Marc Brodie
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270552
- eISBN:
- 9780191710254
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270552.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This book is about the political views of the ‘classic’ poor of London's East End in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods. The residents of this area have been historically characterized as ...
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This book is about the political views of the ‘classic’ poor of London's East End in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods. The residents of this area have been historically characterized as abjectly poor, casually employed, slum dwellers with a poverty-induced apathy toward political solutions interspersed with occasional violent displays of support for populist calls for protectionism, imperialism, or anti-alien agitation. These factors, in combination, have been thought to have allowed the Conservative Party to politically dominate the East End in this period. This study demonstrates that many of these images are wrong. Economic conditions in the East End were not as uniformly bleak as often portrayed. The workings of the franchise laws also meant that those who possessed the vote in the East End were generally the most prosperous and regularly employed of their occupational group. Conservative electoral victories in the East End were not the result of poverty. Political attitudes in the East End were determined to a far greater extent by issues concerning the ‘personal’ in a number of senses. The importance given to individual character in the political judgements of the East End working class was greatly increased by a number of specific local factors. These included the prevalence of particular forms of workplace structure, and the generally somewhat shorter length of time on the electoral register of voters in the area. Also important was a continuing attachment to the Church of England amongst a number of the more prosperous working class. In the place of many ‘myths’ about the people of the East End and their politics, this study provides a model that does not seek to explain the politics of the area in full, but suggests the point strongly that we can understand politics, and the formation of political attitudes, in the East End or any other area, only through a detailed examination of very specific localized community and workplace structures. This book challenges the idea that a ‘Conservatism of the slums’ existed in London's East End in the Victorian and Edwardian period. It argues that images of abjectly poor residents who supported Conservative appeals about protectionism, imperialism, and anti-immigration are largely wrong. Instead, it was the support of better-off workers, combined with a general importance in the area of the ‘personal’ in politics emphasized by local social and workplace structures, which delivered the limited successes that the Conservatives did enjoy.Less
This book is about the political views of the ‘classic’ poor of London's East End in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods. The residents of this area have been historically characterized as abjectly poor, casually employed, slum dwellers with a poverty-induced apathy toward political solutions interspersed with occasional violent displays of support for populist calls for protectionism, imperialism, or anti-alien agitation. These factors, in combination, have been thought to have allowed the Conservative Party to politically dominate the East End in this period. This study demonstrates that many of these images are wrong. Economic conditions in the East End were not as uniformly bleak as often portrayed. The workings of the franchise laws also meant that those who possessed the vote in the East End were generally the most prosperous and regularly employed of their occupational group. Conservative electoral victories in the East End were not the result of poverty. Political attitudes in the East End were determined to a far greater extent by issues concerning the ‘personal’ in a number of senses. The importance given to individual character in the political judgements of the East End working class was greatly increased by a number of specific local factors. These included the prevalence of particular forms of workplace structure, and the generally somewhat shorter length of time on the electoral register of voters in the area. Also important was a continuing attachment to the Church of England amongst a number of the more prosperous working class. In the place of many ‘myths’ about the people of the East End and their politics, this study provides a model that does not seek to explain the politics of the area in full, but suggests the point strongly that we can understand politics, and the formation of political attitudes, in the East End or any other area, only through a detailed examination of very specific localized community and workplace structures. This book challenges the idea that a ‘Conservatism of the slums’ existed in London's East End in the Victorian and Edwardian period. It argues that images of abjectly poor residents who supported Conservative appeals about protectionism, imperialism, and anti-immigration are largely wrong. Instead, it was the support of better-off workers, combined with a general importance in the area of the ‘personal’ in politics emphasized by local social and workplace structures, which delivered the limited successes that the Conservatives did enjoy.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the ...
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This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the party’s resurgence, including the performances of its main rivals, the Conservative and Labour parties, and the decline in partisan attachments throughout the entire electorate. However, evidence shows that the grassroots party has played the decisive role in bringing this about. The key players are the men and women who joined the party as members, and then actively worked on its behalf by campaigning or standing in local and national elections when the political climate was cold. A major focus of the book is to examine these people. The future electoral prospects for the party are also discussed, including the question of whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics.Less
This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the party’s resurgence, including the performances of its main rivals, the Conservative and Labour parties, and the decline in partisan attachments throughout the entire electorate. However, evidence shows that the grassroots party has played the decisive role in bringing this about. The key players are the men and women who joined the party as members, and then actively worked on its behalf by campaigning or standing in local and national elections when the political climate was cold. A major focus of the book is to examine these people. The future electoral prospects for the party are also discussed, including the question of whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within ...
