Heidi Hardt
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199337118
- eISBN:
- 9780199356546
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199337118.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Comparative Politics
In conflict-affected regions, delays in international response can have life or death consequences. The speed with which international organizations react to crises affects the prospects for ...
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In conflict-affected regions, delays in international response can have life or death consequences. The speed with which international organizations react to crises affects the prospects for communities to reestablish peace. Why, then, do some international organizations take longer than others to answer calls for intervention? To answer this question and explore options for reform, this book builds on an original database on response rates and interview evidence from 50 ambassadors across four leading organizations (AU, EU, OAS, and OSCE). The explanation for variation in speed ultimately lies in core differences in institutional cultures across organizations. Although wealth and capabilities can strengthen a peace operation, it is the unspoken rules and social networks at organizations’ peace and security committees that dictate the pace with which an operation is established. This book offers a first analysis of the timeliness of international organizations in crisis response.Less
In conflict-affected regions, delays in international response can have life or death consequences. The speed with which international organizations react to crises affects the prospects for communities to reestablish peace. Why, then, do some international organizations take longer than others to answer calls for intervention? To answer this question and explore options for reform, this book builds on an original database on response rates and interview evidence from 50 ambassadors across four leading organizations (AU, EU, OAS, and OSCE). The explanation for variation in speed ultimately lies in core differences in institutional cultures across organizations. Although wealth and capabilities can strengthen a peace operation, it is the unspoken rules and social networks at organizations’ peace and security committees that dictate the pace with which an operation is established. This book offers a first analysis of the timeliness of international organizations in crisis response.
Andrew Sanders
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781786940445
- eISBN:
- 9781789623826
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781786940445.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book examines the role of the United States of America in the Northern Ireland conflict and peace process. It assesses Northern Ireland as both an international and a domestic issue in the ...
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This book examines the role of the United States of America in the Northern Ireland conflict and peace process. It assesses Northern Ireland as both an international and a domestic issue in the United States during the years of conflict there. It looks at how US figures engaged with Northern Ireland, as well as the wider issue of Irish partition, in the years before the outbreak of what became known as the “troubles”. From there, it considers early interventions on the part of Congressional figures such as Senator Edward Kennedy and the Congressional hearings on Northern Ireland that took place in the aftermath of Bloody Sunday, 1972. It analyses the causes and consequences of the State Department decision to ban the sale of weapons to the Royal Ulster Constabulary, before considering the development of the US role in Northern Ireland through the Reagan administration and the onset of US financial support for conflict resolution in the form of the International Fund for Ireland. It then assesses the dynamics behind the role that President Clinton assumed following his election in 1992, before examining how Presidents Bush and Obama attempted to seize on the momentum of the 1998 Good Friday AgreementLess
This book examines the role of the United States of America in the Northern Ireland conflict and peace process. It assesses Northern Ireland as both an international and a domestic issue in the United States during the years of conflict there. It looks at how US figures engaged with Northern Ireland, as well as the wider issue of Irish partition, in the years before the outbreak of what became known as the “troubles”. From there, it considers early interventions on the part of Congressional figures such as Senator Edward Kennedy and the Congressional hearings on Northern Ireland that took place in the aftermath of Bloody Sunday, 1972. It analyses the causes and consequences of the State Department decision to ban the sale of weapons to the Royal Ulster Constabulary, before considering the development of the US role in Northern Ireland through the Reagan administration and the onset of US financial support for conflict resolution in the form of the International Fund for Ireland. It then assesses the dynamics behind the role that President Clinton assumed following his election in 1992, before examining how Presidents Bush and Obama attempted to seize on the momentum of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement
Harriet E. H. Earle
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496812469
- eISBN:
- 9781496812506
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496812469.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Comics Studies
Conflict is one of the most prevalent themes in comics, film and literature; we have been writing stories of war and violence since time immemorial. Comics is no stranger to such narratives and is ...
