Jonathan McKenzie
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813166308
- eISBN:
- 9780813166384
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813166308.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Thoreau’s Walden Pond experience is, at least in part, an individualistic response to the popular communal living experiments of the 1840s in the United States. This chapter examines one key aspect ...
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Thoreau’s Walden Pond experience is, at least in part, an individualistic response to the popular communal living experiments of the 1840s in the United States. This chapter examines one key aspect of those experiments—the desire to unify the self—in light of Thoreau’s successes and failures in his own living experiment. This chapter argues that Thoreau’s privatist political theory, which provides the backbone for the Walden sojourn, aids Thoreau in maintaining the goal of providing a sound foundation for a unified experience of selfhood in the changing nineteenth century.Less
Thoreau’s Walden Pond experience is, at least in part, an individualistic response to the popular communal living experiments of the 1840s in the United States. This chapter examines one key aspect of those experiments—the desire to unify the self—in light of Thoreau’s successes and failures in his own living experiment. This chapter argues that Thoreau’s privatist political theory, which provides the backbone for the Walden sojourn, aids Thoreau in maintaining the goal of providing a sound foundation for a unified experience of selfhood in the changing nineteenth century.
Sudha Pai and Sajjan Kumar
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- April 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780199466290
- eISBN:
- 9780199095865
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199466290.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
The authors analyse the reasons underlying the resurgence of communalism in the 2000s in Uttar Pradesh (UP) leading to riots in Mau in 2005, Gorakhpur in 2007, and Muzaffarnagar in 2013, but more ...
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The authors analyse the reasons underlying the resurgence of communalism in the 2000s in Uttar Pradesh (UP) leading to riots in Mau in 2005, Gorakhpur in 2007, and Muzaffarnagar in 2013, but more importantly move beyond riots to analyse the new ways and means whereby communalism in the present phase is being manufactured by the Hindu right. They argue that UP is experiencing a post-Ayodhya phase of communalism markedly different from the late 1980s/early 1990s. The book employs a model of institutionalized everyday communalism whose defining feature is that rather than initiating major, state-wide riots, the strategy of the BJP–RSS currently is to create and sustain constant, low-key communal tension together with frequent, small, low-intensity incidents out of petty everyday issues that institutionalize communalism at the grassroots. The use of this strategy is examined based on extensive fieldwork in the districts of eastern and western UP that experienced major riots. A fusion of rising cultural aspirations and deep economic anxieties in UP, which remains an economically backward state, and where a deepening agrarian crisis, unemployment, poverty, and inequalities are widespread, has created fertile ground for the new kind of communal mobilization. The agenda of the BJP–RSS is political to establish majoritarian rule, but equally important cultural, because India is viewed as fundamentally ‘Hindu’ in a civilizational sense in which Muslims will remain alien. It is through this lens of the new ‘avatar’ of the BJP, its ideology and strategies, and its impact on society and polity that an attempt is made to understand the current round of communalism in UP.Less
The authors analyse the reasons underlying the resurgence of communalism in the 2000s in Uttar Pradesh (UP) leading to riots in Mau in 2005, Gorakhpur in 2007, and Muzaffarnagar in 2013, but more importantly move beyond riots to analyse the new ways and means whereby communalism in the present phase is being manufactured by the Hindu right. They argue that UP is experiencing a post-Ayodhya phase of communalism markedly different from the late 1980s/early 1990s. The book employs a model of institutionalized everyday communalism whose defining feature is that rather than initiating major, state-wide riots, the strategy of the BJP–RSS currently is to create and sustain constant, low-key communal tension together with frequent, small, low-intensity incidents out of petty everyday issues that institutionalize communalism at the grassroots. The use of this strategy is examined based on extensive fieldwork in the districts of eastern and western UP that experienced major riots. A fusion of rising cultural aspirations and deep economic anxieties in UP, which remains an economically backward state, and where a deepening agrarian crisis, unemployment, poverty, and inequalities are widespread, has created fertile ground for the new kind of communal mobilization. The agenda of the BJP–RSS is political to establish majoritarian rule, but equally important cultural, because India is viewed as fundamentally ‘Hindu’ in a civilizational sense in which Muslims will remain alien. It is through this lens of the new ‘avatar’ of the BJP, its ideology and strategies, and its impact on society and polity that an attempt is made to understand the current round of communalism in UP.
