Anthony F. Heath, Roger M. Jowell, and John K. Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245116
- eISBN:
- 9780191599453
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245118.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Heath, Jowell, and Curtice analyse Margaret Thatcher's distinctive form of British nationalism that embraced a range of issues such as strong defence, vigorous pursuit of British interests in Europe, ...
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Heath, Jowell, and Curtice analyse Margaret Thatcher's distinctive form of British nationalism that embraced a range of issues such as strong defence, vigorous pursuit of British interests in Europe, the protection of British sovereignty, and the maintenance of the Union. They discuss how Thatcherite the electorate was on these issues. As on the economic front, Margaret Thatcher tended to be more extreme than the electorate, both on nuclear defence, where the electorate did not share her enthusiasm for the deployment of American nuclear Cruise missiles in Britain, and on the maintenance of the Union, where the electorate progressively moved away from her brand of British nationalism. On Europe, the Conservatives were closest to the electorate but the disunity of the party over the issue gave out confusing signals to the voters, and the Conservatives proved vulnerable to the Referendum Party created in 1995 with the aim to campaign on the preservation of British sovereignty. The results from the analysis are consistent with the ‘top‐down’ theory of voting behaviour, according to which parties may be able to influence how voters see issues and can themselves shape their supporter's attitudes.Less
Heath, Jowell, and Curtice analyse Margaret Thatcher's distinctive form of British nationalism that embraced a range of issues such as strong defence, vigorous pursuit of British interests in Europe, the protection of British sovereignty, and the maintenance of the Union. They discuss how Thatcherite the electorate was on these issues. As on the economic front, Margaret Thatcher tended to be more extreme than the electorate, both on nuclear defence, where the electorate did not share her enthusiasm for the deployment of American nuclear Cruise missiles in Britain, and on the maintenance of the Union, where the electorate progressively moved away from her brand of British nationalism. On Europe, the Conservatives were closest to the electorate but the disunity of the party over the issue gave out confusing signals to the voters, and the Conservatives proved vulnerable to the Referendum Party created in 1995 with the aim to campaign on the preservation of British sovereignty. The results from the analysis are consistent with the ‘top‐down’ theory of voting behaviour, according to which parties may be able to influence how voters see issues and can themselves shape their supporter's attitudes.
Anthony F. Heath, Roger M. Jowell, and John K. Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245116
- eISBN:
- 9780191599453
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245118.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The key questions in the seventh chapter of the book are related to the changes in the social basis of support for the parties in the British political spectrum in the period 1979–1997 and whether ...
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The key questions in the seventh chapter of the book are related to the changes in the social basis of support for the parties in the British political spectrum in the period 1979–1997 and whether these changes can be described as processes of class dealignment or class realignment. The authors conclude that, from 1979–1997 there has been continuity in the Conservatives’ social basis of support and that almost all variations in Conservative support (apart from the regional one) took the form of swings that affected all social groups alike. There was also continuity in the image of the Conservative party in terms of the groups it represented—in 1997, the Conservatives continued to be seen as a highly sectional party concerned with the interests of the social groups that constituted its traditional core. This was not the case with the Labour party—in 1997, New Labour had very substantially reduced its sectional character, was no longer distinctively associated with any particular social group, and it had successfully become a catchall party. There was a change not only in the image of New Labour but also in the character of Labour's voters—under Tony Blair New Labour's moves towards the centre, involved larger than expected electoral gains in the salariat than among Labour's traditional sources of support in the working class. However, despite these changes Heath, Jowell, and Curtice conclude that even under New Labour the usual pattern of party support continued—it was simply muted. This gives support to the thesis of class realignment according to which the changes in the social bases of party support are due to particular groups shifting their support from one party towards a different one and not due to a blurring of class boundaries and a weakening of the social cleavages (class dealignment).Less
The key questions in the seventh chapter of the book are related to the changes in the social basis of support for the parties in the British political spectrum in the period 1979–1997 and whether these changes can be described as processes of class dealignment or class realignment. The authors conclude that, from 1979–1997 there has been continuity in the Conservatives’ social basis of support and that almost all variations in Conservative support (apart from the regional one) took the form of swings that affected all social groups alike. There was also continuity in the image of the Conservative party in terms of the groups it represented—in 1997, the Conservatives continued to be seen as a highly sectional party concerned with the interests of the social groups that constituted its traditional core. This was not the case with the Labour party—in 1997, New Labour had very substantially reduced its sectional character, was no longer distinctively associated with any particular social group, and it had successfully become a catchall party. There was a change not only in the image of New Labour but also in the character of Labour's voters—under Tony Blair New Labour's moves towards the centre, involved larger than expected electoral gains in the salariat than among Labour's traditional sources of support in the working class. However, despite these changes Heath, Jowell, and Curtice conclude that even under New Labour the usual pattern of party support continued—it was simply muted. This gives support to the thesis of class realignment according to which the changes in the social bases of party support are due to particular groups shifting their support from one party towards a different one and not due to a blurring of class boundaries and a weakening of the social cleavages (class dealignment).
