Kevin McDonough and Walter Feinberg (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199253661
- eISBN:
- 9780191601972
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253668.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The essays in the volume address educational issues that arise when national, sub-national, and supra-national identities compete. These include: how to determine the limits to parental educational ...
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The essays in the volume address educational issues that arise when national, sub-national, and supra-national identities compete. These include: how to determine the limits to parental educational rights when liberalism’s concern to protect and promote children’s autonomy conflicts with the desire to maintain communal integrity; whether, given the advances made by the forces of globalization, the liberal–democratic state can morally justify its traditional purpose of forging a cohesive national identity or whether increasing globalization has rendered this educational aim obsolete and morally corrupt; and whether liberal education should instead seek to foster a sense of global citizenship, even if doing so would suppress patriotic identification. In addressing these and many other questions, the volume examines the theoretical and practical issues at stake between nationalists, multiculturalists, and cosmopolitans in the field of education. The 15 essays included (which were originally presented at a symposium on ‘Collective Identities and Cosmopolitan Values: Group Rights and Public Education in Liberal–Democratic Societies’, held in Montreal from June 22 to 25, 2000), and an introductory essay by the editors, provide a genuine, productive dialogue between political and legal philosophers and educational theorists. The essays are arranged in three parts: I: Cosmopolitanism, Liberalism and Common Education (six chapters); II: Liberalism and Traditionalist Education (four chapters); and III: Liberal Constraints on Traditionalist Education (five chapters).Less
The essays in the volume address educational issues that arise when national, sub-national, and supra-national identities compete. These include: how to determine the limits to parental educational rights when liberalism’s concern to protect and promote children’s autonomy conflicts with the desire to maintain communal integrity; whether, given the advances made by the forces of globalization, the liberal–democratic state can morally justify its traditional purpose of forging a cohesive national identity or whether increasing globalization has rendered this educational aim obsolete and morally corrupt; and whether liberal education should instead seek to foster a sense of global citizenship, even if doing so would suppress patriotic identification. In addressing these and many other questions, the volume examines the theoretical and practical issues at stake between nationalists, multiculturalists, and cosmopolitans in the field of education. The 15 essays included (which were originally presented at a symposium on ‘Collective Identities and Cosmopolitan Values: Group Rights and Public Education in Liberal–Democratic Societies’, held in Montreal from June 22 to 25, 2000), and an introductory essay by the editors, provide a genuine, productive dialogue between political and legal philosophers and educational theorists. The essays are arranged in three parts: I: Cosmopolitanism, Liberalism and Common Education (six chapters); II: Liberalism and Traditionalist Education (four chapters); and III: Liberal Constraints on Traditionalist Education (five chapters).
Lee Cronk and Beth L. Leech
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154954
- eISBN:
- 9781400845484
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154954.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This book investigates a wide range of ideas, theories, and existing empirical research relevant to the study of the complex and diverse phenomenon of human cooperation. Issues relating to ...
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This book investigates a wide range of ideas, theories, and existing empirical research relevant to the study of the complex and diverse phenomenon of human cooperation. Issues relating to cooperation are examined from the perspective of evolutionary theory, political science, and related social sciences. The book draws upon two bodies of work: Mancur Olson's The Logic of Collective Action (1965) and George C. Williams's Adaptation and Natural Selection (1966). Olson, an economist, and Williams, an evolutionary biologist, both argued that a focus on groups would not provide a complete understanding of collective action and other social behaviors. This introductory chapter discusses some important definitions relating to cooperation, with particular emphasis on collective action and collective action dilemmas, along with coordination and coordination problems. It also provides an overview of the chapters that follow.Less
This book investigates a wide range of ideas, theories, and existing empirical research relevant to the study of the complex and diverse phenomenon of human cooperation. Issues relating to cooperation are examined from the perspective of evolutionary theory, political science, and related social sciences. The book draws upon two bodies of work: Mancur Olson's The Logic of Collective Action (1965) and George C. Williams's Adaptation and Natural Selection (1966). Olson, an economist, and Williams, an evolutionary biologist, both argued that a focus on groups would not provide a complete understanding of collective action and other social behaviors. This introductory chapter discusses some important definitions relating to cooperation, with particular emphasis on collective action and collective action dilemmas, along with coordination and coordination problems. It also provides an overview of the chapters that follow.
Lee Cronk and Beth L. Leech
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154954
- eISBN:
- 9781400845484
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154954.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This chapter examines Mancur Olson's arguments, which he articulated in The Logic of Collective Action, and compares them with those of his supporters and detractors. It also reviews the social ...