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Conflict is one of the most prevalent themes in comics, film and literature; we have been writing stories of war and violence since time immemorial. Comics is no stranger to such narratives and is writing them in ways that are different from (and complementary to) literature and film. This book brings together two distinct areas of research–trauma studies and comics–to provide a new interpretation of this long-standing central theme. Focusing on representations of conflict and war in post-Vietnam American comics, it claims that the comics form is able to mimic traumatic experience in order to represent the events as accurately and viscerally as possible. The textual focus spans the whole form, placing mainstream superhero comics alongside alternative and art comics. The specific comics fit a narrow set of criteria, all being published after 1975 by American creators, discussed in conversation with critical material from a wide range of thinkers, including Sigmund Freud, Mikhail Bakhtin, and Fredric Jameson, as well as contemporary trauma theory and clinical psychology. This book is structured around six key issues in conflict and traumatic representation, with close analyses of the chosen texts to consider the effectiveness of comics, both formally and thematically, in the areas of mourning, dreams, and personal identity. Comics, Trauma and the New Art of War also consider how timescales, temporality, and postmodernism affect, and are affected by, the dual focus of comics and trauma.Less
Conflict is one of the most prevalent themes in comics, film and literature; we have been writing stories of war and violence since time immemorial. Comics is no stranger to such narratives and is writing them in ways that are different from (and complementary to) literature and film. This book brings together two distinct areas of research–trauma studies and comics–to provide a new interpretation of this long-standing central theme. Focusing on representations of conflict and war in post-Vietnam American comics, it claims that the comics form is able to mimic traumatic experience in order to represent the events as accurately and viscerally as possible. The textual focus spans the whole form, placing mainstream superhero comics alongside alternative and art comics. The specific comics fit a narrow set of criteria, all being published after 1975 by American creators, discussed in conversation with critical material from a wide range of thinkers, including Sigmund Freud, Mikhail Bakhtin, and Fredric Jameson, as well as contemporary trauma theory and clinical psychology. This book is structured around six key issues in conflict and traumatic representation, with close analyses of the chosen texts to consider the effectiveness of comics, both formally and thematically, in the areas of mourning, dreams, and personal identity. Comics, Trauma and the New Art of War also consider how timescales, temporality, and postmodernism affect, and are affected by, the dual focus of comics and trauma.
Fredrik Meiton
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780520295889
- eISBN:
- 9780520968486
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520295889.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Like electricity, political power travels through physical materials whose properties govern its flow. Electrical Palestine charts the construction of Palestine’s electric grid in the interwar period ...
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Like electricity, political power travels through physical materials whose properties govern its flow. Electrical Palestine charts the construction of Palestine’s electric grid in the interwar period and its implication in the area’s rapid and uneven development. It does so in an effort to rethink both the origins of the Arab-Israeli Conflict and the interplay of politics, capital, and technology more broadly. The study follows the coevolution of the power system and Zionist state building efforts in Palestine on the conceptual and material level. Conceptually, the design and construction of the system shaped Palestine as a precisely bounded entity with a distinct political, social, and economic character. Materially, the borders of the mandate were mapped onto the power system and structured an ethno-national division of capital, land, and labor. In 1948, these coevolving forces ultimately carried over into Jewish statehood and Palestinian statelessness.Less
Like electricity, political power travels through physical materials whose properties govern its flow. Electrical Palestine charts the construction of Palestine’s electric grid in the interwar period and its implication in the area’s rapid and uneven development. It does so in an effort to rethink both the origins of the Arab-Israeli Conflict and the interplay of politics, capital, and technology more broadly. The study follows the coevolution of the power system and Zionist state building efforts in Palestine on the conceptual and material level. Conceptually, the design and construction of the system shaped Palestine as a precisely bounded entity with a distinct political, social, and economic character. Materially, the borders of the mandate were mapped onto the power system and structured an ethno-national division of capital, land, and labor. In 1948, these coevolving forces ultimately carried over into Jewish statehood and Palestinian statelessness.
Matt Killingsworth, Matthew Sussex, and Jan Pakulski (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097027
- eISBN:
- 9781526103987
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097027.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book sets out to help unlock an intriguing interdisciplinary puzzle relating to violence: ‘what is the relationship between the instrumental uses of violence, including its main forms, and the ...
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This book sets out to help unlock an intriguing interdisciplinary puzzle relating to violence: ‘what is the relationship between the instrumental uses of violence, including its main forms, and the willingness of states to employ it?’ In providing a counterweight to the notion that political violence has irrevocably changed in a globalised world, Violence and the State provides an original and innovative way to understand political violence across a range of discipline areas.Less
This book sets out to help unlock an intriguing interdisciplinary puzzle relating to violence: ‘what is the relationship between the instrumental uses of violence, including its main forms, and the willingness of states to employ it?’ In providing a counterweight to the notion that political violence has irrevocably changed in a globalised world, Violence and the State provides an original and innovative way to understand political violence across a range of discipline areas.
Sean L. Yom
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231175647
- eISBN:
- 9780231540278
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231175647.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter presents a new theoretical framework about state-building and authoritarian regimes in the Middle East. Linking coalitions to institutions, and then institutions to outcomes, it explains ...