Terry Gourvish
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199250059
- eISBN:
- 9780191719516
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199250059.003.0004
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History
This chapter focuses on the advent of sector management in British Rail with the return to office of the Conservatives in 1979. Topics covered include the establishment of sector management during ...
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This chapter focuses on the advent of sector management in British Rail with the return to office of the Conservatives in 1979. Topics covered include the establishment of sector management during 1979-82, the development of sector management during 1982-5, the strengthening of both sector and sub-sector identities during 1986-9, and the achievements of sector management. It is shown that sector management helped British Rail modernize its organizational responses and subordinate operating and engineering considerations to the fundamentals of income and expenditure.Less
This chapter focuses on the advent of sector management in British Rail with the return to office of the Conservatives in 1979. Topics covered include the establishment of sector management during 1979-82, the development of sector management during 1982-5, the strengthening of both sector and sub-sector identities during 1986-9, and the achievements of sector management. It is shown that sector management helped British Rail modernize its organizational responses and subordinate operating and engineering considerations to the fundamentals of income and expenditure.
Alexander Smith
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079696
- eISBN:
- 9781781703052
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079696.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
This book is an ethnographic study of devolution and politics in Scotland, as well as of party-political activism more generally. It explores how Conservative Party activists who had opposed ...
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This book is an ethnographic study of devolution and politics in Scotland, as well as of party-political activism more generally. It explores how Conservative Party activists who had opposed devolution and the movement for a Scottish Parliament during the 1990s attempted to mobilise politically following their annihilation at the 1997 General Election. The book draws on fieldwork conducted in Dumfries and Galloway – a former stronghold for the Scottish Tories – to describe how senior Conservatives worked from the assumption that they had endured their own ‘crisis’ in representation. The material consequences of this crisis included losses of financial and other resources, legitimacy and local knowledge for the Scottish Conservatives. The book ethnographically describes the processes, practices and relationships that Tory Party activists sought to enact during the 2003 Scottish and local government elections. Its central argument is that, having asserted that the difficulties they faced constituted problems of knowledge, Conservative activists cast to the geographical and institutional margins of Scotland became ‘banal’ activists. Believing themselves to be lacking in the data and information necessary for successful mobilisation during Parliamentary elections, local Tory Party strategists attempted to address their knowledge ‘crisis’ by burying themselves in paperwork and petty bureaucracy. Such practices have often escaped scholarly attention because they appear everyday and mundane, and are therefore less noticeable. Bringing them into view analytically has important implications for socio-cultural anthropologists, sociologists and other scholars interested in ‘new’ ethnographic objects, including activism, bureaucracy, democracy, elections and modern knowledge practices.Less
This book is an ethnographic study of devolution and politics in Scotland, as well as of party-political activism more generally. It explores how Conservative Party activists who had opposed devolution and the movement for a Scottish Parliament during the 1990s attempted to mobilise politically following their annihilation at the 1997 General Election. The book draws on fieldwork conducted in Dumfries and Galloway – a former stronghold for the Scottish Tories – to describe how senior Conservatives worked from the assumption that they had endured their own ‘crisis’ in representation. The material consequences of this crisis included losses of financial and other resources, legitimacy and local knowledge for the Scottish Conservatives. The book ethnographically describes the processes, practices and relationships that Tory Party activists sought to enact during the 2003 Scottish and local government elections. Its central argument is that, having asserted that the difficulties they faced constituted problems of knowledge, Conservative activists cast to the geographical and institutional margins of Scotland became ‘banal’ activists. Believing themselves to be lacking in the data and information necessary for successful mobilisation during Parliamentary elections, local Tory Party strategists attempted to address their knowledge ‘crisis’ by burying themselves in paperwork and petty bureaucracy. Such practices have often escaped scholarly attention because they appear everyday and mundane, and are therefore less noticeable. Bringing them into view analytically has important implications for socio-cultural anthropologists, sociologists and other scholars interested in ‘new’ ethnographic objects, including activism, bureaucracy, democracy, elections and modern knowledge practices.