Noah Haiduc-Dale
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780748676033
- eISBN:
- 9780748684304
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748676033.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Christians in British Mandate Palestine (1917-1948) comprised a significant minority of the Arab population, but it is commonly assumed that they were junior partners in the Palestinian nationalist ...
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Christians in British Mandate Palestine (1917-1948) comprised a significant minority of the Arab population, but it is commonly assumed that they were junior partners in the Palestinian nationalist movement, or perhaps even wary of the movement altogether. The period was tense, and Arab Christians did struggle to define their community in the face of Zionist immigration, British colonial policies, and the rise of both regional pan-Islamic ideologies and Palestinian nationalism. This book focuses on the relationship between Arab Christians and the nationalist movement as the British Mandate unfolded throughout the first half of the twentieth century. It also looks at the nature of interreligious religious relations between Christians and Muslims. The book uses major events of the period as a lens through which to examine Christian efforts to define their place in Palestinian society while being conscious of variations (denominational, socioeconomic and geographical, for instance) and debates within the diverse Arab Christian community. Despite such variations, trends among individual Christian behaviours and beliefs, as well as those of Christian organizations (both religious and social in nature), challenge the prevailing assumption that Arabs were prone to communalism or sectarianism. Instead, they were as likely as their Muslim compatriots to support nationalism. When social pressure led Christians to identify along communal lines, they did so in conjunction with a stronger dedication to nationalism.Less
Christians in British Mandate Palestine (1917-1948) comprised a significant minority of the Arab population, but it is commonly assumed that they were junior partners in the Palestinian nationalist movement, or perhaps even wary of the movement altogether. The period was tense, and Arab Christians did struggle to define their community in the face of Zionist immigration, British colonial policies, and the rise of both regional pan-Islamic ideologies and Palestinian nationalism. This book focuses on the relationship between Arab Christians and the nationalist movement as the British Mandate unfolded throughout the first half of the twentieth century. It also looks at the nature of interreligious religious relations between Christians and Muslims. The book uses major events of the period as a lens through which to examine Christian efforts to define their place in Palestinian society while being conscious of variations (denominational, socioeconomic and geographical, for instance) and debates within the diverse Arab Christian community. Despite such variations, trends among individual Christian behaviours and beliefs, as well as those of Christian organizations (both religious and social in nature), challenge the prevailing assumption that Arabs were prone to communalism or sectarianism. Instead, they were as likely as their Muslim compatriots to support nationalism. When social pressure led Christians to identify along communal lines, they did so in conjunction with a stronger dedication to nationalism.
Noah Haiduc-Dale
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780748676033
- eISBN:
- 9780748684304
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748676033.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
The introduction highlights the tension between nationalism and religious identification and explains how earlier scholarship takes an all-or-nothing approach to the meaning of religious identity. ...
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The introduction highlights the tension between nationalism and religious identification and explains how earlier scholarship takes an all-or-nothing approach to the meaning of religious identity. Others have ignored religion by privileging secular nationalism or have attributed all meaningful history to religious distinctions and communities. Instead, the introduction lays the basis for seeking to understand the relationship between Christians and nationalism by exploring the formation of their religious and national identities. This approach is similar to recent work on communalism and sectarianism in other parts of the colonial world. In addition, this chapter introduces the reader to some of the most pertinent historical details and variations between Arab Christian denominations in Palestine.Less
The introduction highlights the tension between nationalism and religious identification and explains how earlier scholarship takes an all-or-nothing approach to the meaning of religious identity. Others have ignored religion by privileging secular nationalism or have attributed all meaningful history to religious distinctions and communities. Instead, the introduction lays the basis for seeking to understand the relationship between Christians and nationalism by exploring the formation of their religious and national identities. This approach is similar to recent work on communalism and sectarianism in other parts of the colonial world. In addition, this chapter introduces the reader to some of the most pertinent historical details and variations between Arab Christian denominations in Palestine.
Noah Haiduc-Dale
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780748676033
- eISBN:
- 9780748684304
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748676033.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
The conclusion stresses the importance of reconsidering the exclusivity of national and communal identities, arguing that Palestinian Christians provide a strong example of dual identity. The ...