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This chapter presents a new theoretical framework about state-building and authoritarian regimes in the Middle East. Linking coalitions to institutions, and then institutions to outcomes, it explains why the coalitional choices made during the critical junctures of national conflicts were so pivotal to the longevity and stability of their regimes. The geopolitical context of this process, which differed from past periods of state formation, clarifies why foreign powers would intervene during those periods of early struggle and in turn how hegemonic support would have powerful long-term effects by shaping early coalitional decisionsLess
This chapter presents a new theoretical framework about state-building and authoritarian regimes in the Middle East. Linking coalitions to institutions, and then institutions to outcomes, it explains why the coalitional choices made during the critical junctures of national conflicts were so pivotal to the longevity and stability of their regimes. The geopolitical context of this process, which differed from past periods of state formation, clarifies why foreign powers would intervene during those periods of early struggle and in turn how hegemonic support would have powerful long-term effects by shaping early coalitional decisions
Joseph P. Tomain
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195333411
- eISBN:
- 9780199868841
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195333411.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter, through a reading of Stuart Hampshire's Justice Is Conflict, offers a procedural solution to the problem of the conflict between man's law and higher law. Hampshire's theory does not ...
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This chapter, through a reading of Stuart Hampshire's Justice Is Conflict, offers a procedural solution to the problem of the conflict between man's law and higher law. Hampshire's theory does not purport to provide definitive or permanent moral or political answers. Instead, he recognizes that multiple answers are possible and reasonable. He then provides a temporary political and legal response to Piergiorgio's request and to equally morally vexing or divisive questions like abortion, same-sex marriage, the death penalty, and the like.Less
This chapter, through a reading of Stuart Hampshire's Justice Is Conflict, offers a procedural solution to the problem of the conflict between man's law and higher law. Hampshire's theory does not purport to provide definitive or permanent moral or political answers. Instead, he recognizes that multiple answers are possible and reasonable. He then provides a temporary political and legal response to Piergiorgio's request and to equally morally vexing or divisive questions like abortion, same-sex marriage, the death penalty, and the like.
Stuart Schaar
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231171564
- eISBN:
- 9780231539920
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231171564.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
Primacy of the Middle East until the second decade of the 21st Century; critique of Henry Kissinger's Middle East Policies; Arguing with Palestinians to adopt a non-violent approach insterad of ...
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Primacy of the Middle East until the second decade of the 21st Century; critique of Henry Kissinger's Middle East Policies; Arguing with Palestinians to adopt a non-violent approach insterad of terrorist tactics; Opposition to two state solution for Palestine along with Edward W. Said; Critique of Middle East peace plans as unworkable.Less
Primacy of the Middle East until the second decade of the 21st Century; critique of Henry Kissinger's Middle East Policies; Arguing with Palestinians to adopt a non-violent approach insterad of terrorist tactics; Opposition to two state solution for Palestine along with Edward W. Said; Critique of Middle East peace plans as unworkable.
Francisco J. Gil-White
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199262052
- eISBN:
- 9780191601637
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199262055.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Microeconomics
Two Ultimatum Game experiments conducted with the Torguud Mongols and the Kazakhs, people with a traditional pastoral–nomadic culture from Bulgan Sum, Khovd province, Western Mongolia, are reported: ...
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Two Ultimatum Game experiments conducted with the Torguud Mongols and the Kazakhs, people with a traditional pastoral–nomadic culture from Bulgan Sum, Khovd province, Western Mongolia, are reported: the first was an exploratory experiment involving only Torguuds, and the second a full‐fledged study, with ethnicity manipulation in which proposers and responders were of either the same or different ethnicity. On the question of how people from a small, nonindustrialized society perform in the Ultimatum Game (in comparison with western industrialized populations), the results obtained were paradoxical: responders were very reluctant to punish low offers, but proposers were very careful not to offend them, and made offers well above the empirically ascertained Income‐Maximizing Offer. It is argued that this result is consistent with a parallel paradox that Torguuds experience in their daily lives: people are very afraid of reputation loss, but there are no tangible consequences for those perceived to be ‘bad people’. The second result obtained from the study was that the behaviour of proposers and responders was not affected by having the opposing player be a member of a different ethnic group. This result is in conflict with explanations that have been offered for intergroup discrimination by the Social Identity Theory and the Realistic Conflict Theory so the assumptions that have justified explaining in‐group favouritism in ecologically valid groups (such as ethnies) in terms of these theories may need to be revisited.Less
Two Ultimatum Game experiments conducted with the Torguud Mongols and the Kazakhs, people with a traditional pastoral–nomadic culture from Bulgan Sum, Khovd province, Western Mongolia, are reported: the first was an exploratory experiment involving only Torguuds, and the second a full‐fledged study, with ethnicity manipulation in which proposers and responders were of either the same or different ethnicity. On the question of how people from a small, nonindustrialized society perform in the Ultimatum Game (in comparison with western industrialized populations), the results obtained were paradoxical: responders were very reluctant to punish low offers, but proposers were very careful not to offend them, and made offers well above the empirically ascertained Income‐Maximizing Offer. It is argued that this result is consistent with a parallel paradox that Torguuds experience in their daily lives: people are very afraid of reputation loss, but there are no tangible consequences for those perceived to be ‘bad people’. The second result obtained from the study was that the behaviour of proposers and responders was not affected by having the opposing player be a member of a different ethnic group. This result is in conflict with explanations that have been offered for intergroup discrimination by the Social Identity Theory and the Realistic Conflict Theory so the assumptions that have justified explaining in‐group favouritism in ecologically valid groups (such as ethnies) in terms of these theories may need to be revisited.