Alan Ware
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199564439
- eISBN:
- 9780191721526
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199564439.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
This chapter continues the analysis of party collapse by focussing in detail on three cases of collapse at the national level in democracies. These involved the Whig party in the US (1850s), the ...
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This chapter continues the analysis of party collapse by focussing in detail on three cases of collapse at the national level in democracies. These involved the Whig party in the US (1850s), the British Liberal party (early 20th century), and the Canadian Progressive Conservatives (1990s). Popular academic arguments that the American and British cases can be explained by reference to electoral realignment are rejected. In all three cases it was having two fight different sources of opposition that were eroding their strength at the same time that caused collapse. Strategies normally available to party elites in combating collapse could not be applied successfully here because of the dual nature of the crises. Finally, it is questioned whether conditions now make party management of their environments, to ward off potential collapse, more difficult; while this argument is rejected it is argued that they favour the development of less ‘pure’ forms of two-partism.Less
This chapter continues the analysis of party collapse by focussing in detail on three cases of collapse at the national level in democracies. These involved the Whig party in the US (1850s), the British Liberal party (early 20th century), and the Canadian Progressive Conservatives (1990s). Popular academic arguments that the American and British cases can be explained by reference to electoral realignment are rejected. In all three cases it was having two fight different sources of opposition that were eroding their strength at the same time that caused collapse. Strategies normally available to party elites in combating collapse could not be applied successfully here because of the dual nature of the crises. Finally, it is questioned whether conditions now make party management of their environments, to ward off potential collapse, more difficult; while this argument is rejected it is argued that they favour the development of less ‘pure’ forms of two-partism.
ANDREW CRAWLEY
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199212651
- eISBN:
- 9780191707315
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199212651.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter argues that by the beginning of 1935 the positions of the main factions within Nicaragua were explicit. According to Lane, Somoza was ‘definitely determined to be the next president’. ...
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This chapter argues that by the beginning of 1935 the positions of the main factions within Nicaragua were explicit. According to Lane, Somoza was ‘definitely determined to be the next president’. There was also a shift in the political distinctions within the country. What used to be a prime division between Liberals and Conservatives became a distinction between a gobernista or Somocista. It became a struggle for the US how to handle the fragile political condition to avoid being accused of intervening in Nicaraguan affairs and adhere to the policy of good neighbour. Despite the violence that erupted in Nicaragua, presidential elections were held on 8 December 1936 without incident. Somoza ran for president against the Arguello-Espinosa ticket, Somoza won and was inaugurated as president of Nicaragua. The chapter shows the part that Guardia played in the election.Less
This chapter argues that by the beginning of 1935 the positions of the main factions within Nicaragua were explicit. According to Lane, Somoza was ‘definitely determined to be the next president’. There was also a shift in the political distinctions within the country. What used to be a prime division between Liberals and Conservatives became a distinction between a gobernista or Somocista. It became a struggle for the US how to handle the fragile political condition to avoid being accused of intervening in Nicaraguan affairs and adhere to the policy of good neighbour. Despite the violence that erupted in Nicaragua, presidential elections were held on 8 December 1936 without incident. Somoza ran for president against the Arguello-Espinosa ticket, Somoza won and was inaugurated as president of Nicaragua. The chapter shows the part that Guardia played in the election.