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This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within which to judge the party’s future electoral prospects. The analysis of trends in Liberal Democrat voting intentions over a thirty-year period shows that the competitive situation between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats is significantly greater than the competitive situation between Labour and the Liberal Democrats. It also shows that the party has to wait for its main rivals to make political mistakes and lose support before it can profit by winning over voters. This is described as the political equivalent of ‘waiting for Godot’, meaning that the Liberal Democrats are not the masters of their own electoral fate.Less
This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within which to judge the party’s future electoral prospects. The analysis of trends in Liberal Democrat voting intentions over a thirty-year period shows that the competitive situation between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats is significantly greater than the competitive situation between Labour and the Liberal Democrats. It also shows that the party has to wait for its main rivals to make political mistakes and lose support before it can profit by winning over voters. This is described as the political equivalent of ‘waiting for Godot’, meaning that the Liberal Democrats are not the masters of their own electoral fate.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the political prospects of the Liberal Democrat Party. The big question is whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral ...
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This chapter examines the political prospects of the Liberal Democrat Party. The big question is whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics. It begins with an analysis of the necessary conditions for the Liberal Democrats to replace one of the other parties as the second party of British politics. This leads into an examination of the likelihood that these conditions will be met in the foreseeable future. The evidence suggests that the party has a real opportunity to break the existing two-party hegemony at a general election in 2009 or 2010.Less
This chapter examines the political prospects of the Liberal Democrat Party. The big question is whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics. It begins with an analysis of the necessary conditions for the Liberal Democrats to replace one of the other parties as the second party of British politics. This leads into an examination of the likelihood that these conditions will be met in the foreseeable future. The evidence suggests that the party has a real opportunity to break the existing two-party hegemony at a general election in 2009 or 2010.
Angus Hawkins
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199570911
- eISBN:
- 9780191702068
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199570911.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This book gives a full biography of the 14th Earl of Derby — the first British statesman to become prime minister three times, and the longest serving party leader in modern British party politics. ...
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This book gives a full biography of the 14th Earl of Derby — the first British statesman to become prime minister three times, and the longest serving party leader in modern British party politics. This book revises the conventional view of Derby's personality, career, and beliefs, revealing him as a complex and influential figure, a man who abolished slavery in the British Empire, established a national system of education in Ireland, was a prominent advocate for the 1832 Reform Act, and oversaw the introduction of the Second Reform Act in 1867. In short, he played an instrumental role in directing Britain's path through the historic challenges confronting the nation at a time of increasing political participation, industrial pre-eminence, urban growth, colonial expansion, religious controversy, and Irish tragedy. More generally, the volume modifies our understanding of 19th-century British party politics, the history of the Conservative party, and the nature of public life in the Victorian age, including other prominent figures such as Robert Peel, Lord John Russell, Lord Palmerston, William Gladstone, and Benjamin Disraeli. Volume I takes the reader from Derby's early years through to the eve of his appointment as prime minister in the 1850s. Before this book, Derby was ‘the forgotten prime minister’, but this study fills this significant gap in the history of Victorian politics and society.Less
This book gives a full biography of the 14th Earl of Derby — the first British statesman to become prime minister three times, and the longest serving party leader in modern British party politics. This book revises the conventional view of Derby's personality, career, and beliefs, revealing him as a complex and influential figure, a man who abolished slavery in the British Empire, established a national system of education in Ireland, was a prominent advocate for the 1832 Reform Act, and oversaw the introduction of the Second Reform Act in 1867. In short, he played an instrumental role in directing Britain's path through the historic challenges confronting the nation at a time of increasing political participation, industrial pre-eminence, urban growth, colonial expansion, religious controversy, and Irish tragedy. More generally, the volume modifies our understanding of 19th-century British party politics, the history of the Conservative party, and the nature of public life in the Victorian age, including other prominent figures such as Robert Peel, Lord John Russell, Lord Palmerston, William Gladstone, and Benjamin Disraeli. Volume I takes the reader from Derby's early years through to the eve of his appointment as prime minister in the 1850s. Before this book, Derby was ‘the forgotten prime minister’, but this study fills this significant gap in the history of Victorian politics and society.