Tai-lok Lui and Stephen Wing-kai Chiu
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789888083497
- eISBN:
- 9789882209107
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888083497.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter argues that since the 1990s there has been a weakening of the traditional tightly-knit government-business alliance that characterised colonial rule because of greater competition and ...
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This chapter argues that since the 1990s there has been a weakening of the traditional tightly-knit government-business alliance that characterised colonial rule because of greater competition and fragmentation within business circles and deeper intervention in business matters by the government, often in a controversial way. Political conflict arises not just from popular demands for participation and welfare but also from underlying changes in the power structure. This chapter focuses on the problems and contradictions that have plagued government in Hong Kong since 1997. Through a statistical study, demonstrates that there has been a loosening of the traditionally tight links between public companies and a breakdown in cohesion in the business sector.Less
This chapter argues that since the 1990s there has been a weakening of the traditional tightly-knit government-business alliance that characterised colonial rule because of greater competition and fragmentation within business circles and deeper intervention in business matters by the government, often in a controversial way. Political conflict arises not just from popular demands for participation and welfare but also from underlying changes in the power structure. This chapter focuses on the problems and contradictions that have plagued government in Hong Kong since 1997. Through a statistical study, demonstrates that there has been a loosening of the traditionally tight links between public companies and a breakdown in cohesion in the business sector.
Tsolin Nalbantian
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474458566
- eISBN:
- 9781474480703
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474458566.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
Chapter 4 investigates Armenians’ stance in the 1957 elections and in the ‘general’ Lebanese and the intra-Armenian mini-civil war of 1958. Armenian parties participated in, and contributed to, ...
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Chapter 4 investigates Armenians’ stance in the 1957 elections and in the ‘general’ Lebanese and the intra-Armenian mini-civil war of 1958. Armenian parties participated in, and contributed to, political tensions in Lebanon. Simultaneously, they used their position in the Lebanese political system to jostle for power within their own community – a development that turned violent and ended only in December 1958, almost two months after the Lebanese mini-civil war had ended. This tension and violent confrontation between Armenian parties and their armed men had a crucial spatial effect: it unprecedentedly territorialized certain neighborhoods of Beirut. Whereas parts of Lebanon were organized by sects and classes, by relative contrast, it was according to political party affiliation that in 1957/1958 many Armenians of Mar Mikael, Sin el Fil, Bourj Hamoud, and Corniche el-Nahr were re-sorted and relocated, often by force.
Lebanese Armenians aligned along the right-left fault lines that divided Lebanese politics and society— more than other confessions, indeed. Vice versa, the Lebanese state was Armenianized, as it were, in that it started to pay more attention to Armenian matters than before, intervening directly and by military force in Armenian neighborhoods in order to finally end the internecine Armenian confrontation.Less
Chapter 4 investigates Armenians’ stance in the 1957 elections and in the ‘general’ Lebanese and the intra-Armenian mini-civil war of 1958. Armenian parties participated in, and contributed to, political tensions in Lebanon. Simultaneously, they used their position in the Lebanese political system to jostle for power within their own community – a development that turned violent and ended only in December 1958, almost two months after the Lebanese mini-civil war had ended. This tension and violent confrontation between Armenian parties and their armed men had a crucial spatial effect: it unprecedentedly territorialized certain neighborhoods of Beirut. Whereas parts of Lebanon were organized by sects and classes, by relative contrast, it was according to political party affiliation that in 1957/1958 many Armenians of Mar Mikael, Sin el Fil, Bourj Hamoud, and Corniche el-Nahr were re-sorted and relocated, often by force.
Lebanese Armenians aligned along the right-left fault lines that divided Lebanese politics and society— more than other confessions, indeed. Vice versa, the Lebanese state was Armenianized, as it were, in that it started to pay more attention to Armenian matters than before, intervening directly and by military force in Armenian neighborhoods in order to finally end the internecine Armenian confrontation.
MITROFF IAN I. and LINSTONE HAROLD A.
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195102888
- eISBN:
- 9780199854943
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195102888.003.0006
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Innovation
This chapter introduces Unbounded Systems Thinking (UST) and contends that it is the basis for the “new thinking” called for in the Information Age. The discussions in this chapter begin by briefly ...
