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This chapter explores the contours of bill of rights debates and outcomes in Australia. The first part of the chapter demonstrates that, similarly to the situation in other Westminster democracies, pressure for a bill of rights has been emerged from the 1960s from a constituency of civil liberty and social equality seekers, given added political saliency by the postmaterialization of the Australian economy and society. The second part then explores the puzzle of why, uniquely, no such initiatives have proved successful. An explanation based on the alleged special weakness of background pressure for such a reform is rejected. Instead, it is argued that two features of Australian politics have blocked the supply of a bill of rights in this case. Firstly, Australia's strong institutional fragmentation compared at least with the United Kingdom and New Zealand have raised the bar which elite supporters of a bill of rights have to surpass in order to bring this project to fruition. Secondly, and more importantly, during relevant periods of its history, Australia has lacked a clear political trigger providing elites and others with an immediate impetus for change. The chapter closes with a brief consideration of the prospects for bill of rights genesis, following the return of the Rudd Labor Government in 2007.

The Falklands War between Britain and Argentina from April to June 1982 was an emotive political and ideological issue for the UK and its Prime Minister, who fought tirelessly to safeguard the Falkland islanders’ right to self-determination. The war represented a considerable financial and moral commitment by the British to the Falkland Islands and their 1,800 inhabitants in a time of significant economic uncertainty in the UK. Notwithstanding this, Britain’s hegemony and influence over the islands was reasserted in the face of perceived Argentine aggression. Britain’s victory was considered a great success in the UK given the strategic difficulties involved in orchestrating a war in a wind-swept archipelago nearly 8,000 miles from the British mainland, but a mere 400 miles from Argentina. Moreover, it helped to secure Thatcher’s re-election the following year and was a source of national pride for the jubilant British public.1

The question of Belizean independence was an important issue for both the Reagan and Thatcher governments in the early 1980s. For the UK, Belizean independence represented an opportunity to reduce its financial obligations in maintaining a former British colony. It also afforded the UK an opportunity to secure a Belizean commitment to the British Commonwealth. The US saw Belizean independence as a means to counter Soviet expansion in the region and as a bulwark against the possible expansion of leftist guerrilla activity from neighbouring Honduras. This was particularly important to the Reagan administration given the perceived communist threat in the region from Cuba, Nicaragua and El Salvador.1 A democratic Belize would provide the US with a valuable political and ideological ally given its strategic location bordered on two sides by both Honduras and Guatemala. The US also hoped that involvement in the Belizean issue would help it to establish closer ties with Guatemala. Improved US– Guatemalan relations would allow the US to explore the possibilities of renewed US–Guatemalan military trade and, to a lesser extent, the construction of a US naval base in Guatemala.

Phase One of the UK’s High Speed 2 (HS2) rail project is taken as a representative example of the government’s approach to citizen participation with respect to planning major infrastructure projects. The engagement process in general and the 2011 national consultation in particular are found to be paradigm cases of “decide, announce and defend”, in spite of an increasing need for scheme sponsors to take a more inclusive and open approach to planning. A methodical approach to selecting engagement techniques produces three approaches – deliberative polling, the 21^st century town meeting, and participatory multi-criteria analysis – that appear well suited to a project such as HS2. Without suggesting that any of these would have been a panacea, it is possible to conclude that the government could have pursued a more innovative approach to participation.

At the conclusion of the 1978 Consultation on Women in Church-Related Vocations, women felt hope for their future in ordained ministry as the Woman's Missionary Union was coming to their side and the Christian Life Commission adopted their cause. The chapter discusses the transition of the feminist movement from the 1970s to the 1980s, the establishment of the Southern Baptist Women in Ministry, and the ways in which the women upheld the issue of gender, or gendered concepts of women. It also highlights the struggle's beginning years, from 1979 to 1984, and examines how biblical inerrancy and culture wars caused confusion and animosity between conservatives and moderates.

