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The introduction introduces the topic and central argument of the book: that at the heart of the human embryo research debates was the question of how the public should reason together about a domain of science and technology that touches upon the most fundamental dimensions of human life. It introduces the methodological approach and coproductionist theoretical framework of the study. It introduces the idea of the “constitutional position of science” in American democracy, and illustrates the unacknowledged but constitutional position of scientific authority in John Rawls' idea of public reason.

Considered one of the four legends in the Chinese oral tradition, the legend of the White Snake and its theatrical and popular cultural metamorphoses played an important role in the pre-cinematic origins of Hong Kong horror cinema. This chapter surveys the changing representation of gender and horror in a series of films based on the White Snake legend from the 1920s to the 1970s. Centred on a very horrific concept (a monstrous snake disguised as a beauty and married to a human male), these films nonetheless enrich or even challenge our understanding of the genre of horror cinema in their service to a wide range of other genres: operatic performance, romantic melodrama, fantasy adventure, slapstick comedy, and social and political commentary. In addition to challenging the very concept of horror, this cluster of White Snake films poses further challenges to the idea of “Hong Kong cinema,” as it ranges from a Tokyo production, a Shanghai production, a Hong Kong-Japan coproduction, to a production based in Hong Kong with South Asian distributors, and a Hong Kong-Taiwan coproduction with a Shaw Brothers director.

Through a close analysis of Hong Kong director Tsui Hark’s Detective Dee and the Mystery of the Phantom Flame (2010), this chapter argues that the film’s successful appeal to local and global Chinese audiences is based on a conservative reading of the familiar cultural trope of modernity versus tradition, as mirrored in the supposed tensions between the police procedural and the horror/supernatural elements in the wuxia shenguai genre. These tensions are problematic precisely because their narrative and rhetorical purpose is to shore up the deterministic logic of Chinese cultural history, the interpellative call of Chinese political power, and the cultural nationalist logic of being Chinese. However, the film is also capable to generating counter-readings of its politics by recasting itself as a global cinematic text of political irony and oppositional resistance.

Chapter 10 explores what it means to use a ‘capability’ approach to designing an age-friendly city, including its potential for offering new ways of producing and occupying physical and social environments that respond directly to the lived experiences of older people. Drawing on a interdisciplinary community engaged research/urban design project in Manchester, UK, the chapter examines the applicability of AFCC design guidance within a specific urban neighbourhood, and explores how the process of discovering and sharing information about the lived experience of older residents translates into the development and implementation of age-friendly activities focused around urban design.

Chapter 11 identifies new and creative ways in which architects, artists and designers might be drawn into debates around age-friendly urban practice. The chapter describes the way in which current understandings of age-friendly design are limited and how an emerging field of socially engaged design practice can be harnessed to reinvigorate the terms of age-friendly debate and practice – drawing a new generation of designers into conversation with age-friendly policy. By redefining what we mean by age-friendly design, it becomes possible, this chapter argues, to expand and invigorate the field of age-friendly practice, enabling creative practitioners to engage with and creatively inform age-friendly policymaking.

Chapter 12 charts the evolution of the Age-Friendly Manchester programme and, more broadly, explores how the UK government’s ageing policies and strategies have developed since the late 1990s, highlighting four distinctive periods of nationally led activity relating to older people. It goes on to consider how the subsequent development of the age-friendly approach in Manchester has enabled a range of actors, notably local government agencies, to develop ageing programmes in the absence of national leadership. It discusses the City’s involvement in expanding its programme into an ambitious city-regional approach to age-friendly urban development, the first of its kind in the UK. The chapter demonstrates the potential for stimulating age-friendly initiatives at a local and regional level whilst at the same time highlighting the pressures facing urban authorities at a time of economic austerity.

Chapter 13 tests the inclusivity of age-friendliness for the lives of older people with sight loss living within English urban and rural communities. The chapter presents findings from an in-depth study with diverse groups of older people with vision impairment to consider how their needs and aspirations can be, or are being met in relation to the development of age-friendly cities and communities. The study identifies transport and the built environment as two important areas for vision impaired older people, emphasising the significance of more inclusive design, including assistive technology and accessible street design, in facilitating social inclusion. In order to move AFCCs policies forward, the authors conclude, the approach requires recognition of the heterogeneity of the ageing population and the importance of involving people in co-design and co-production of living spaces.

Chapter 14 present a 10 point ‘Manifesto for Change’, drawing upon arguments and perspectives developed by the contributors to this book. Despite the expansion of the WHO Global Network of Age-Friendly Cities and Communities, the chapter argues, challenges remain in responding to the growth of inequality and the impact of economic austerity on policies targeted at older people. Given this context, it becomes especially important to develop a framework for action which strengthens commitment to the primary goal of making environments responsive to the diverse needs of people as they age. The aim of the manifesto is to sharpen debate in the age-friendly field as well as encourage new approaches amongst the various stakeholders, including urban planners, community developers, health and social care professionals, policy-makers, NGOs, voluntary workers, and not least, older people themselves.