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This chapter introduces Unbounded Systems Thinking (UST) and contends that it is the basis for the “new thinking” called for in the Information Age. The discussions in this chapter begin by briefly reviewing the four ways of knowing presented in the previous chapters. Agreement, Analysis, Multiple Realities, and Conflict as Idea System's all have strict limits. In contrast, UST asserts that “everything interacts with everything.” Every one of the sciences and professions is considered fundamental and none is superior to or better than any other. In UST, the supposed distinct and separate existence of the various ISs that was implied in the preceding chapters is a fiction. Given its complexity, a better understanding of this IS is demonstrated by the authors through a brief and general overview of the systems approach before they provide a concrete problem-solving method known as the Multiple Perspective Concept or Method to illustrate its application.Less
This chapter introduces Unbounded Systems Thinking (UST) and contends that it is the basis for the “new thinking” called for in the Information Age. The discussions in this chapter begin by briefly reviewing the four ways of knowing presented in the previous chapters. Agreement, Analysis, Multiple Realities, and Conflict as Idea System's all have strict limits. In contrast, UST asserts that “everything interacts with everything.” Every one of the sciences and professions is considered fundamental and none is superior to or better than any other. In UST, the supposed distinct and separate existence of the various ISs that was implied in the preceding chapters is a fiction. Given its complexity, a better understanding of this IS is demonstrated by the authors through a brief and general overview of the systems approach before they provide a concrete problem-solving method known as the Multiple Perspective Concept or Method to illustrate its application.
Manal A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781479811380
- eISBN:
- 9781479898763
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479811380.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Democracy aid has grown considerably since the end of the Cold War. In the late 1980s, less than US$1 billion a year went to democracy assistance; by 2015, the estimated total was more than $10 ...
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Democracy aid has grown considerably since the end of the Cold War. In the late 1980s, less than US$1 billion a year went to democracy assistance; by 2015, the estimated total was more than $10 billion. Despite this overwhelming commitment to spreading democracy abroad, the results have been mixed, and in some cases, this aid has in fact undermined the longer-term prospects for democratic development. What factors account for these different outcomes? Why are democracy promotion efforts far more successful in some cases as opposed to others?
Promoting Democracy answers these questions while also providing an often overlooked perspective - the perspective of those most directly affected by the impact of this assistance. By examining two primary conflict to peace transition cases- the Palestinian territories and El Salvador- and drawing from over 150 interviews with grassroots activists, political leaders, heads of NGOs, and directors of donor agencies, Manal A. Jamal investigates how democracy assistance shaped the re-constitution of political and civic life. She examines these developments at a more macro, general level in terms of democratic outcomes and then at the level of civil society by tracing transformations in one social movement sector--the women’s sector--in each case. She argues that ultimately the pervading political settlements determined the different outcomes, and that democracy assistance mediated these processes. The book then expands the temporal and geographic aperture of the study by examining developments in the Palestinian territories following Ḥamas’ 2006 election victory, and then by investigating the impact of political settlements and the mediating role of democracy assistance in Iraq and South Africa during the start of their political transitions.
Jamal challenges more simple accounts that rely on NGO professionalization to explain civil society outcomes and illustrates how pervading political settlements that govern political relations in these contexts ultimately determined the different outcomes. By providing a systematic analysis of how democracy assistance impacts civil society and broader democratic outcomes, she provides new ways of understanding the relationship between foreign aid and domestic political contexts and resolves key debates about the limits of democracy promotion in non-inclusive political contexts.Less
Democracy aid has grown considerably since the end of the Cold War. In the late 1980s, less than US$1 billion a year went to democracy assistance; by 2015, the estimated total was more than $10 billion. Despite this overwhelming commitment to spreading democracy abroad, the results have been mixed, and in some cases, this aid has in fact undermined the longer-term prospects for democratic development. What factors account for these different outcomes? Why are democracy promotion efforts far more successful in some cases as opposed to others?
Promoting Democracy answers these questions while also providing an often overlooked perspective - the perspective of those most directly affected by the impact of this assistance. By examining two primary conflict to peace transition cases- the Palestinian territories and El Salvador- and drawing from over 150 interviews with grassroots activists, political leaders, heads of NGOs, and directors of donor agencies, Manal A. Jamal investigates how democracy assistance shaped the re-constitution of political and civic life. She examines these developments at a more macro, general level in terms of democratic outcomes and then at the level of civil society by tracing transformations in one social movement sector--the women’s sector--in each case. She argues that ultimately the pervading political settlements determined the different outcomes, and that democracy assistance mediated these processes. The book then expands the temporal and geographic aperture of the study by examining developments in the Palestinian territories following Ḥamas’ 2006 election victory, and then by investigating the impact of political settlements and the mediating role of democracy assistance in Iraq and South Africa during the start of their political transitions.
Jamal challenges more simple accounts that rely on NGO professionalization to explain civil society outcomes and illustrates how pervading political settlements that govern political relations in these contexts ultimately determined the different outcomes. By providing a systematic analysis of how democracy assistance impacts civil society and broader democratic outcomes, she provides new ways of understanding the relationship between foreign aid and domestic political contexts and resolves key debates about the limits of democracy promotion in non-inclusive political contexts.