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The conclusion stresses the importance of reconsidering the exclusivity of national and communal identities, arguing that Palestinian Christians provide a strong example of dual identity. The importance of this finding is that because identification is a constant process based on particular social and political possibilities, seemingly sharp lines of societal division are neither inevitable nor immutable. Instead, an array of options is available at any given moment, and Middle Eastern Christians, as individuals and as a community, decide how much emphasis to place on one mode of identification over another at a given moment. They, like other peoples, are bound by neither national nor communal identity, but can change (and have changed) their allegiance to meet new demands and possibilitiesLess
The conclusion stresses the importance of reconsidering the exclusivity of national and communal identities, arguing that Palestinian Christians provide a strong example of dual identity. The importance of this finding is that because identification is a constant process based on particular social and political possibilities, seemingly sharp lines of societal division are neither inevitable nor immutable. Instead, an array of options is available at any given moment, and Middle Eastern Christians, as individuals and as a community, decide how much emphasis to place on one mode of identification over another at a given moment. They, like other peoples, are bound by neither national nor communal identity, but can change (and have changed) their allegiance to meet new demands and possibilities
Nikki M. Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813140773
- eISBN:
- 9780813141428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813140773.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter covers Peter Clark’s life from birth through the end of his first stage of political consciousness and activism. Set against the backdrop of the uniquely oppressive racial and social ...
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This chapter covers Peter Clark’s life from birth through the end of his first stage of political consciousness and activism. Set against the backdrop of the uniquely oppressive racial and social conditions in Cincinnati, this chapter sets the stage for Clark’s eventual rise to local and state prominence. While this book is a political and intellectual biography, personal relationships forged in his youth played a crucial role in raising his consciousness and molding him into the leader he would become.Less
This chapter covers Peter Clark’s life from birth through the end of his first stage of political consciousness and activism. Set against the backdrop of the uniquely oppressive racial and social conditions in Cincinnati, this chapter sets the stage for Clark’s eventual rise to local and state prominence. While this book is a political and intellectual biography, personal relationships forged in his youth played a crucial role in raising his consciousness and molding him into the leader he would become.
Daniel Rivers
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469636269
- eISBN:
- 9781469636276
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469636269.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This essay looks at the worldview of gay male communalists across the United States in the mid-1970s as seen in the rural gay magazine Rural Free Delivery (RFD) in the critical years from 1973 to ...
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This essay looks at the worldview of gay male communalists across the United States in the mid-1970s as seen in the rural gay magazine Rural Free Delivery (RFD) in the critical years from 1973 to 1976 as well as in other extant archival sources related to gay communalism. As a clearinghouse for gay men involved in radical, back-to-the-land ventures, RFD provides a complex view of the creation of a largely white, gay male counterculture spirituality that fused the sexual politics of early gay liberationists with ecofeminist, animist, New Age understandings of sexuality, the natural world, and spirit. Gay men who were or who wanted to live in communal spaces nationwide sent letters and stories into RFD, which was published in a variety of gay male communal spaces during these years.Less
This essay looks at the worldview of gay male communalists across the United States in the mid-1970s as seen in the rural gay magazine Rural Free Delivery (RFD) in the critical years from 1973 to 1976 as well as in other extant archival sources related to gay communalism. As a clearinghouse for gay men involved in radical, back-to-the-land ventures, RFD provides a complex view of the creation of a largely white, gay male counterculture spirituality that fused the sexual politics of early gay liberationists with ecofeminist, animist, New Age understandings of sexuality, the natural world, and spirit. Gay men who were or who wanted to live in communal spaces nationwide sent letters and stories into RFD, which was published in a variety of gay male communal spaces during these years.
C. Christine Fair
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190909482
- eISBN:
- 9780190077891
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190909482.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
"In Their Own Words" informs contemporary discussions and analysis of this organization by mobilizing the vast corpus of Lashkar-e-Tayyaba's (LeT) own writing. In this work, I analyze a sample of ...
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"In Their Own Words" informs contemporary discussions and analysis of this organization by mobilizing the vast corpus of Lashkar-e-Tayyaba's (LeT) own writing. In this work, I analyze a sample of LeT's own publications and present new information about the organization, its recruits, the families that produce them and the external and domestic political imperatives that motivate LeT's operations within and beyond Pakistan. I draw from these materials to advance two key claims about the organization.