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This chapter examines Mancur Olson's arguments, which he articulated in The Logic of Collective Action, and compares them with those of his supporters and detractors. It also reviews the social science literature on cooperation, focusing primarily on the theoretical and empirical research on collective action that grew out of Olson's challenge. According to Olson, the members of a group have interests in common. His logic was an economic logic, based on the behavior of firms in the marketplace in their quest for profits. Olson extended this logic of the market to human social behavior. The chapter considers Olson's solutions to the problem of free riding and the possibility that no group would ever form, including coercion, small groups, selective benefits, and the by-product theory of public goods provisioning. Finally, it describes some major extensions of and challenges to Olson's path-breaking model.Less
This chapter examines Mancur Olson's arguments, which he articulated in The Logic of Collective Action, and compares them with those of his supporters and detractors. It also reviews the social science literature on cooperation, focusing primarily on the theoretical and empirical research on collective action that grew out of Olson's challenge. According to Olson, the members of a group have interests in common. His logic was an economic logic, based on the behavior of firms in the marketplace in their quest for profits. Olson extended this logic of the market to human social behavior. The chapter considers Olson's solutions to the problem of free riding and the possibility that no group would ever form, including coercion, small groups, selective benefits, and the by-product theory of public goods provisioning. Finally, it describes some major extensions of and challenges to Olson's path-breaking model.
Winifred Breines
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195179040
- eISBN:
- 9780199788583
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179040.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book considers why a racially integrated feminist movement did not develop in the second wave of the feminist movement in the 1970s. It looks at radical white and black women in the civil rights ...
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This book considers why a racially integrated feminist movement did not develop in the second wave of the feminist movement in the 1970s. It looks at radical white and black women in the civil rights movement: black women in the Black Power movement and the Black Panther Party; Bread and Roses, a primarily white Boston socialist feminist organization, black feminism with a focus on the Combahee River Collective in Boston; and cross-racial work and conferences in the late 1970s and early 1980s. It asks why the primarily white radical feminist movement has been considered racist and whether white women's racism kept African Americans away from the white movement. White radical feminists were committed to racial equality and to building a racially integrated movement. But due to young white radical women's romanticism, unconscious racism, segregated upbringing, and class privileges, the radical feminist movement they built was not attractive to black women. Influenced by the Black Power movement, radical black women were wary of white women. They distrusted white women's privilege, their focus on sisterhood without clearly recognizing difference based on race and class, and white women's innocence. Further, African American women were uninterested in white feminism because they were politically engaged with black nationalism and racial pride. Radical black women came to believe that they had to develop their own feminism, one which recognized the centrality of race and class to gender difference. Eventually, through much work and pain, instances occurred in which white and black feminists worked together politically. Their learning curve about gender, race, and class was steep in these years. Youthful American radical feminists were racial pioneers in developing a social movement that demonstrated politically how gender, race, and class are central to understanding and struggling against social inequality.Less
This book considers why a racially integrated feminist movement did not develop in the second wave of the feminist movement in the 1970s. It looks at radical white and black women in the civil rights movement: black women in the Black Power movement and the Black Panther Party; Bread and Roses, a primarily white Boston socialist feminist organization, black feminism with a focus on the Combahee River Collective in Boston; and cross-racial work and conferences in the late 1970s and early 1980s. It asks why the primarily white radical feminist movement has been considered racist and whether white women's racism kept African Americans away from the white movement. White radical feminists were committed to racial equality and to building a racially integrated movement. But due to young white radical women's romanticism, unconscious racism, segregated upbringing, and class privileges, the radical feminist movement they built was not attractive to black women. Influenced by the Black Power movement, radical black women were wary of white women. They distrusted white women's privilege, their focus on sisterhood without clearly recognizing difference based on race and class, and white women's innocence. Further, African American women were uninterested in white feminism because they were politically engaged with black nationalism and racial pride. Radical black women came to believe that they had to develop their own feminism, one which recognized the centrality of race and class to gender difference. Eventually, through much work and pain, instances occurred in which white and black feminists worked together politically. Their learning curve about gender, race, and class was steep in these years. Youthful American radical feminists were racial pioneers in developing a social movement that demonstrated politically how gender, race, and class are central to understanding and struggling against social inequality.
Bonnie Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496810557
- eISBN:
- 9781496810595
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496810557.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
Connecting Histories: Francophone Caribbean Writers Interrogating Their Past explores the complex interchange between shared and personal pasts and how they impact upon individual lives. Through ...