E. Sridharan (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198069652
- eISBN:
- 9780199082742
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198069652.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This volume explores the nature of conflict and cooperation in South Asia in the post-Cold War and post-1998 periods within the framework of international relations theory. Drawing on the ...
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This volume explores the nature of conflict and cooperation in South Asia in the post-Cold War and post-1998 periods within the framework of international relations theory. Drawing on the perspectives of scholars employing IR theory and broader social science theorizing, it looks at some of the issues that hinder conflict resolution and cooperation-building in the region, from security to political economy and regional architecture, in the context of foreign policy and domestic politics. It highlights the conflict between India and Pakistan and how it has undermined any form of regional security treaty or institution, particularly the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). It argues that regional integration requires sovereignty tradeoffs, whereby some components of sovereignty in some spheres must be ceded to supranational authorities. It also discusses the concepts of ‘regional power’ and ‘regional security’ in relation to ‘regional leadership’ and considers a variant of neoliberal institutionalism at the regional level — the cobweb or ‘bottom-up’ Nordic model of cooperation — as a feasible model for SAARC. Moreover, it examines domestic politics and its implications for relations between states by highlighting civil-military relations in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka; Sri Lanka's foreign policy reversal towards India from the 1990s and the politics of the economic relations between the two countries; the domestic politics of Bangladesh's policy towards India; the Indo-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement of 1998 and its implications for the political economy of regional trade liberalisation between India and its smaller neighbours; and obstacles to India-Bangladesh cooperation from an IR theory perspective.Less
This volume explores the nature of conflict and cooperation in South Asia in the post-Cold War and post-1998 periods within the framework of international relations theory. Drawing on the perspectives of scholars employing IR theory and broader social science theorizing, it looks at some of the issues that hinder conflict resolution and cooperation-building in the region, from security to political economy and regional architecture, in the context of foreign policy and domestic politics. It highlights the conflict between India and Pakistan and how it has undermined any form of regional security treaty or institution, particularly the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). It argues that regional integration requires sovereignty tradeoffs, whereby some components of sovereignty in some spheres must be ceded to supranational authorities. It also discusses the concepts of ‘regional power’ and ‘regional security’ in relation to ‘regional leadership’ and considers a variant of neoliberal institutionalism at the regional level — the cobweb or ‘bottom-up’ Nordic model of cooperation — as a feasible model for SAARC. Moreover, it examines domestic politics and its implications for relations between states by highlighting civil-military relations in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka; Sri Lanka's foreign policy reversal towards India from the 1990s and the politics of the economic relations between the two countries; the domestic politics of Bangladesh's policy towards India; the Indo-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement of 1998 and its implications for the political economy of regional trade liberalisation between India and its smaller neighbours; and obstacles to India-Bangladesh cooperation from an IR theory perspective.
David Fisher
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199599240
- eISBN:
- 9780191725692
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599240.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion, Religion and Society
The principle of non‐combatant immunity forbids deliberate attacks on civilians. Yet civilians are regularly killed in war. So are all wars unjust? Just‐war commentators have resisted this ...
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The principle of non‐combatant immunity forbids deliberate attacks on civilians. Yet civilians are regularly killed in war. So are all wars unjust? Just‐war commentators have resisted this conclusion, distinguishing between intended and foreseen consequences. The role of double effect is examined both in just‐war thinking and in supporting moral absolutism. Double effect marks an important distinction, but this is not sufficient to support moral absolutism. Other gradations of mental state are also relevant to the attribution of moral responsibility. Absolutism oversimplifies the nature of moral reasoning and leads to implausible conclusions. The principle of non‐combatant immunity cannot be held absolute. But to minimize the suffering caused by war there are strong reasons for holding it as near absolute a principle as we can. The application of the principle is examined against two case studies: the 2008–9 conflict in Gaza and NATO air operations in Kosovo in 1999.Less
The principle of non‐combatant immunity forbids deliberate attacks on civilians. Yet civilians are regularly killed in war. So are all wars unjust? Just‐war commentators have resisted this conclusion, distinguishing between intended and foreseen consequences. The role of double effect is examined both in just‐war thinking and in supporting moral absolutism. Double effect marks an important distinction, but this is not sufficient to support moral absolutism. Other gradations of mental state are also relevant to the attribution of moral responsibility. Absolutism oversimplifies the nature of moral reasoning and leads to implausible conclusions. The principle of non‐combatant immunity cannot be held absolute. But to minimize the suffering caused by war there are strong reasons for holding it as near absolute a principle as we can. The application of the principle is examined against two case studies: the 2008–9 conflict in Gaza and NATO air operations in Kosovo in 1999.