First, LeT's ability to conduct complex terror attacks in India and Afghanistan--coupled with its loyalty to the Pakistani security establishment--render it incredibly useful as a reliable and obedient proxy. Second, because LeT argues against violence against other Muslims and Pakistan's religious minorities, it is a critical partner of the deep state's efforts to quell violence within Pakistan.Less
"In Their Own Words" informs contemporary discussions and analysis of this organization by mobilizing the vast corpus of Lashkar-e-Tayyaba's (LeT) own writing. In this work, I analyze a sample of LeT's own publications and present new information about the organization, its recruits, the families that produce them and the external and domestic political imperatives that motivate LeT's operations within and beyond Pakistan. I draw from these materials to advance two key claims about the organization.
First, LeT's ability to conduct complex terror attacks in India and Afghanistan--coupled with its loyalty to the Pakistani security establishment--render it incredibly useful as a reliable and obedient proxy. Second, because LeT argues against violence against other Muslims and Pakistan's religious minorities, it is a critical partner of the deep state's efforts to quell violence within Pakistan.
C. Christine Fair
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190909482
- eISBN:
- 9780190077891
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190909482.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
Most scholars of Lashkar-e-Tayyaba/Jamaat ud Dawah (LeT/JuD) tend to view the tanzeem as a proxy militia for the Pakistani army. While the organization certainly performs this role, this narrow ...
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Most scholars of Lashkar-e-Tayyaba/Jamaat ud Dawah (LeT/JuD) tend to view the tanzeem as a proxy militia for the Pakistani army. While the organization certainly performs this role, this narrow understanding undervalues the full scope of activities it performs, alongside the full range of political and social perquisites that the organization affords the Pakistani state, and thus, the importance that the state attaches to it. Presumably, the formation of the Milli Muslim League (MML) will further entrench this alliance between the state and the LeT/JuD. This chapter demonstrates that LeT/JuD performs a critical role in assisting the deep state to secure its domestic objectives as well as its foreign policies in India and Afghanistan.Less
Most scholars of Lashkar-e-Tayyaba/Jamaat ud Dawah (LeT/JuD) tend to view the tanzeem as a proxy militia for the Pakistani army. While the organization certainly performs this role, this narrow understanding undervalues the full scope of activities it performs, alongside the full range of political and social perquisites that the organization affords the Pakistani state, and thus, the importance that the state attaches to it. Presumably, the formation of the Milli Muslim League (MML) will further entrench this alliance between the state and the LeT/JuD. This chapter demonstrates that LeT/JuD performs a critical role in assisting the deep state to secure its domestic objectives as well as its foreign policies in India and Afghanistan.
Jagannath Prasad Misra
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199463756
- eISBN:
- 9780199086405
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199463756.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter examines Madan Mohan Malaviya’s efforts to improve Hindu–Muslim relations in India. It first considers Malaviya’s stand on communalism and nationalism and goes on to discuss the communal ...
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This chapter examines Madan Mohan Malaviya’s efforts to improve Hindu–Muslim relations in India. It first considers Malaviya’s stand on communalism and nationalism and goes on to discuss the communal riots of 1922–24 involving Hindus and Muslims and their impact on Malaviya’s strategy and future course of action. It then explores the conflict between the Indian National Congress and the Khilafat movement following breakdown of the non-cooperation movement, along with Mahatma Gandhi’s release in February 1924 and his detailed talks with several top leaders including Motilal Nehru, Hakim Ajmal Khan, and Malaviya. It also assesses the Unity Conference convened at Delhi in September 1924 to discuss the situation arising out of the tragic events in Kohat, the controversy surrounding the issue of playing music in front of mosques, and Malaviya’s involvement in the dispute regarding the Ramlila celebrations in Allahabad.Less
This chapter examines Madan Mohan Malaviya’s efforts to improve Hindu–Muslim relations in India. It first considers Malaviya’s stand on communalism and nationalism and goes on to discuss the communal riots of 1922–24 involving Hindus and Muslims and their impact on Malaviya’s strategy and future course of action. It then explores the conflict between the Indian National Congress and the Khilafat movement following breakdown of the non-cooperation movement, along with Mahatma Gandhi’s release in February 1924 and his detailed talks with several top leaders including Motilal Nehru, Hakim Ajmal Khan, and Malaviya. It also assesses the Unity Conference convened at Delhi in September 1924 to discuss the situation arising out of the tragic events in Kohat, the controversy surrounding the issue of playing music in front of mosques, and Malaviya’s involvement in the dispute regarding the Ramlila celebrations in Allahabad.