MARC BRODIE
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270552
- eISBN:
- 9780191710254
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270552.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter looks at the evidence regarding the attitudes of the poorest members of the East End working class. There is little evidence to suggest that they were ‘easy prey’ for protectionist ...
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This chapter looks at the evidence regarding the attitudes of the poorest members of the East End working class. There is little evidence to suggest that they were ‘easy prey’ for protectionist discourse in a standard sense. But that they did respond very quickly, given the right circumstances, shows the vital importance of looking at issues related to the context of ‘reception’ in analysing the impact of ideas and political language. However, those who discussed protectionism in the lodging houses were undoubtedly not those who delivered to the Conservatives the electoral victories, which are said to have been based upon this and like issues.Less
This chapter looks at the evidence regarding the attitudes of the poorest members of the East End working class. There is little evidence to suggest that they were ‘easy prey’ for protectionist discourse in a standard sense. But that they did respond very quickly, given the right circumstances, shows the vital importance of looking at issues related to the context of ‘reception’ in analysing the impact of ideas and political language. However, those who discussed protectionism in the lodging houses were undoubtedly not those who delivered to the Conservatives the electoral victories, which are said to have been based upon this and like issues.
MARC BRODIE
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270552
- eISBN:
- 9780191710254
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270552.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Social History
The progressive vote in some areas of the East End often fell well short of its potential. But of course voter abstention by itself could not deliver a seat to an opponent. The Conservatives still ...
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The progressive vote in some areas of the East End often fell well short of its potential. But of course voter abstention by itself could not deliver a seat to an opponent. The Conservatives still collected a large number of votes in these areas. The arguments above do not deny that factors such as an interest in ‘sectional’ benefits, and the impact of a range of political issues, could gather working class support for Conservatives in the East End. It is difficult to determine the precise effect of any such individual concerns. This chapter suggests that it remains more important to look at the overall milieu of voters in understanding their motivations, and that the ‘occupational’ assumptions made by many historians regarding politics in the East End have been much too simple.Less
The progressive vote in some areas of the East End often fell well short of its potential. But of course voter abstention by itself could not deliver a seat to an opponent. The Conservatives still collected a large number of votes in these areas. The arguments above do not deny that factors such as an interest in ‘sectional’ benefits, and the impact of a range of political issues, could gather working class support for Conservatives in the East End. It is difficult to determine the precise effect of any such individual concerns. This chapter suggests that it remains more important to look at the overall milieu of voters in understanding their motivations, and that the ‘occupational’ assumptions made by many historians regarding politics in the East End have been much too simple.
Matthew Cragoe
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207542
- eISBN:
- 9780191716737
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207542.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter begins with a discussion of the electoral system, which changed dramatically as the century progressed, transforming Britain from an oligarchy into something like a democracy in little ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of the electoral system, which changed dramatically as the century progressed, transforming Britain from an oligarchy into something like a democracy in little over fifty years. It then describes the core ideals of the three political groupings: the Conservatives, the Whigs, and the ‘nationalist’ Radicals.Less
This chapter begins with a discussion of the electoral system, which changed dramatically as the century progressed, transforming Britain from an oligarchy into something like a democracy in little over fifty years. It then describes the core ideals of the three political groupings: the Conservatives, the Whigs, and the ‘nationalist’ Radicals.
Matthew Cragoe
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207542
- eISBN:
- 9780191716737
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207542.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter considers the bodies charged with organizing the local electorate and the changing nature of their role. Local organizational efforts were directed simply towards voter registration in ...