Samuel C. Heilman
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780520277236
- eISBN:
- 9780520966482
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520277236.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This is an account of five contemporary Hasidic dynasties and their complex process of succession. Two dynasties – Munkács and Boyan – describe a situation with too few successors, two – Bobov and ...
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This is an account of five contemporary Hasidic dynasties and their complex process of succession. Two dynasties – Munkács and Boyan – describe a situation with too few successors, two – Bobov and Satmar – with too many, and one – Lubavitch – where the Hasidim deny a need for a successor at all claiming their last leader never really died. Each of these stories offers a narrative of continuity, of transformation in a group at once mysterious and yet transparent that seeks permanence in a modern world seemingly inimical to it. These are stories of the making and unmaking of men, a search for charisma and struggles for power, of families united and divided, of death and resurrection as well as hopes raised and dashed. They answer the eternal question of Hasidism: Who will lead us?Less
This is an account of five contemporary Hasidic dynasties and their complex process of succession. Two dynasties – Munkács and Boyan – describe a situation with too few successors, two – Bobov and Satmar – with too many, and one – Lubavitch – where the Hasidim deny a need for a successor at all claiming their last leader never really died. Each of these stories offers a narrative of continuity, of transformation in a group at once mysterious and yet transparent that seeks permanence in a modern world seemingly inimical to it. These are stories of the making and unmaking of men, a search for charisma and struggles for power, of families united and divided, of death and resurrection as well as hopes raised and dashed. They answer the eternal question of Hasidism: Who will lead us?
George Vasilev
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780748697304
- eISBN:
- 9781474416153
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748697304.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book addresses the conceptual and practical challenges surrounding the promotion of solidarity in divided societies. It brings together the normative insights of political theory and the ...
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This book addresses the conceptual and practical challenges surrounding the promotion of solidarity in divided societies. It brings together the normative insights of political theory and the empirical insights of comparative research to identify institutional arrangements conducive to ties of responsibility across ethnic lines. Against critics who claim group representative measures are incompatible with solidarity, the book argues they serve as its very basis by providing the incentive structure for interethnic cooperation and openness. It extends the scope of analysis beyond the representative institutions of the nation-state to show how everyday deliberations and transnational influences can also positively shape ethnic relations. The book’s core claim is that what happens outside the state and across state borders also matters, as non-government organisations, international institutions and influential opinion leaders have become increasingly pivotal in shaping attitudes and political behaviour as the salience of international norms on ethnic diversity has grown. This analysis is conducted against the backdrop of several case studies involving various Balkan states, Northern Ireland, South Africa, transnational advocacy networks, and the European Union.Less
This book addresses the conceptual and practical challenges surrounding the promotion of solidarity in divided societies. It brings together the normative insights of political theory and the empirical insights of comparative research to identify institutional arrangements conducive to ties of responsibility across ethnic lines. Against critics who claim group representative measures are incompatible with solidarity, the book argues they serve as its very basis by providing the incentive structure for interethnic cooperation and openness. It extends the scope of analysis beyond the representative institutions of the nation-state to show how everyday deliberations and transnational influences can also positively shape ethnic relations. The book’s core claim is that what happens outside the state and across state borders also matters, as non-government organisations, international institutions and influential opinion leaders have become increasingly pivotal in shaping attitudes and political behaviour as the salience of international norms on ethnic diversity has grown. This analysis is conducted against the backdrop of several case studies involving various Balkan states, Northern Ireland, South Africa, transnational advocacy networks, and the European Union.
Nick Mansfield
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781781382783
- eISBN:
- 9781781383964
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9781781382783.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
The book outlines how class is the single most important factor in understanding the British army in the period of industrialisation. It challenges the ‘ruffians officered by gentlemen’ theory of ...