Roger M. Barker
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199576814
- eISBN:
- 9780191722509
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199576814.003.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business, Corporate Governance and Accountability
An increasingly shareholder–oriented approach to corporate governance has emerged in the nonliberal market economies of continental Europe over the last ten–fifteen years. However, Left parties have ...
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An increasingly shareholder–oriented approach to corporate governance has emerged in the nonliberal market economies of continental Europe over the last ten–fifteen years. However, Left parties have also enjoyed a strong presence in government during the same period. This presents a puzzle, as intuitive expectations regarding the economic policy preferences of political parties – and also Mark Roe's theory (2003) of the political determinants of corporate governance – imply that pro‐shareholder corporate governance reform is more likely to be a feature of conservative than Left government.Less
An increasingly shareholder–oriented approach to corporate governance has emerged in the nonliberal market economies of continental Europe over the last ten–fifteen years. However, Left parties have also enjoyed a strong presence in government during the same period. This presents a puzzle, as intuitive expectations regarding the economic policy preferences of political parties – and also Mark Roe's theory (2003) of the political determinants of corporate governance – imply that pro‐shareholder corporate governance reform is more likely to be a feature of conservative than Left government.
Roger M. Barker
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199576814
- eISBN:
- 9780191722509
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199576814.003.0002
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business, Corporate Governance and Accountability
An analytical framework is outlined with three social actors: blockholders, insider labor, and outsiders. Each has differing corporate governance preferences. Blockholders and insider labor are ...
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An analytical framework is outlined with three social actors: blockholders, insider labor, and outsiders. Each has differing corporate governance preferences. Blockholders and insider labor are represented by conservative and Left parties respectively. Outsiders do not have their own party, and represent a potential source of new votes for both parties. However, they require a commitment to pro‐shareholder corporate governance reform in order to win their support. As long as economic rents are substantial (due to low levels of product market competition), neither the Left nor conservative parties are willing to solicit the support of outsiders. Both of their core constituents benefit from the sharing of economic rents. However, if economic rents decline, insider labor no longer has an interest in sustaining a self-regulatory blockholder model of corporate governance. In contrast, conservative parties remain the apologists of the blockholder model.Less
An analytical framework is outlined with three social actors: blockholders, insider labor, and outsiders. Each has differing corporate governance preferences. Blockholders and insider labor are represented by conservative and Left parties respectively. Outsiders do not have their own party, and represent a potential source of new votes for both parties. However, they require a commitment to pro‐shareholder corporate governance reform in order to win their support. As long as economic rents are substantial (due to low levels of product market competition), neither the Left nor conservative parties are willing to solicit the support of outsiders. Both of their core constituents benefit from the sharing of economic rents. However, if economic rents decline, insider labor no longer has an interest in sustaining a self-regulatory blockholder model of corporate governance. In contrast, conservative parties remain the apologists of the blockholder model.
Roger M. Barker
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199576814
- eISBN:
- 9780191722509
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199576814.003.0006
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business, Corporate Governance and Accountability
A panel data econometric analysis of corporate governance change is undertaken utilizing a data set of fifteen nonliberal market economies covering the period 1975–2003. The results of this analysis ...
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A panel data econometric analysis of corporate governance change is undertaken utilizing a data set of fifteen nonliberal market economies covering the period 1975–2003. The results of this analysis suggested that the interaction of partisanship and competition is a highly significant determinant of corporate governance change. In particular, significant shifts in a pro‐shareholder direction are associated with Left government – but not conservative government – in the context of high levels of competition. In contrast, neither Left nor conservative government is associated with corporate governance change in a low‐competition environment.Less
A panel data econometric analysis of corporate governance change is undertaken utilizing a data set of fifteen nonliberal market economies covering the period 1975–2003. The results of this analysis suggested that the interaction of partisanship and competition is a highly significant determinant of corporate governance change. In particular, significant shifts in a pro‐shareholder direction are associated with Left government – but not conservative government – in the context of high levels of competition. In contrast, neither Left nor conservative government is associated with corporate governance change in a low‐competition environment.