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This chapter considers the bodies charged with organizing the local electorate and the changing nature of their role. Local organizational efforts were directed simply towards voter registration in the years between 1832 and 1867, ensuring that those friendly to the party were included on the register and those hostile to it were not. After 1867, although the business of registration remained central to the work of the local party organizations, a much greater effort was made to integrate supporters more fully into the life of the constituency party, through the development of clubs which allowed party supporters to socialize together between elections. However, there were considerable differences between the approaches taken by the parties in this respect. The chapels provided the Liberal party with a ready-made associational network which made the creation of newer clubs less urgent. For the Conservatives, the drift of tenant farmers away from the party after the introduction of secret voting in 1872 meant that new groups of supporters had to be wooed and organized. The result was the creation of new clubs: workingmen's clubs to cater for the labouring classes, and the Primrose League for those of slightly higher social standing.Less
This chapter considers the bodies charged with organizing the local electorate and the changing nature of their role. Local organizational efforts were directed simply towards voter registration in the years between 1832 and 1867, ensuring that those friendly to the party were included on the register and those hostile to it were not. After 1867, although the business of registration remained central to the work of the local party organizations, a much greater effort was made to integrate supporters more fully into the life of the constituency party, through the development of clubs which allowed party supporters to socialize together between elections. However, there were considerable differences between the approaches taken by the parties in this respect. The chapels provided the Liberal party with a ready-made associational network which made the creation of newer clubs less urgent. For the Conservatives, the drift of tenant farmers away from the party after the introduction of secret voting in 1872 meant that new groups of supporters had to be wooed and organized. The result was the creation of new clubs: workingmen's clubs to cater for the labouring classes, and the Primrose League for those of slightly higher social standing.
Ian Leigh
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198256984
- eISBN:
- 9780191681714
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198256984.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
More than any other area of the British constitution, local government has undergone constant change over the past two decades. The Conservative legislation introducing compulsory competitive ...
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More than any other area of the British constitution, local government has undergone constant change over the past two decades. The Conservative legislation introducing compulsory competitive tendering, replacing rates with first the community charge and then the council tax, the structural reorganization of local councils (with the creation of unitary authorities), and the increasing emphasis on rights for users of local services have left an enduring legacy. The actions of some local authorities on the municipal left and the New Right have tested the legal limits of local democracy to the full. The new Labour government has initiated further changes with the ‘best value’ regime, the reform of executive structures, and by introducing elected mayors and cabinets in local authorities, and new powers for councils to become ‘community leaders’, working in partnership with other public, private, and voluntary bodies within their areas. Moreover, other aspects of the constitutional reform programme, especially devolution, have substantial implications for local government. This book assesses these and other developments in terms of the underlying questions they raise about the nature of local democracy and its legal recognition. The book considers the competing and legally interlocking claims of local representative democracy, financial accountability, and consumerism, and their implications for the governing structures of local authorities and for local electors, councillors, taxpayers, the users of local services, and council employees. Finally, it asks whether the legal shape and powers of local government fit it for the changing role it is now asked to play.Less
More than any other area of the British constitution, local government has undergone constant change over the past two decades. The Conservative legislation introducing compulsory competitive tendering, replacing rates with first the community charge and then the council tax, the structural reorganization of local councils (with the creation of unitary authorities), and the increasing emphasis on rights for users of local services have left an enduring legacy. The actions of some local authorities on the municipal left and the New Right have tested the legal limits of local democracy to the full. The new Labour government has initiated further changes with the ‘best value’ regime, the reform of executive structures, and by introducing elected mayors and cabinets in local authorities, and new powers for councils to become ‘community leaders’, working in partnership with other public, private, and voluntary bodies within their areas. Moreover, other aspects of the constitutional reform programme, especially devolution, have substantial implications for local government. This book assesses these and other developments in terms of the underlying questions they raise about the nature of local democracy and its legal recognition. The book considers the competing and legally interlocking claims of local representative democracy, financial accountability, and consumerism, and their implications for the governing structures of local authorities and for local electors, councillors, taxpayers, the users of local services, and council employees. Finally, it asks whether the legal shape and powers of local government fit it for the changing role it is now asked to play.
PATRICIA LYNCH
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199256211
- eISBN:
- 9780191719677
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199256211.003.02
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter demonstrates that the Conservatives were initially much more successful than the Liberals in organizing their rural supporters. It examines three possible explanations for the Liberals' ...
