
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The Crimean War played a decisive role in consolidating Disraeli's perceptions of the Eastern Question. Guided by Aberdeen's example and following Palmerston's tactics, he claimed that Russia had to be sent decisive and clear messages, which had to be accompanied with some sabre‐rattling as well. Only in this way could Russia be prevented from reaching out for the Sultan's possessions and disturbing the existing balance of power. In his policies towards the Balkan states, Disraeli nevertheless found himself closer to Metternich than Palmerston — the status quo had to be defended at all costs. The chapter highlights that in Disraeli's understanding of the Eastern Question, and foreign policy as a whole, the concepts of ‘the instinct of power’ and ‘the love of fame’ were crucial, as well as that his understandings were close to the Realist school in international relations.Less
The Crimean War played a decisive role in consolidating Disraeli's perceptions of the Eastern Question. Guided by Aberdeen's example and following Palmerston's tactics, he claimed that Russia had to be sent decisive and clear messages, which had to be accompanied with some sabre‐rattling as well. Only in this way could Russia be prevented from reaching out for the Sultan's possessions and disturbing the existing balance of power. In his policies towards the Balkan states, Disraeli nevertheless found himself closer to Metternich than Palmerston — the status quo had to be defended at all costs. The chapter highlights that in Disraeli's understanding of the Eastern Question, and foreign policy as a whole, the concepts of ‘the instinct of power’ and ‘the love of fame’ were crucial, as well as that his understandings were close to the Realist school in international relations.
Suellen Hoy
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195111286
- eISBN:
- 9780199854011
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195111286.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
When the Civil War erupted, sanitarians found a national laboratory in which to test their theories and apply their principles. Determined to keep away diseases and to slow down death rates, women ...
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When the Civil War erupted, sanitarians found a national laboratory in which to test their theories and apply their principles. Determined to keep away diseases and to slow down death rates, women and sanitarians formed groups to nurse wounded soldiers and to create a widespread knowledge on the principles of hygiene. The chapter focuses on the works of Florence Nightingale whose principles of cleanliness helped the wounded of the Crimean War. Her example also created a sense of pride among the American women on their role as agents of sanitation. As a result, America saw a great deal of female involvement on the needed reforms regarding cleanliness. This also lead to the creation of a Sanitary Commission headed by Olmsted, the strict standards of Dix on what is an ideal nurse and the integration of the learned virtue of cleanliness in the war camps to the ordinary homes.Less
When the Civil War erupted, sanitarians found a national laboratory in which to test their theories and apply their principles. Determined to keep away diseases and to slow down death rates, women and sanitarians formed groups to nurse wounded soldiers and to create a widespread knowledge on the principles of hygiene. The chapter focuses on the works of Florence Nightingale whose principles of cleanliness helped the wounded of the Crimean War. Her example also created a sense of pride among the American women on their role as agents of sanitation. As a result, America saw a great deal of female involvement on the needed reforms regarding cleanliness. This also lead to the creation of a Sanitary Commission headed by Olmsted, the strict standards of Dix on what is an ideal nurse and the integration of the learned virtue of cleanliness in the war camps to the ordinary homes.
G. R. Searle
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203575
- eISBN:
- 9780191675874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203575.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
On January 26, 1854, Britain's House of Commons passed John A. Roebuck's motion of censure, which destroyed the Aberdeen coalition and led to the creation of the Sebastopol Committee. The movement ...