Chapter 9 discusses the difficulties of monitoring and evaluating support programmes for young survivors of exploitation and trafficking. It draws on the findings of a survey of professionals involved in support programmes in 21 countries, and a consultation process involving 89 young survivors of exploitation and trafficking living in seven countries. The survey findings provide guidance on measurement and assessment of ‘successful’ reintegration. The chapter concludes by making a number of recommendations to improve monitoring and evaluation in this area. These include developing common, yet contextualised tools across the sector and using sensitive and appropriate participatory techniques with survivors to understand what ‘successful reintegration’ looks like in their eyes.

This chapter introduces the controversial background and evolution of the PFI model in public housing regeneration. A first section outlines the basic workings of PFI and how it emerged as part of the wider corporate takeover and financialisation of public services. A second section debunks official claims that the inflated cost of private finance is justified by the superior ‘value for money’ delivered through PFI’s ‘risk transfer’ and ‘payment by result’s model. A third section provides an overview of the origins and evolution of PFI as the ‘only game in town’ for local authorities during the 2000s that wanted to retain ownership of public housing and access the desperately-needed finance for home and estates in need of major regeneration and refurbishment. It introduces the twenty public housing PFI regeneration schemes now operational in England, introducing the three London local authority case studies which form the evidence base of the book: Islington’s Street Properties, Camden’s Chalcots Estate and Lambeth’s Myatts Field North estate. A final section reveals the controversy on the ground that met the undemocratic imposition of many housing PFI schemes – sometimes in the face of resident opposition – and the problems that engulfed the procurement of these contracts.

This chapter examines the idea of cross-cultural leadership through the military career of Dwight D. Eisenhower. Eisenhower’s successful leadership as the supreme Allied commander stemmed from nearly two decades of preparation. Serving overseas during the interwar period under generals such as Fox Conner and Douglas MacArthur, Eisenhower came to appreciate both the need for truly unified allied commands and the leadership behaviors essential for their effectiveness. He recognized the importance of flexibility, accountability, humility, consultation, patience, and trust in his relationships with fellow officers and foreign leaders. During the war, Ike proved especially deft at working with political leaders like Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill, with Allied military commanders like Bernard Montgomery and Charles de Gaulle, and with his senior military subordinates like George Patton.

This chapter examines what it calls “new deliberative assemblies” carried out by state-level government agencies from the perspective of fiscal sociology. In particular, it conceptualizes the new deliberative assemblies as a form of consultation between states and citizens by focusing on the case of California in the late twentieth century. After discussing the paradox of participation, the chapter considers the fiscal sociology of consultation. It then describes anticipatory consultation and innovative forms of consultation and goes on to explore the impact of fiscal bargains struck in the Progressive Era on the evolution of consultation in California and New York. It also looks at the Great Consultation and the fiscal theory of democratization and concludes by assessing the implications of new deliberative assemblies for public participation.

This concluding chapter takes up points in the introductory one about the popular component of constitutional democracy since wider participation had a high profile in devolution politics in the UK – most fully developed in arguments in Scotland for reform. But effective and meaningful participation can be far from easy to achieve. This chapter outlines efforts in Northern Ireland to try to bring about forms of inclusive policy-making, notably through the short-lived Civic Forum and the statutory duties in the Northern Ireland Act 1998. In drawing some comparisons with Scotland, the chapter assesses the depths of popular participation in the two devolved systems. The overall finding is that, while high expectations in Scotland for a more participatory polity have been somewhat disappointed, there have been some positive changes there, but that the situation in Northern Ireland may be less promising.

Upon its arrival in office in 1997, the New Labour government opened a national consultation on airport capacity. This chapter analyses the politics of this consultation process leading to the publication of New Labour's White Paper in 2003. It argues that the government's efforts to broker a long-term settlement between rival stakeholders backfired. Rather than resolving the heightened tensions and sharpening contradictions, the consultation process created the conditions for the development of two antagonistic discourse coalitions: the pro-expansionist Freedom to Fly and the pro-regulation AirportWatch. This chapter explores the emergence and formation of these coalitions, analysing their strategies and impact on the UK aviation industry. It concludes that Freedom to Fly's rhetorical redescription of the aviation industry as proponents of ‘responsible growth’ and ‘sustainable aviation’ provided New Labour with the requisite ideological cover for supporting a policy of airport expansion.