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This chapter demonstrates that the Conservatives were initially much more successful than the Liberals in organizing their rural supporters. It examines three possible explanations for the Liberals' organizational weakness in rural areas. It argues that although political intimidation and structural factors unique to rural life each played an important part in discouraging the development of rural Liberal organizations, the most important reason for the party's difficulties was a tendency, among rural voters of all classes, to idealize the harmoniousness of the village community and to look with suspicion on political organizations as disruptive of local unity.Less
This chapter demonstrates that the Conservatives were initially much more successful than the Liberals in organizing their rural supporters. It examines three possible explanations for the Liberals' organizational weakness in rural areas. It argues that although political intimidation and structural factors unique to rural life each played an important part in discouraging the development of rural Liberal organizations, the most important reason for the party's difficulties was a tendency, among rural voters of all classes, to idealize the harmoniousness of the village community and to look with suspicion on political organizations as disruptive of local unity.
Daniel Stedman Jones
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161013
- eISBN:
- 9781400851836
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161013.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This introductory chapter discusses how the nuances of postwar neoliberalism, the relationship of its political and organizational character to the thought of its main academic representatives, and ...
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This introductory chapter discusses how the nuances of postwar neoliberalism, the relationship of its political and organizational character to the thought of its main academic representatives, and the way such ideas were mediated through an ideological infrastructure and international network have yet to be fully explored by historians. The transatlantic character of neoliberalism has often been taken for granted without its origins and development being properly excavated. The degree to which neoliberalism is seen as the ideology of a malevolent globalization by critics has prevented an understanding of the sources of its broad popularity, as it was dressed up in the rhetoric of the Republican and Conservative Parties, among electorates in the United States and Great Britain.Less
This introductory chapter discusses how the nuances of postwar neoliberalism, the relationship of its political and organizational character to the thought of its main academic representatives, and the way such ideas were mediated through an ideological infrastructure and international network have yet to be fully explored by historians. The transatlantic character of neoliberalism has often been taken for granted without its origins and development being properly excavated. The degree to which neoliberalism is seen as the ideology of a malevolent globalization by critics has prevented an understanding of the sources of its broad popularity, as it was dressed up in the rhetoric of the Republican and Conservative Parties, among electorates in the United States and Great Britain.
Daniel Stedman Jones
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161013
- eISBN:
- 9781400851836
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161013.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter talks about how a distinct neoliberal worldview was built on the foundations of the critique of New Deal liberalism and social democracy synthesized in the writings of Ludwig von Mises, ...
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This chapter talks about how a distinct neoliberal worldview was built on the foundations of the critique of New Deal liberalism and social democracy synthesized in the writings of Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek, and Karl Popper. The adrenaline generated by the neoliberal movement and its ideas in the Conservative and Republican parties radically changed the political and economic life of both the United States and Great Britain. The chapter also shows how neoliberal ideas developed a sharper focus and an icy coherence. Neither Milton Friedman's intelligent loquaciousness nor Ronald Reagan's warm sentiments could disguise a philosophy that was built on a cold and abstract individualism, yet the vision was still very much a utopian one, centered on a fantasy of the perfect free market.Less
This chapter talks about how a distinct neoliberal worldview was built on the foundations of the critique of New Deal liberalism and social democracy synthesized in the writings of Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek, and Karl Popper. The adrenaline generated by the neoliberal movement and its ideas in the Conservative and Republican parties radically changed the political and economic life of both the United States and Great Britain. The chapter also shows how neoliberal ideas developed a sharper focus and an icy coherence. Neither Milton Friedman's intelligent loquaciousness nor Ronald Reagan's warm sentiments could disguise a philosophy that was built on a cold and abstract individualism, yet the vision was still very much a utopian one, centered on a fantasy of the perfect free market.
Peter King
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847428547
- eISBN:
- 9781447303923
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847428547.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Organizations
Does the coalition government represent a new politics in Britain, or is the new government just the same old Tories hiding behind an opportunist pact with the Liberal Democrats? Does Cameron differ ...