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On January 26, 1854, Britain's House of Commons passed John A. Roebuck's motion of censure, which destroyed the Aberdeen coalition and led to the creation of the Sebastopol Committee. The movement for administrative reform then switched to the country, where Austen Henry Layard, a back-bench liberal MP, made a succession of well-publicized speeches. On May 5, a pressure group came into existence, the Administrative Reform Association (ARA). By far the most important aspect of the movement for administrative reform was the claim that the army and the government both needed to be organized on good, sound ‘business principles’. This chapter examines the impact of the Crimean War on administrative reform initiatives in Britain and looks at ARA's predecessors and similarities to the Anti-Corn Law League. It also discusses administrative reform at the Manchester School, the supporters of administrative reform, critics of ‘business principles’, the role of leadership in the failure of ARA, ARA's lack of political strategy, and the release of the Northcote-Trevelyan report in February 1854.Less
On January 26, 1854, Britain's House of Commons passed John A. Roebuck's motion of censure, which destroyed the Aberdeen coalition and led to the creation of the Sebastopol Committee. The movement for administrative reform then switched to the country, where Austen Henry Layard, a back-bench liberal MP, made a succession of well-publicized speeches. On May 5, a pressure group came into existence, the Administrative Reform Association (ARA). By far the most important aspect of the movement for administrative reform was the claim that the army and the government both needed to be organized on good, sound ‘business principles’. This chapter examines the impact of the Crimean War on administrative reform initiatives in Britain and looks at ARA's predecessors and similarities to the Anti-Corn Law League. It also discusses administrative reform at the Manchester School, the supporters of administrative reform, critics of ‘business principles’, the role of leadership in the failure of ARA, ARA's lack of political strategy, and the release of the Northcote-Trevelyan report in February 1854.
Philip Towle
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206361
- eISBN:
- 9780191677090
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206361.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, Military History
The Crimean War of 1854–1856 was prolonged for almost a year by Britain's determination to banish Russian naval power from the Black Sea. Like most forced disarmament measures after limited wars, ...
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The Crimean War of 1854–1856 was prolonged for almost a year by Britain's determination to banish Russian naval power from the Black Sea. Like most forced disarmament measures after limited wars, this was tactically offensive and strategically defensive, since it was designed to separate the expansionist Russians from the decaying Ottoman Empire. Russia accepted the banishment of its fleet only after its naval forces in the Black Sea had been destroyed and had been isolated diplomatically. Like the demilitarization of Dunkirk in the eighteenth century, neutralization of the Black Sea was a limited measure, which did not reduce the totality of Russian power, but was still deeply resented as a national humiliation. Consequently, as soon as his enemies were weakened in 1870, the tsar denounced the neutralization of the Black Sea, provoking an international crisis which might easily have led to a second war. Thus, despite its limited scope, forced disarmament occupied a central role in diplomacy during the period, a position which it was not to occupy again until the 1920s.Less
The Crimean War of 1854–1856 was prolonged for almost a year by Britain's determination to banish Russian naval power from the Black Sea. Like most forced disarmament measures after limited wars, this was tactically offensive and strategically defensive, since it was designed to separate the expansionist Russians from the decaying Ottoman Empire. Russia accepted the banishment of its fleet only after its naval forces in the Black Sea had been destroyed and had been isolated diplomatically. Like the demilitarization of Dunkirk in the eighteenth century, neutralization of the Black Sea was a limited measure, which did not reduce the totality of Russian power, but was still deeply resented as a national humiliation. Consequently, as soon as his enemies were weakened in 1870, the tsar denounced the neutralization of the Black Sea, provoking an international crisis which might easily have led to a second war. Thus, despite its limited scope, forced disarmament occupied a central role in diplomacy during the period, a position which it was not to occupy again until the 1920s.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199241170
- eISBN:
- 9780191696893
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241170.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Britain's semi-detached geographical position has helped to give it the world's strongest peace movement. Secure enough from invasions to be influenced by an idealistic approach to international ...