Avraham Slater
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195134681
- eISBN:
- 9780199848652
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195134681.003.0035
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
A review of the book, Sheelot uteshuvot ma'aneh Levi/The Responsa of Professor Louis Ginzberg by David Golinkin (ed.) is presented. In this book, Rabbi David Golinkin attempts to fill in the lacuna ...
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A review of the book, Sheelot uteshuvot ma'aneh Levi/The Responsa of Professor Louis Ginzberg by David Golinkin (ed.) is presented. In this book, Rabbi David Golinkin attempts to fill in the lacuna in published Conservative responsa by acquainting us with the dominant halakhic leader of the period, Louis (Levi) Ginzberg (1873–1953). It is interesting to note that, aside from Ginzberg's students, most people are unaware of his role as a rabbinic arbiter (posek); though he was a widely acknowledged scholar in Talmud, Ginzberg is far better known for his studies in midrash and for his Legends of the Jews. Here, however, we have a rich collection of Ginzberg's responsa, some of them — as befitting the unique milieu of American Conservative Judaism — on topics heretofore unknown in the classic halakhic literature.Less
A review of the book, Sheelot uteshuvot ma'aneh Levi/The Responsa of Professor Louis Ginzberg by David Golinkin (ed.) is presented. In this book, Rabbi David Golinkin attempts to fill in the lacuna in published Conservative responsa by acquainting us with the dominant halakhic leader of the period, Louis (Levi) Ginzberg (1873–1953). It is interesting to note that, aside from Ginzberg's students, most people are unaware of his role as a rabbinic arbiter (posek); though he was a widely acknowledged scholar in Talmud, Ginzberg is far better known for his studies in midrash and for his Legends of the Jews. Here, however, we have a rich collection of Ginzberg's responsa, some of them — as befitting the unique milieu of American Conservative Judaism — on topics heretofore unknown in the classic halakhic literature.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; ...
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This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; anti-Catholicism outside NI), while brute facts such as Labour’s dependence on its seats in Scotland and Wales became more important. Labour became a unionist party rather than a devolutionist party in the Beveridge era, when setting and maintaining national standards appeared paramount. Its swing to devolution occurred in the 1960s and 1970s, most dramatically in the summer of 1974. On the anti-Unionist side: the very different trajectories of the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, and the factions of Irish nationalism, the growth of pro-devolution factions in other parties, and that of English regionalism in some (but not all) regions. 1961 is taken as the starting-point because it was the year of the West Lothian by-election in which the SNP first emerged as a credible force outside wartime. The last ideologue of unionism (Enoch Powell) and the last principled Unionist politician outside Ulster (John Major).Less
This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; anti-Catholicism outside NI), while brute facts such as Labour’s dependence on its seats in Scotland and Wales became more important. Labour became a unionist party rather than a devolutionist party in the Beveridge era, when setting and maintaining national standards appeared paramount. Its swing to devolution occurred in the 1960s and 1970s, most dramatically in the summer of 1974. On the anti-Unionist side: the very different trajectories of the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, and the factions of Irish nationalism, the growth of pro-devolution factions in other parties, and that of English regionalism in some (but not all) regions. 1961 is taken as the starting-point because it was the year of the West Lothian by-election in which the SNP first emerged as a credible force outside wartime. The last ideologue of unionism (Enoch Powell) and the last principled Unionist politician outside Ulster (John Major).
Anthony F. Heath, Roger M. Jowell, and John K. Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245116
- eISBN:
- 9780191599453
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245118.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The main aim of the book is to explore electoral behaviour in Britain from 1979– 97, which covers the 18years of Conservative government with Margaret Thatcher and John Major as prime ministers of ...