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The book outlines how class is the single most important factor in understanding the British army in the period of industrialisation. It challenges the ‘ruffians officered by gentlemen’ theory of military historians and demonstrates how service in the ranks was not confined to ‘the scum of the earth’ but included a cross section of ‘respectable’ working class men. Common soldiers represent a huge unstudied occupational group. They worked as artisans, servants and dealers, displaying pre-enlistment working class attitudes and evidencing low level class conflict. Soldiers continued as members of the working class after discharge, with military service forming one phase of their careers and overall life experience. Most common soldiers had time on their hands and were allowed to work at a wide variety of jobs, analysed here for the first time. Many serving soldiers continued to work as regimental tradesmen, or skilled artificers. Others worked as officers’ servants or were allowed to run small businesses, providing goods and services to their comrades. Some forged extraordinary careers which surpassed any opportunities in civilian life. All the soldiers studied retained much of their working class way of life. This was evidenced in a contract culture similar to that of the civilian trade unions. Within disciplined boundaries, army life resulted in all sorts of low level class conflict. The book explores these by covering drinking, desertion, feigned illness, self harm, strikes and go-slows. It further describes mutinies, back chat, looting, fraternisation, foreign service, suicide and even the shooting of unpopular officers.Less
The book outlines how class is the single most important factor in understanding the British army in the period of industrialisation. It challenges the ‘ruffians officered by gentlemen’ theory of military historians and demonstrates how service in the ranks was not confined to ‘the scum of the earth’ but included a cross section of ‘respectable’ working class men. Common soldiers represent a huge unstudied occupational group. They worked as artisans, servants and dealers, displaying pre-enlistment working class attitudes and evidencing low level class conflict. Soldiers continued as members of the working class after discharge, with military service forming one phase of their careers and overall life experience. Most common soldiers had time on their hands and were allowed to work at a wide variety of jobs, analysed here for the first time. Many serving soldiers continued to work as regimental tradesmen, or skilled artificers. Others worked as officers’ servants or were allowed to run small businesses, providing goods and services to their comrades. Some forged extraordinary careers which surpassed any opportunities in civilian life. All the soldiers studied retained much of their working class way of life. This was evidenced in a contract culture similar to that of the civilian trade unions. Within disciplined boundaries, army life resulted in all sorts of low level class conflict. The book explores these by covering drinking, desertion, feigned illness, self harm, strikes and go-slows. It further describes mutinies, back chat, looting, fraternisation, foreign service, suicide and even the shooting of unpopular officers.
Emmanuelle Avril and Yann Béliard (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526126320
- eISBN:
- 9781526138798
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526126320.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Spanning a period which stretches from the 19th century to the present day, this book takes a novel look at the British labour movement by examining the interaction between trade unions, the Labour ...
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Spanning a period which stretches from the 19th century to the present day, this book takes a novel look at the British labour movement by examining the interaction between trade unions, the Labour Party, other parties of the Left, and other groups such as the Co-op movement and the wider working class, to highlight the dialectic nature of these relationships, marked by consensus and dissention. It shows that, although perceived as a source of weakness, those inner conflicts have also been a source of creative tension, at times generating significant breakthroughs. This book seeks to renew and expand the field of British labour studies, setting out new avenues for research so as to widen the audience and academic interest in the field, in a context which makes the revisiting of past struggles and dilemmas more pressing than ever. The book together brings well-established labour historians and political scientists, thus establishing dialogue across disciplines, and younger colleagues who are contributing to the renewal of the field. It provides a range of case studies as well as more wide-ranging assessments of recent trends in labour organising, and will therefore be of interest to academics and students of history and politics, as well as to practitioners, in the British Isles and beyond.Less
Spanning a period which stretches from the 19th century to the present day, this book takes a novel look at the British labour movement by examining the interaction between trade unions, the Labour Party, other parties of the Left, and other groups such as the Co-op movement and the wider working class, to highlight the dialectic nature of these relationships, marked by consensus and dissention. It shows that, although perceived as a source of weakness, those inner conflicts have also been a source of creative tension, at times generating significant breakthroughs. This book seeks to renew and expand the field of British labour studies, setting out new avenues for research so as to widen the audience and academic interest in the field, in a context which makes the revisiting of past struggles and dilemmas more pressing than ever. The book together brings well-established labour historians and political scientists, thus establishing dialogue across disciplines, and younger colleagues who are contributing to the renewal of the field. It provides a range of case studies as well as more wide-ranging assessments of recent trends in labour organising, and will therefore be of interest to academics and students of history and politics, as well as to practitioners, in the British Isles and beyond.
Lucy Bland and Richard Carr (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781526109293
- eISBN:
- 9781526136015
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526109293.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This volume offers a series of new essays on the British left – broadly interpreted – during the First World War. Dealing with grassroots case studies of unionism from Bristol to the North East of ...
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This volume offers a series of new essays on the British left – broadly interpreted – during the First World War. Dealing with grassroots case studies of unionism from Bristol to the North East of England, and of high politics in Westminster, these essays probe what changed, and what remained more or less static, in terms of labour relations. For those interested in class, gender, and parliamentary politics or the interplay of ideas between Britain and places such as America, Ireland and Russia, this work has much to offer. From Charlie Chaplin to Ellen Wilkinson, this work paints a broad canvass of British radicalism during the Great War.Less
This volume offers a series of new essays on the British left – broadly interpreted – during the First World War. Dealing with grassroots case studies of unionism from Bristol to the North East of England, and of high politics in Westminster, these essays probe what changed, and what remained more or less static, in terms of labour relations. For those interested in class, gender, and parliamentary politics or the interplay of ideas between Britain and places such as America, Ireland and Russia, this work has much to offer. From Charlie Chaplin to Ellen Wilkinson, this work paints a broad canvass of British radicalism during the Great War.