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Britain's semi-detached geographical position has helped to give it the world's strongest peace movement. Secure enough from invasions to be influenced by an idealistic approach to international relations, yet too close to the Continent for isolationism to be an option, the country has provided favourable conditions for those aspiring not merely to prevent war but to abolish it. The period from the Crimean War to World War II marked the British peace movement's age of maturity. In 1854, it was obliged for the first time to contest a decision — and moreover a highly popular one — to enter war. It survived the resulting adversity, and gradually rebuilt its position as an accepted voice in public life, though by the end of the 19th century its leading associations such as the Peace Society were losing vitality as they gained respectability. Stimulated by the First World War into radicalizing and reconstructing itself through the formation of such associations as the Union of Democratic Control, the No-Conscription Fellowship, and the Fellowship of Reconciliation, the movement endured another period of unpopularity before enjoying unprecedented influence during the inter-war years, the era of the League of Nations Union, the Oxford Union's ‘King and country’ debate, the Peace Ballot, and the Peace Pledge Union. Finally, however, Adolf Hitler discredited much of the agenda it had been promoting the previous century or more. This book covers all significant peace associations and campaigns.Less
Britain's semi-detached geographical position has helped to give it the world's strongest peace movement. Secure enough from invasions to be influenced by an idealistic approach to international relations, yet too close to the Continent for isolationism to be an option, the country has provided favourable conditions for those aspiring not merely to prevent war but to abolish it. The period from the Crimean War to World War II marked the British peace movement's age of maturity. In 1854, it was obliged for the first time to contest a decision — and moreover a highly popular one — to enter war. It survived the resulting adversity, and gradually rebuilt its position as an accepted voice in public life, though by the end of the 19th century its leading associations such as the Peace Society were losing vitality as they gained respectability. Stimulated by the First World War into radicalizing and reconstructing itself through the formation of such associations as the Union of Democratic Control, the No-Conscription Fellowship, and the Fellowship of Reconciliation, the movement endured another period of unpopularity before enjoying unprecedented influence during the inter-war years, the era of the League of Nations Union, the Oxford Union's ‘King and country’ debate, the Peace Ballot, and the Peace Pledge Union. Finally, however, Adolf Hitler discredited much of the agenda it had been promoting the previous century or more. This book covers all significant peace associations and campaigns.
PAUL LAITY
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199248353
- eISBN:
- 9780191714672
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199248353.003.01
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The first peace movement in Britain emerged in response to the Napoleonic Wars and involved both pacifists and pacific-ists. The pacifists were mostly, but not only, Quakers, whereas the pacific-ists ...
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The first peace movement in Britain emerged in response to the Napoleonic Wars and involved both pacifists and pacific-ists. The pacifists were mostly, but not only, Quakers, whereas the pacific-ists were Painite radicals and ‘rational Christians’ who denied that the government was engaged in a defensive struggle and called for British neutrality. In 1816, the year after the fighting finally stopped, the first British peace association was formed: the short-lived, pacific-ist Society for Abolishing War. A more successful attempt was made the same year when a group of Quakers and other Christian pacifists launched the Society for the Promotion of Permanent and Universal Peace, also known as the Peace Society. The Peace Society would be the most important British peace association for the next hundred years. This chapter also discusses the impact of the Crimean War on the peace movement in Britain, the emergence of Mazzinian artisan radicalism, the founding of the International Working Men's Association, and the Reform League.Less
The first peace movement in Britain emerged in response to the Napoleonic Wars and involved both pacifists and pacific-ists. The pacifists were mostly, but not only, Quakers, whereas the pacific-ists were Painite radicals and ‘rational Christians’ who denied that the government was engaged in a defensive struggle and called for British neutrality. In 1816, the year after the fighting finally stopped, the first British peace association was formed: the short-lived, pacific-ist Society for Abolishing War. A more successful attempt was made the same year when a group of Quakers and other Christian pacifists launched the Society for the Promotion of Permanent and Universal Peace, also known as the Peace Society. The Peace Society would be the most important British peace association for the next hundred years. This chapter also discusses the impact of the Crimean War on the peace movement in Britain, the emergence of Mazzinian artisan radicalism, the founding of the International Working Men's Association, and the Reform League.
Rachel Teukolsky
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198859734
- eISBN:
- 9780191892080
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198859734.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature, Film, Media, and Cultural Studies
While “realism” is usually studied in novels, paintings, or photography, Chapter 2 analyzes realism in the illustrated newspaper, newly invented in 1842. The chapter focuses on reportage of the ...