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The main aim of the book is to explore electoral behaviour in Britain from 1979– 97, which covers the 18years of Conservative government with Margaret Thatcher and John Major as prime ministers of the country and ends with New Labour's landslide victory in 1997. The authors of The Rise of New Labour describe the electoral experiments in the British political spectrum in this period, assess the reasons for their success and failure and discuss their implications in the framework of the underlying theories of electoral behaviour. The analyses in the book are based on the series of British Election Surveys (BESs) that have been undertaken immediately after every election since 1964 and on the 1992–97 British Election Panel Study (BEPS).Less
The main aim of the book is to explore electoral behaviour in Britain from 1979– 97, which covers the 18years of Conservative government with Margaret Thatcher and John Major as prime ministers of the country and ends with New Labour's landslide victory in 1997. The authors of The Rise of New Labour describe the electoral experiments in the British political spectrum in this period, assess the reasons for their success and failure and discuss their implications in the framework of the underlying theories of electoral behaviour. The analyses in the book are based on the series of British Election Surveys (BESs) that have been undertaken immediately after every election since 1964 and on the 1992–97 British Election Panel Study (BEPS).
Peter Taylor‐Gooby
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199546701
- eISBN:
- 9780191720420
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546701.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
For a number of reasons the reframing of social citizenship has been pursued more rapidly in the UK than in most other countries, so that national experience offers a useful object lesson in the ...
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For a number of reasons the reframing of social citizenship has been pursued more rapidly in the UK than in most other countries, so that national experience offers a useful object lesson in the strengths and weaknesses of rational actor reforms in the European context. This chapter analyses the reframing process in detail under successive governments, paying attention to the institutional structure of government departments, the part played by the Treasury, and the understanding of the challenges by the chief policy actors. It discusses the logic of policy reform in official documents and shows how rational actor assumptions predominate. The problems identified in relation to the new policies are chiefly to do with the difficulties of structuring incentives appropriately and of establishing a level playing field for equal opportunity policies. The issues that provider incentives may focus on the competitive advantage of their particular agency rather than public benefit, social inclusion may receive little support, and the value basis of social trust may be damaged receive insufficient recognition.Less
For a number of reasons the reframing of social citizenship has been pursued more rapidly in the UK than in most other countries, so that national experience offers a useful object lesson in the strengths and weaknesses of rational actor reforms in the European context. This chapter analyses the reframing process in detail under successive governments, paying attention to the institutional structure of government departments, the part played by the Treasury, and the understanding of the challenges by the chief policy actors. It discusses the logic of policy reform in official documents and shows how rational actor assumptions predominate. The problems identified in relation to the new policies are chiefly to do with the difficulties of structuring incentives appropriately and of establishing a level playing field for equal opportunity policies. The issues that provider incentives may focus on the competitive advantage of their particular agency rather than public benefit, social inclusion may receive little support, and the value basis of social trust may be damaged receive insufficient recognition.
Francesca Carnevali
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199257393
- eISBN:
- 9780191603846
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257396.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter analyses the reasons behind the decline of small firms in Britain after 1945. It explores the politics behind industrial concentration by looking at the attitude towards small firms of ...
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This chapter analyses the reasons behind the decline of small firms in Britain after 1945. It explores the politics behind industrial concentration by looking at the attitude towards small firms of successive Conservative and Labour governments. The chapter focuses on monetary policy up to 1971, and its impact on commercial banks and their relationship with small firms.Less
This chapter analyses the reasons behind the decline of small firms in Britain after 1945. It explores the politics behind industrial concentration by looking at the attitude towards small firms of successive Conservative and Labour governments. The chapter focuses on monetary policy up to 1971, and its impact on commercial banks and their relationship with small firms.
Hugh Ward
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292371
- eISBN:
- 9780191600159
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292376.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
A summary explanation of rational choice theory, and its development in game theory, as a challenge to conventional social science theories. The example, demonstrating its application to the campaign ...
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A summary explanation of rational choice theory, and its development in game theory, as a challenge to conventional social science theories. The example, demonstrating its application to the campaign strategies of political parties, highlights the particular strength of rational choice approaches in throwing up non‐intuitive but empirically testable propositions.Less
A summary explanation of rational choice theory, and its development in game theory, as a challenge to conventional social science theories. The example, demonstrating its application to the campaign strategies of political parties, highlights the particular strength of rational choice approaches in throwing up non‐intuitive but empirically testable propositions.
Harold D. Clarke, Helmut Norpoth, and Paul Whiteley
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292371
- eISBN:
- 9780191600159
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292376.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Extending the basic regression model to the analysis of processes, which entail modelling time. The example demonstrates using Box‐Jenkins ARIMA intervention and transfer function models, and error ...