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Does the coalition government represent a new politics in Britain, or is the new government just the same old Tories hiding behind an opportunist pact with the Liberal Democrats? Does Cameron differ from past Conservatives like Margaret Thatcher, and if so, how? This book looks at the coalition government in the context of conservative ideas and seeks to assess what, if anything, is new about it.Less
Does the coalition government represent a new politics in Britain, or is the new government just the same old Tories hiding behind an opportunist pact with the Liberal Democrats? Does Cameron differ from past Conservatives like Margaret Thatcher, and if so, how? This book looks at the coalition government in the context of conservative ideas and seeks to assess what, if anything, is new about it.
Reba N. Soffer
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199208111
- eISBN:
- 9780191709210
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208111.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
Bryant's attitudes towards fascism cannot be separated from the rapidly accelerating events that began around 1934; or from the conflicting and confusing perceptions of those events and their context ...
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Bryant's attitudes towards fascism cannot be separated from the rapidly accelerating events that began around 1934; or from the conflicting and confusing perceptions of those events and their context to most British participants; or from the political and social circles in which Bryant lived, thought, and worked. His commitment to the avoidance of war was hardly unique but belonged rather to a common currency, whose credit was exhausted only when war began in late 1939. The relation between his deeply felt patriotism and his desire to avoid war with the Nazis was complicated by the ambivalent anti‐Semitism he shared with so many Conservatives.Less
Bryant's attitudes towards fascism cannot be separated from the rapidly accelerating events that began around 1934; or from the conflicting and confusing perceptions of those events and their context to most British participants; or from the political and social circles in which Bryant lived, thought, and worked. His commitment to the avoidance of war was hardly unique but belonged rather to a common currency, whose credit was exhausted only when war began in late 1939. The relation between his deeply felt patriotism and his desire to avoid war with the Nazis was complicated by the ambivalent anti‐Semitism he shared with so many Conservatives.
Roy L. Brooks
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780300223309
- eISBN:
- 9780300227611
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300223309.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Beyond the conventional sources of racial inequality—racism for liberals and a dysfunctional black culture for conservatives—lies a source of racial inequality little discussed or studied in our ...
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Beyond the conventional sources of racial inequality—racism for liberals and a dysfunctional black culture for conservatives—lies a source of racial inequality little discussed or studied in our society. This book maps out that terrain, using the term “racial subordination” to define racial inequality that is a byproduct of individual or institutional action that consciously forgoes an opportunity to advance racial progress for the sake of pursuing a legitimate, nonracist competing interest. While not racism, this non-nefarious source of racial inequality is not racial innocence. Though the subordinator is not on the same hook as the racist, he or she is still on the hook—a different hook. Moving the debate over racial inequality from discrimination discourse to subordination discourse, this book demonstrates how the Supreme Court engages in “juridical subordination” and how the American mainstream culture, even with its commitment to cultural diversity, commits “cultural subordination” time after time. Racism remains a large problem in our society but eliminating it will not end racial inequality. Racism and racial inequality are not coterminous. Unless we also deal with racial subordination, blacks, or African Americans, will effectively face a racial glass ceiling. Breaking through that ceiling involves confronting complex and uncomfortable questions about what we value most as Americans.Less
Beyond the conventional sources of racial inequality—racism for liberals and a dysfunctional black culture for conservatives—lies a source of racial inequality little discussed or studied in our society. This book maps out that terrain, using the term “racial subordination” to define racial inequality that is a byproduct of individual or institutional action that consciously forgoes an opportunity to advance racial progress for the sake of pursuing a legitimate, nonracist competing interest. While not racism, this non-nefarious source of racial inequality is not racial innocence. Though the subordinator is not on the same hook as the racist, he or she is still on the hook—a different hook. Moving the debate over racial inequality from discrimination discourse to subordination discourse, this book demonstrates how the Supreme Court engages in “juridical subordination” and how the American mainstream culture, even with its commitment to cultural diversity, commits “cultural subordination” time after time. Racism remains a large problem in our society but eliminating it will not end racial inequality. Racism and racial inequality are not coterminous. Unless we also deal with racial subordination, blacks, or African Americans, will effectively face a racial glass ceiling. Breaking through that ceiling involves confronting complex and uncomfortable questions about what we value most as Americans.