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While “realism” is usually studied in novels, paintings, or photography, Chapter 2 analyzes realism in the illustrated newspaper, newly invented in 1842. The chapter focuses on reportage of the Crimean War (1853–6), often dubbed the first “media war”: this was the first international conflict to be documented by independent war correspondents, on-the-spot sketch artists, and photojournalists. The chapter argues that the war’s disastrous turns prompted a representational crisis demanding a new visual vocabulary, one that pictorial journalists addressed using four kinds of reality effects. These are designated as the descriptive, the authentic, the everyday, and the plausible, and they are tracked through the Crimean War’s distinctive newspaper imagery, including the trenches, the amputee, the nurse, and “the Valley of Death.” Alongside new journalistic norms, the 1850s also saw the first use of “realism” as a term of literary criticism, reflecting the spread of realist paradigms across media and genres.Less
While “realism” is usually studied in novels, paintings, or photography, Chapter 2 analyzes realism in the illustrated newspaper, newly invented in 1842. The chapter focuses on reportage of the Crimean War (1853–6), often dubbed the first “media war”: this was the first international conflict to be documented by independent war correspondents, on-the-spot sketch artists, and photojournalists. The chapter argues that the war’s disastrous turns prompted a representational crisis demanding a new visual vocabulary, one that pictorial journalists addressed using four kinds of reality effects. These are designated as the descriptive, the authentic, the everyday, and the plausible, and they are tracked through the Crimean War’s distinctive newspaper imagery, including the trenches, the amputee, the nurse, and “the Valley of Death.” Alongside new journalistic norms, the 1850s also saw the first use of “realism” as a term of literary criticism, reflecting the spread of realist paradigms across media and genres.
Brian Glyn Williams
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190494704
- eISBN:
- 9780190494735
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190494704.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, World Modern History
The Russian annexation of the Crimea in March 2014 focused the world's attention on the Peninsula in ways not seen since the Crimean War. Thousands of Crimean Tatars clashed with pro-Russian ...
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The Russian annexation of the Crimea in March 2014 focused the world's attention on the Peninsula in ways not seen since the Crimean War. Thousands of Crimean Tatars clashed with pro-Russian militiamen in Simferopol, while Moscow has in turn stoked fears of jihadi terrorism among the overwhelmingly Muslim Tatars as retrospective justification for its invasion. The key thread in this book is the Crimean Tatars' changing relationship with their Vatan (homeland) and how this interaction with their natal territory changed under the Ottoman Sultans, Russian Tsars, Soviet Commissars, post-Soviet Ukrainian authorities and now Putin's Russia. Taking as its starting point the 1783 Russian conquest of the independent Tatar state known as the Crimean Khanate, this book explains how the peninsula's native population, with ethnic roots among the Goths, Kipchak Turks, and Mongols, was scattered across the Ottoman Empire. It also traces their later emigration and the radical transformation of this conservative tribal-religious group into a modern, politically mobilized, secular nation under Soviet rule. Stalin's genocidal deportation of the Crimean Tatars in 1944 to Uzbekistan and their almost messianic return to their cherished “Green Isle” in the 1990s are examined in detail, while archival investigations are bolstered by field research among the Crimean Tatar exiles in Uzbekistan and in their samozakhvat (self-seized) squatter camps and settlements in the Crimea.Less
The Russian annexation of the Crimea in March 2014 focused the world's attention on the Peninsula in ways not seen since the Crimean War. Thousands of Crimean Tatars clashed with pro-Russian militiamen in Simferopol, while Moscow has in turn stoked fears of jihadi terrorism among the overwhelmingly Muslim Tatars as retrospective justification for its invasion. The key thread in this book is the Crimean Tatars' changing relationship with their Vatan (homeland) and how this interaction with their natal territory changed under the Ottoman Sultans, Russian Tsars, Soviet Commissars, post-Soviet Ukrainian authorities and now Putin's Russia. Taking as its starting point the 1783 Russian conquest of the independent Tatar state known as the Crimean Khanate, this book explains how the peninsula's native population, with ethnic roots among the Goths, Kipchak Turks, and Mongols, was scattered across the Ottoman Empire. It also traces their later emigration and the radical transformation of this conservative tribal-religious group into a modern, politically mobilized, secular nation under Soviet rule. Stalin's genocidal deportation of the Crimean Tatars in 1944 to Uzbekistan and their almost messianic return to their cherished “Green Isle” in the 1990s are examined in detail, while archival investigations are bolstered by field research among the Crimean Tatar exiles in Uzbekistan and in their samozakhvat (self-seized) squatter camps and settlements in the Crimea.