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Extending the basic regression model to the analysis of processes, which entail modelling time. The example demonstrates using Box‐Jenkins ARIMA intervention and transfer function models, and error correction models, and introduces and interprets statistical tests such as the Q‐test and the Dickey‐Fuller t‐ratio.Less
Extending the basic regression model to the analysis of processes, which entail modelling time. The example demonstrates using Box‐Jenkins ARIMA intervention and transfer function models, and error correction models, and introduces and interprets statistical tests such as the Q‐test and the Dickey‐Fuller t‐ratio.
Martin Rhodes
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240920
- eISBN:
- 9780191600180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240922.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In the UK, as in Australia and New Zealand, the ‘liberal’ post‐war welfare state was conceived as a minimal safety net under conditions in which full employment was to be ensured by (‘Keynesian’) ...
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In the UK, as in Australia and New Zealand, the ‘liberal’ post‐war welfare state was conceived as a minimal safety net under conditions in which full employment was to be ensured by (‘Keynesian’) macroeconomic policies. In the 1950s and 1960s, economic growth was constrained by stop–go policies trying to defend the pound as an international reserve currency in the face of inflationary wage pressures. After the dramatic failure of Labour economic policies in the crises of the 1970s, the (‘monetarist’) Conservative government of the 1980s succeeded in breaking the power of the unions and in stabilizing the currency at the expense of full employment, but did not fundamentally change the structure of the welfare state. After 1997, however, the ‘New Labour’ government set out to adjust the liberal welfare state to conditions in which government economic policies could no longer ensure full employment.Less
In the UK, as in Australia and New Zealand, the ‘liberal’ post‐war welfare state was conceived as a minimal safety net under conditions in which full employment was to be ensured by (‘Keynesian’) macroeconomic policies. In the 1950s and 1960s, economic growth was constrained by stop–go policies trying to defend the pound as an international reserve currency in the face of inflationary wage pressures. After the dramatic failure of Labour economic policies in the crises of the 1970s, the (‘monetarist’) Conservative government of the 1980s succeeded in breaking the power of the unions and in stabilizing the currency at the expense of full employment, but did not fundamentally change the structure of the welfare state. After 1997, however, the ‘New Labour’ government set out to adjust the liberal welfare state to conditions in which government economic policies could no longer ensure full employment.
E. H. H. Green
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198205937
- eISBN:
- 9780191717116
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205937.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This book investigates developments and changes in the nature of Conservative political thought and the meaning of Conservatism throughout the 20th century. Starting from the Edwardian crisis under ...
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This book investigates developments and changes in the nature of Conservative political thought and the meaning of Conservatism throughout the 20th century. Starting from the Edwardian crisis under Arthur Balfour, the study explores the Conservative mind through a series of chapters that examine how Conservative thinkers, politicians, and activists sought to define the problems they faced, what they thought they were arguing against, and what audiences they were seeking to reach. Topics covered include the influence of the English Idealists, the ideas of Arthur Steel-Maitland, the ending of the 1922 coalition with the Lloyd George Liberals, Conservative Book Clubs, the political economy of Harold Macmillan, the resignation of the Conservative Treasury team under Peter Thorneycroft in 1958, the ideological origins of the Thatcherite revolution under Margaret Thatcher, and Conservative ideas on the role of the State and civil society. It concludes that Conservatism, as articulated throughout the 20th century, can be clearly defined and recognises Thatcherism as a significant departure from previous 20th-century Conservative thought.Less
This book investigates developments and changes in the nature of Conservative political thought and the meaning of Conservatism throughout the 20th century. Starting from the Edwardian crisis under Arthur Balfour, the study explores the Conservative mind through a series of chapters that examine how Conservative thinkers, politicians, and activists sought to define the problems they faced, what they thought they were arguing against, and what audiences they were seeking to reach. Topics covered include the influence of the English Idealists, the ideas of Arthur Steel-Maitland, the ending of the 1922 coalition with the Lloyd George Liberals, Conservative Book Clubs, the political economy of Harold Macmillan, the resignation of the Conservative Treasury team under Peter Thorneycroft in 1958, the ideological origins of the Thatcherite revolution under Margaret Thatcher, and Conservative ideas on the role of the State and civil society. It concludes that Conservatism, as articulated throughout the 20th century, can be clearly defined and recognises Thatcherism as a significant departure from previous 20th-century Conservative thought.