This chapter focuses on cases involving First Amendment, abortion rights, and employment discrimination cases that came before the Middle District of Florida from 1992 to 2000. School prayer is chronicled and analysed. Numerous cases involving the right to abortion are included, especially litigation involving controversial abortion doctor James Scott Pendergraft. A number of important employment discrimination cases such as plaintiff actions against Publix Supermarkets, Winn-Dixie, and Florida Progress are discussed. Next the chapter turns to desegregation litigation from the 1990s to the present. As of 1990 Duval, Hillsborough, Marion, Lee, Polk, Pinellas, and Orange counties were still under court supervision. Various rulings by Middle District judges pushed these counties closer and closer toward unitary status. The chapter discussed the litigation in those counties and concludes with the Duval, Hillsborough, Orange, and Marion school districts achieving unitary status.

This chapter reviews the ways in which the initial decisions to allow nuclear weapons to be based in Britain were followed by pressure to gain influence over the conditions under which they would be used. It became clear at an early date that Britain had virtually no leverage over US war plans and could expect to receive nothing more than the most superficial consultation if it were judged necessary to launch a nuclear strike from British soil.

This chapter argues that EU mandates in the electronic communications sector have had an accountability-enhancing effect at the member-state level, an effect that can be better appreciated if considered in the context of the decentralized EU regulatory structure. The chapter begins by providing some context and outlining certain substantive EU regulatory initiatives. The focus then moves to institutional and procedural EU mandates, which, as the case studies will further demonstrate, generate the “democratic surplus.” I argue that the enhancement of democratic accountability was a side effect of the EU advancing the substantive goal of an internal telecommunications market. The chapter further assesses the impact of these procedural provisions against the backdrop of the decentralized EU regime. It considers traditional theoretical arguments in favor of decentralization (regulatory competition, experimentation/innovation, and democratic participation) and applies them to the novel context of regulatory processes. Last, the chapter explains the case selection.

This chapter discusses consultation stages, emphasizing the focal point and objective of each one. The stages include exploration, negotiation, contracting, problem identification, goal setting, selecting the proper consultation model, intervention, evaluating outcomes, institutionalizing change, and termination. Although stage theory represents a structure with a single sequence of steps through which development proceeds in one direction, consultation stages are described in interactive terms with multidimensional characteristics. Furthermore, distinction are made for each stage between the work of internal consultants (school social workers) and external consultants (community professionals) due to the nature of existent or nonexistent professional relationships with school staff. The chapter aims to increase consultants’ awareness of consultation stages and their purpose, while promoting a flexible approach to implementation.

Although the NASW Code of Ethics clearly articulates the mission of the profession and its core values of service, social justice, dignity and worth of the person, importance of human relationships, integrity, and competence, school social work consultants are not immune to ethical dilemmas. In fact, they might actually be in a position to feel more challenged than their colleagues in other social service settings due to the complexities of working in an educational host environment. This chapter discusses ethical dilemmas faced by school social work consultants, including privacy of minors, confidentiality, informed consent, and conflicts of interest. Ethical dilemmas are then examined in the context of the school setting and the school situation. Finally, ethical dilemmas are examined from the perspective of consequential theory, principles theory, and virtue ethics.

This chapter covers the historical development of the WTO’s mechanism for peer review. It examines the conceptual development of peer review and distils typical core elements (objectives, structure, and participants) by looking at the IMF, the OECD, the FSB, the APRM, the UPR, and the UNFCCC and its Kyoto Protocol. These elements are then applied to analyse the historical advent of the TPRM. The analysis also covers the first five appraisals of the TPRM (1999, 2005, 2008, 2011, and 2013). For each of these, it examines the TPRM’s objectives (including its implementation of the naming and shaming objective and potential link(s) with the Dispute Settlement Body), its structure (focusing on individual reviews and on the yearly overviews of developments in the international trading environment), and on its participants (focusing on governmental attendance and participation rates, the evolving capacities of the WTO secretariat, and on the attitudes of discussants).