LEON LITVACK
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198263517
- eISBN:
- 9780191682582
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198263517.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
This chapter discusses Theodora Phranza, Neale’s first full-length novel set in the Christian East. It was originally published in parts in the Churchman’s Companion in 1853–4 and then as a single ...
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This chapter discusses Theodora Phranza, Neale’s first full-length novel set in the Christian East. It was originally published in parts in the Churchman’s Companion in 1853–4 and then as a single volume in 1857. This novel attempts to further the cause of unity by looking back to a time when East and West cooperated for the ultimate good. Britain’s interest in Constantinople involved her in the Crimean War. This situation in turn led Neale to write Theodora Phranza, a polemical novel which focused on the state of Orthodox Christians under the Ottoman rule.Less
This chapter discusses Theodora Phranza, Neale’s first full-length novel set in the Christian East. It was originally published in parts in the Churchman’s Companion in 1853–4 and then as a single volume in 1857. This novel attempts to further the cause of unity by looking back to a time when East and West cooperated for the ultimate good. Britain’s interest in Constantinople involved her in the Crimean War. This situation in turn led Neale to write Theodora Phranza, a polemical novel which focused on the state of Orthodox Christians under the Ottoman rule.
Marc Mulholland
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199653577
- eISBN:
- 9780191744594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199653577.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, History of Ideas
The post-revolution state emerged strengthened, and the Crimean War indicated that war as a means to state aggrandisement was very much back in the repertoire of governmental action. Louis Napoleon's ...
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The post-revolution state emerged strengthened, and the Crimean War indicated that war as a means to state aggrandisement was very much back in the repertoire of governmental action. Louis Napoleon's Imperial France led the way. Britain was an impressive imperial, commercial, and liberal power; but constraints on its executive were beginning to tell on its international room for manoeuvre. The race-question and civil war made the USA less than an altogether enticing model. Austrian neo-absolutism suffered from its lack of constitutionalism, and after being humbled in international relations turned to a parliamentary settlement of sorts (the 1867 Ausgleich). Piedmont, led by Count Cavour, combined constitutionalism, commercialism, war-making, and international politicking to good effect in its drive to unite Italy under its aegis.Less
The post-revolution state emerged strengthened, and the Crimean War indicated that war as a means to state aggrandisement was very much back in the repertoire of governmental action. Louis Napoleon's Imperial France led the way. Britain was an impressive imperial, commercial, and liberal power; but constraints on its executive were beginning to tell on its international room for manoeuvre. The race-question and civil war made the USA less than an altogether enticing model. Austrian neo-absolutism suffered from its lack of constitutionalism, and after being humbled in international relations turned to a parliamentary settlement of sorts (the 1867 Ausgleich). Piedmont, led by Count Cavour, combined constitutionalism, commercialism, war-making, and international politicking to good effect in its drive to unite Italy under its aegis.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804757263
- eISBN:
- 9780804777353
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804757263.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter investigates Russian and British policy between the Crimean War and World War I. It concentrates on Russian and British responses to uncertainty about their strategic and technological ...
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This chapter investigates Russian and British policy between the Crimean War and World War I. It concentrates on Russian and British responses to uncertainty about their strategic and technological environments. It also explores their security environments and strategic choices. The effect of relative power and complexity on strategic choice is then evaluated. Russian strategy reserved the nation's right to play in European great power politics, and they succeeded. It is shown that the Crimean War disclosed the weaknesses of the British army as an antiquated and poorly led field force. Britain reduced tight commitments and maximized flexibility in effect to a diverse and shifting security environment. The prevailing features of Russian and British strategy are most coherent with the representation that strategic responses to a complex security and technological environment indicate concern with their relative international position.Less
This chapter investigates Russian and British policy between the Crimean War and World War I. It concentrates on Russian and British responses to uncertainty about their strategic and technological environments. It also explores their security environments and strategic choices. The effect of relative power and complexity on strategic choice is then evaluated. Russian strategy reserved the nation's right to play in European great power politics, and they succeeded. It is shown that the Crimean War disclosed the weaknesses of the British army as an antiquated and poorly led field force. Britain reduced tight commitments and maximized flexibility in effect to a diverse and shifting security environment. The prevailing features of Russian and British strategy are most coherent with the representation that strategic responses to a complex security and technological environment indicate concern with their relative international position.