Kenneth Dyson and Kevin Featherstone
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296386
- eISBN:
- 9780191599125
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829638X.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
With the failure to delay or block the EMU initiative, Major was left to bridge the unbridgeable, caught between a divided party and European credibility. Party divisions prevented any radical shift ...
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With the failure to delay or block the EMU initiative, Major was left to bridge the unbridgeable, caught between a divided party and European credibility. Party divisions prevented any radical shift of policy. More constructive rhetoric did not disguise essential policy continuity. Major's instincts were for pragmatism, but any scope for building alternative coalitions (e.g. with the German–Dutch bloc) were not exploited, despite compatibilities in policy belief (on monetary policy and on free markets). Thus, the end game became dominated by the technical design of an opt‐out from EMU and a weakening stage 2. The ‘victory’ on the opt‐out was somewhat hollow: not least because Britain's partners had all but given up on her. The problems of reconciling Britain's interests were graphically portrayed by its exit from the ERM in September 1992. The irony of Major's leadership was that, despite him giving priority to party unity, the Conservative Party was left in almost terminable decline and he failed to ease the constraints on his successor.Less
With the failure to delay or block the EMU initiative, Major was left to bridge the unbridgeable, caught between a divided party and European credibility. Party divisions prevented any radical shift of policy. More constructive rhetoric did not disguise essential policy continuity. Major's instincts were for pragmatism, but any scope for building alternative coalitions (e.g. with the German–Dutch bloc) were not exploited, despite compatibilities in policy belief (on monetary policy and on free markets). Thus, the end game became dominated by the technical design of an opt‐out from EMU and a weakening stage 2. The ‘victory’ on the opt‐out was somewhat hollow: not least because Britain's partners had all but given up on her. The problems of reconciling Britain's interests were graphically portrayed by its exit from the ERM in September 1992. The irony of Major's leadership was that, despite him giving priority to party unity, the Conservative Party was left in almost terminable decline and he failed to ease the constraints on his successor.
Iain McLean
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295297
- eISBN:
- 9780191599873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295294.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
A case study of the relaunch of the Conservative Party, which had been shattered in 1846, under Disraeli and Salisbury. Explains how Disraeli enacted the Second Reform Act in 1867, although it ...
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A case study of the relaunch of the Conservative Party, which had been shattered in 1846, under Disraeli and Salisbury. Explains how Disraeli enacted the Second Reform Act in 1867, although it damaged the material interests of the median MP and peer. Examines the rebasing of the Conservative Party under Disraeli and Salisbury as the party of popular imperialism.Less
A case study of the relaunch of the Conservative Party, which had been shattered in 1846, under Disraeli and Salisbury. Explains how Disraeli enacted the Second Reform Act in 1867, although it damaged the material interests of the median MP and peer. Examines the rebasing of the Conservative Party under Disraeli and Salisbury as the party of popular imperialism.
Melissa Haussman
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Canada's government gained constitutional autonomy from Britain in the 1960s and decriminalized abortion for a few women under the strict control of doctors and hospitals. When the Supreme Court ...
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Canada's government gained constitutional autonomy from Britain in the 1960s and decriminalized abortion for a few women under the strict control of doctors and hospitals. When the Supreme Court ruled this law unconstitutional in 1988, it marked a complete success for the women's movement activists. They were able to seal this victory by stopping, barely, the attempts by the Conservative government to return abortion law to the criminal code. The movement developed its political clout without the help of numerous women's policy agencies that, although sympathetic to feminist goals and well‐funded, were silenced by the policy environment.Less
Canada's government gained constitutional autonomy from Britain in the 1960s and decriminalized abortion for a few women under the strict control of doctors and hospitals. When the Supreme Court ruled this law unconstitutional in 1988, it marked a complete success for the women's movement activists. They were able to seal this victory by stopping, barely, the attempts by the Conservative government to return abortion law to the criminal code. The movement developed its political clout without the help of numerous women's policy agencies that, although sympathetic to feminist goals and well‐funded, were silenced by the policy environment.