Fergus Campbell
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199233229
- eISBN:
- 9780191716232
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199233229.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines the social composition of the main political parties in Ireland in 1881 and 1911. There was a clear ‘greening’ of the political representation during the period under review. ...
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This chapter examines the social composition of the main political parties in Ireland in 1881 and 1911. There was a clear ‘greening’ of the political representation during the period under review. However, it is evident that as nationalist politics became more green, unionist politics became more orange. It is also clear that whereas Conservative and Unionist representatives were often recruited from prosperous business and landed backgrounds, Home Rulers were generally recruited from the new Catholic rising middle class of shopkeepers, professionals and tenant farmers in the Irish provinces.Less
This chapter examines the social composition of the main political parties in Ireland in 1881 and 1911. There was a clear ‘greening’ of the political representation during the period under review. However, it is evident that as nationalist politics became more green, unionist politics became more orange. It is also clear that whereas Conservative and Unionist representatives were often recruited from prosperous business and landed backgrounds, Home Rulers were generally recruited from the new Catholic rising middle class of shopkeepers, professionals and tenant farmers in the Irish provinces.
Roger Undy, Patricia Fosh, Huw Morris, and Paul Smith
Roderick Martin (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198289197
- eISBN:
- 9780191684685
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198289197.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR, Organization Studies
During the 1980s, the government aimed to reform industrial relations through imposing the following measures: political initiatives and campaigning; a changed economic and social environment; and a ...
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During the 1980s, the government aimed to reform industrial relations through imposing the following measures: political initiatives and campaigning; a changed economic and social environment; and a programme of industrial relations legislation that increasingly curtailed the role and influence of trade unions. This book examines the policies and legislation intended to change union behaviour. It considers its origins, purpose, and impact on union behaviour and structure, focusing on the role of ballots as the central mechanism chosen for changing union decision making. The changes that occurred as a consequence of this legislation are placed in the wider union context and the relative influence of the balloting legislation is assessed against other developments affecting union behaviour, including the strategies adopted by the unions' leaders. It finds that the results were not always as intended by the Conservative governments. The concluding chapter compares and contrasts the UK's union structures with those of other EU countries.Less
During the 1980s, the government aimed to reform industrial relations through imposing the following measures: political initiatives and campaigning; a changed economic and social environment; and a programme of industrial relations legislation that increasingly curtailed the role and influence of trade unions. This book examines the policies and legislation intended to change union behaviour. It considers its origins, purpose, and impact on union behaviour and structure, focusing on the role of ballots as the central mechanism chosen for changing union decision making. The changes that occurred as a consequence of this legislation are placed in the wider union context and the relative influence of the balloting legislation is assessed against other developments affecting union behaviour, including the strategies adopted by the unions' leaders. It finds that the results were not always as intended by the Conservative governments. The concluding chapter compares and contrasts the UK's union structures with those of other EU countries.
DOUGLAS NEWTON
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203148
- eISBN:
- 9780191675744
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203148.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, European Modern History
The chapter explores the evolution of British attitudes to the issue of German democratization. It looks at how diverse the positions adopted by politicians and other decision-makers were. While ...
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The chapter explores the evolution of British attitudes to the issue of German democratization. It looks at how diverse the positions adopted by politicians and other decision-makers were. While British Liberals speculated upon German democratization as the most likely end to the tragedy of the war, the majority of Conservatives, especially those who dominated the Lloyd George coalition after December 1916, maintained that there was no real hope of German democratization during the struggle. The British government was most reluctant to recognize any contribution from the progressive political forces inside Germany to the dethronement of militarism. By 1918, German democratization was regarded quite cynically as a mere propaganda ploy.Less
The chapter explores the evolution of British attitudes to the issue of German democratization. It looks at how diverse the positions adopted by politicians and other decision-makers were. While British Liberals speculated upon German democratization as the most likely end to the tragedy of the war, the majority of Conservatives, especially those who dominated the Lloyd George coalition after December 1916, maintained that there was no real hope of German democratization during the struggle. The British government was most reluctant to recognize any contribution from the progressive political forces inside Germany to the dethronement of militarism. By 1918, German democratization was regarded quite cynically as a mere propaganda ploy.