Miles Taylor
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204824
- eISBN:
- 9780191676413
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204824.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
The aftermath of the Crimean War, together with the years of the first Palmerston administration, provoked a widespread political debate about the identity of liberalism and the Liberal Party, ...
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The aftermath of the Crimean War, together with the years of the first Palmerston administration, provoked a widespread political debate about the identity of liberalism and the Liberal Party, comparable to the rethinking of liberalism which took place within Foxite Whig circles in the 1820s. The thunderous victory of Lord Palmerston in the general election of 1857 put a temporary halt to this process of consensus in the Liberal Party. Now denuded of the radical infatuation of the late 1840s, Palmerston appeared to be a more sinister figure, and his premiership slowed down the party's realignment by two or three years. But Palmerston's ascendancy did at least provide his Liberal opponents with an orthodoxy against which they were able to define their version of liberalism. This chapter describes this set of developments, which were to lead to the re-formation of the Liberal Party.Less
The aftermath of the Crimean War, together with the years of the first Palmerston administration, provoked a widespread political debate about the identity of liberalism and the Liberal Party, comparable to the rethinking of liberalism which took place within Foxite Whig circles in the 1820s. The thunderous victory of Lord Palmerston in the general election of 1857 put a temporary halt to this process of consensus in the Liberal Party. Now denuded of the radical infatuation of the late 1840s, Palmerston appeared to be a more sinister figure, and his premiership slowed down the party's realignment by two or three years. But Palmerston's ascendancy did at least provide his Liberal opponents with an orthodoxy against which they were able to define their version of liberalism. This chapter describes this set of developments, which were to lead to the re-formation of the Liberal Party.
Jennifer Mitzen
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226060088
- eISBN:
- 9780226060255
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226060255.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter takes up the challenge of the Crimean War and reflects on why these states could not work together in the 1850s as they had in the 1820s. It establishes the historical context between ...
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This chapter takes up the challenge of the Crimean War and reflects on why these states could not work together in the 1850s as they had in the 1820s. It establishes the historical context between Europe and the Porte in the 1840s and 1850s, and then traces the diplomacy, dividing it into two phases: the Russo-Turkish War, which broke out in October 1853, and the great power war, which broke out in March 1854. It shows that at a key moment the diplomatic road forked when the powers faced a choice between grouping—a public strategy—and the private strategy of balancing.Less
This chapter takes up the challenge of the Crimean War and reflects on why these states could not work together in the 1850s as they had in the 1820s. It establishes the historical context between Europe and the Porte in the 1840s and 1850s, and then traces the diplomacy, dividing it into two phases: the Russo-Turkish War, which broke out in October 1853, and the great power war, which broke out in March 1854. It shows that at a key moment the diplomatic road forked when the powers faced a choice between grouping—a public strategy—and the private strategy of balancing.
Miloš Ković
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199574605
- eISBN:
- 9780191595134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199574605.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
The concluding chapter stresses the influence of conservatism and romanticism on Disraeli's understanding of the Eastern Question. The experiences of the Greek Revolution are highlighted, as well as ...
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The concluding chapter stresses the influence of conservatism and romanticism on Disraeli's understanding of the Eastern Question. The experiences of the Greek Revolution are highlighted, as well as the personal experiences from Disraeli's Grand Tour. The changes in his view of the Eastern Question are highlighted, as well as his declining enthusiasm for the Ottoman Empire. Equally, the roles which Metternich and Palmerston played in shaping Disraeli's perception of the Eastern Question are analysed, as well as the crucial experience of the Crimean War in forming Disraeli's reliance on a strategy based on deterrence. The decisive role which Disraeli would play in Britain's policy during the Eastern Crisis is stressed. Finally, it is demonstrated how, during the Eastern Crisis, Disraeli put into practice the key principles on which his foreign policy was based: the ‘instinct of power’, ‘love of fame’, quest for prestige, and preservation of the balance of power.Less
The concluding chapter stresses the influence of conservatism and romanticism on Disraeli's understanding of the Eastern Question. The experiences of the Greek Revolution are highlighted, as well as the personal experiences from Disraeli's Grand Tour. The changes in his view of the Eastern Question are highlighted, as well as his declining enthusiasm for the Ottoman Empire. Equally, the roles which Metternich and Palmerston played in shaping Disraeli's perception of the Eastern Question are analysed, as well as the crucial experience of the Crimean War in forming Disraeli's reliance on a strategy based on deterrence. The decisive role which Disraeli would play in Britain's policy during the Eastern Crisis is stressed. Finally, it is demonstrated how, during the Eastern Crisis, Disraeli put into practice the key principles on which his foreign policy was based: the ‘instinct of power’, ‘love of fame’, quest for prestige, and preservation of the balance of power.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198226741
- eISBN:
- 9780191678660
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198226741.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
After three and a half decades of continuous and accelerating progress, peace thinking faced four setbacks from the autumn of 1851 onwards, caused by both domestic and international factors. The ...
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After three and a half decades of continuous and accelerating progress, peace thinking faced four setbacks from the autumn of 1851 onwards, caused by both domestic and international factors. The first was Kossuth’s tour of Britain in October and November 1851, which produced an intense disagreement between Cobden and the peace society over the extent to which it was possible to back the Hungarian nationalist leader without compromising the doctrine of non-intervention. The second was Louis Napoleon’s coup d’état of 2 December 1851, which was followed by an invasion scare, the fall of Russell’s government, and eventual passing by his Conservative Successor of a Militia Act. The third was Napoleon’s seemingly ominous adoption of the title Emperor Napoleon III in December 1852, which renewed the defence panic. The fourth was the deterioration of the Eastern Question, which dimmed prospects for a second national peace conference at Edinburgh on 12—13 October 1853 and led the following March to Britain’s involvement in the Crimean War.Less
After three and a half decades of continuous and accelerating progress, peace thinking faced four setbacks from the autumn of 1851 onwards, caused by both domestic and international factors. The first was Kossuth’s tour of Britain in October and November 1851, which produced an intense disagreement between Cobden and the peace society over the extent to which it was possible to back the Hungarian nationalist leader without compromising the doctrine of non-intervention. The second was Louis Napoleon’s coup d’état of 2 December 1851, which was followed by an invasion scare, the fall of Russell’s government, and eventual passing by his Conservative Successor of a Militia Act. The third was Napoleon’s seemingly ominous adoption of the title Emperor Napoleon III in December 1852, which renewed the defence panic. The fourth was the deterioration of the Eastern Question, which dimmed prospects for a second national peace conference at Edinburgh on 12—13 October 1853 and led the following March to Britain’s involvement in the Crimean War.
Rosella Cappella Zielinski
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781501702495
- eISBN:
- 9781501705960
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501702495.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter contends that the variations in Britain's war financing during World War II and the Crimean War were due to the source of war inputs and a state's ability to cope with low currency ...
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This chapter contends that the variations in Britain's war financing during World War II and the Crimean War were due to the source of war inputs and a state's ability to cope with low currency reserves. When a state needs to procure inputs for the war effort from outside its borders and does not have the currency to pay for those goods, it will be forced to borrow from abroad to meet its war finance needs. In contrast, external extraction is not necessary if the state does not need to purchase goods from abroad or if it has the currency to pay for them.Less
This chapter contends that the variations in Britain's war financing during World War II and the Crimean War were due to the source of war inputs and a state's ability to cope with low currency reserves. When a state needs to procure inputs for the war effort from outside its borders and does not have the currency to pay for those goods, it will be forced to borrow from abroad to meet its war finance needs. In contrast, external extraction is not necessary if the state does not need to purchase goods from abroad or if it has the currency to pay for them.
A. Wess Mitchell
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196442
- eISBN:
- 9781400889969
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196442.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter traces the breakdown of the Metternichian system, from the time of the revolution of 1848 and Crimean War to the debilitating defeats by Italy in 1859 and Prussia in 1866. In the middle ...
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This chapter traces the breakdown of the Metternichian system, from the time of the revolution of 1848 and Crimean War to the debilitating defeats by Italy in 1859 and Prussia in 1866. In the middle decades of the nineteenth century, the Habsburg Monarchy suffered defeats in a series of short, sharp wars that would bring an end to the Metternich system and pave the way for Austria’s demise as a Great Power. These changes occurred not primarily because of economic decay or the empire’s internal complexity but instead because Austria lost the tools that it had used in the past to manage the sequencing and duration of its wars. This was the result of both structural changes beyond its leaders’ control and avoidable errors and a deviation from the principles that had formerly shaped its past statecraft. Specifically, Austria’s leaders abandoned the flexible statecraft that had allowed them to control conflict sequencing and avoid isolation; rivals adopted new technologies that denied the monarchy’s armies the ability to use attrition and terrain to prolong conflict and outlast stronger militaries; and nationalism trumped treaty rights as a source of territorial legitimacy, allowing hostile polities to form in the areas that had previously served as the monarchy’s buffer zones. Deprived of its traditional strategic toolbox, Austria was forced by its strongest rival to accept cohabitation with its strongest ethnic minority and for the first time had to absorb the full costs of managing a 360-degree defensive position.Less
This chapter traces the breakdown of the Metternichian system, from the time of the revolution of 1848 and Crimean War to the debilitating defeats by Italy in 1859 and Prussia in 1866. In the middle decades of the nineteenth century, the Habsburg Monarchy suffered defeats in a series of short, sharp wars that would bring an end to the Metternich system and pave the way for Austria’s demise as a Great Power. These changes occurred not primarily because of economic decay or the empire’s internal complexity but instead because Austria lost the tools that it had used in the past to manage the sequencing and duration of its wars. This was the result of both structural changes beyond its leaders’ control and avoidable errors and a deviation from the principles that had formerly shaped its past statecraft. Specifically, Austria’s leaders abandoned the flexible statecraft that had allowed them to control conflict sequencing and avoid isolation; rivals adopted new technologies that denied the monarchy’s armies the ability to use attrition and terrain to prolong conflict and outlast stronger militaries; and nationalism trumped treaty rights as a source of territorial legitimacy, allowing hostile polities to form in the areas that had previously served as the monarchy’s buffer zones. Deprived of its traditional strategic toolbox, Austria was forced by its strongest rival to accept cohabitation with its strongest ethnic minority and for the first time had to absorb the full costs of managing a 360-degree defensive position.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199241170
- eISBN:
- 9780191696893
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241170.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The optimism regarding Britain's peace movement waned by the time of the Crimean War as during the 18th century there were already changing attitudes towards both international relations and ...
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The optimism regarding Britain's peace movement waned by the time of the Crimean War as during the 18th century there were already changing attitudes towards both international relations and political activism. This geared the possibility of a peace association as suggested by the utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham in 1789 as the first peace campaign of the world began early in Britain's French wars of February 1793 to June 1815. The long conflict brought to establishment the first peace associations and the peace movement of Britain enjoyed favourable geographical and cultural conditions. It was an impressive first six decades for Britain's peace movement as it faced adversity both during and after the French war leading to the establishment of pacifism as significant minority viewpoint within the debate of war or peace.Less
The optimism regarding Britain's peace movement waned by the time of the Crimean War as during the 18th century there were already changing attitudes towards both international relations and political activism. This geared the possibility of a peace association as suggested by the utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham in 1789 as the first peace campaign of the world began early in Britain's French wars of February 1793 to June 1815. The long conflict brought to establishment the first peace associations and the peace movement of Britain enjoyed favourable geographical and cultural conditions. It was an impressive first six decades for Britain's peace movement as it faced adversity both during and after the French war leading to the establishment of pacifism as significant minority viewpoint within the debate of war or peace.