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Connecting Histories: Francophone Caribbean Writers Interrogating Their Past explores the complex interchange between shared and personal pasts and how they impact upon individual lives. Through their historically-informed self-writings, the five Caribbean authors that have been selected for this study–Maryse Condé, Gisèle Pineau, Patrick Chamoiseau, Edwidge Danticat and Dany Laferrière–offer compelling insights into confronting, coming to terms with and reconciling with their past, both collective and individual. A central question is the conceptual link between singular and plural, between personal and collective notions of history and the connections that exist between them. The employment of ‘personal narratives’ as the vehicle to carry out this investigation encompasses the tension that is evident in the writers’ reflections, which constantly move between the collective and the personal and is embodied in the idea of ‘their past’–a complex, rhizomatic network that extends beyond the notion of a single, private life. The contrasting yet complementary nature of the book’s title–connecting histories and the personal past-underlines the existence of a shared past of which the five writers are deeply conscious, but also their own past, which overlaps with these historical inheritances. The book’s central focus, then, is trifold: it concerns a collective, and to some extent documented and shared, historical past; a more variable, unique, personal past revealed in the ‘personal narratives’ of the five authors as well as on the connections between these two pasts.Less
Connecting Histories: Francophone Caribbean Writers Interrogating Their Past explores the complex interchange between shared and personal pasts and how they impact upon individual lives. Through their historically-informed self-writings, the five Caribbean authors that have been selected for this study–Maryse Condé, Gisèle Pineau, Patrick Chamoiseau, Edwidge Danticat and Dany Laferrière–offer compelling insights into confronting, coming to terms with and reconciling with their past, both collective and individual. A central question is the conceptual link between singular and plural, between personal and collective notions of history and the connections that exist between them. The employment of ‘personal narratives’ as the vehicle to carry out this investigation encompasses the tension that is evident in the writers’ reflections, which constantly move between the collective and the personal and is embodied in the idea of ‘their past’–a complex, rhizomatic network that extends beyond the notion of a single, private life. The contrasting yet complementary nature of the book’s title–connecting histories and the personal past-underlines the existence of a shared past of which the five writers are deeply conscious, but also their own past, which overlaps with these historical inheritances. The book’s central focus, then, is trifold: it concerns a collective, and to some extent documented and shared, historical past; a more variable, unique, personal past revealed in the ‘personal narratives’ of the five authors as well as on the connections between these two pasts.
Beatrix Futák-Campbell
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780719095894
- eISBN:
- 9781526132369
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719095894.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This book is a novel contribution to practice theory in International Relations, focusing on how EU practitioners approach the Union’s foreign policy to its eastern neighbourhood, including Russia, ...
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This book is a novel contribution to practice theory in International Relations, focusing on how EU practitioners approach the Union’s foreign policy to its eastern neighbourhood, including Russia, from a poststructuralist perspective. It offers a new methodology to capture practices through the analytical approach of Discursive International Relations and the Discursive Practice Model (DPM). DPM focuses on the micro-interactional features of practitioners’ social actions, agency and rhetorical devices, exploring what practitioners accomplish with them and how they relate this back to foreign policy practices.
Drawing from data gathered at the European Council, the European Commission and the European Parliament’s AFET committee members, the study concludes that practitioners are concerned with the collective EU identity and how Russia and the eastern neighbours fit within this ‘Europeaness’. But they are equally concerned with normative and moral duties and collective security interests. This suggest that practitioners are a lot more pragmatic when it comes to this policy area then previously assumed by the vast literature on normative power in Europe. This pragmatism does not mean that identity, normative and moral concerns do not matter, but rather that they all interplay when practitioner consider this policy area. Moreover, practitioners ought to be cautious of using moral concerns when considering the eastern neighbours as they jeopardise being seen as a moralising power, rather than a moral authority in the region. The current Ukrainian crises are testament to that.Less
This book is a novel contribution to practice theory in International Relations, focusing on how EU practitioners approach the Union’s foreign policy to its eastern neighbourhood, including Russia, from a poststructuralist perspective. It offers a new methodology to capture practices through the analytical approach of Discursive International Relations and the Discursive Practice Model (DPM). DPM focuses on the micro-interactional features of practitioners’ social actions, agency and rhetorical devices, exploring what practitioners accomplish with them and how they relate this back to foreign policy practices.
Drawing from data gathered at the European Council, the European Commission and the European Parliament’s AFET committee members, the study concludes that practitioners are concerned with the collective EU identity and how Russia and the eastern neighbours fit within this ‘Europeaness’. But they are equally concerned with normative and moral duties and collective security interests. This suggest that practitioners are a lot more pragmatic when it comes to this policy area then previously assumed by the vast literature on normative power in Europe. This pragmatism does not mean that identity, normative and moral concerns do not matter, but rather that they all interplay when practitioner consider this policy area. Moreover, practitioners ought to be cautious of using moral concerns when considering the eastern neighbours as they jeopardise being seen as a moralising power, rather than a moral authority in the region. The current Ukrainian crises are testament to that.
Winifred Breines
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195179040
- eISBN:
- 9780199788583
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179040.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Black women found themselves separated from the Black Power movement because of its sexism and the radical white women's movement because of its racism. Socialist feminist African American women were ...
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Black women found themselves separated from the Black Power movement because of its sexism and the radical white women's movement because of its racism. Socialist feminist African American women were deeply angry at white women for their apparent ignorance about the significance of race and class in black women's lives and formed small feminist organizations. The Combahee River Collective in Boston developed out of the larger National Black Feminist Organization. The Combahee Collective's 1977 “A Black Feminist Statement” was, and still is, a crucial statement of black feminism. The authors argued that race, sex, and class had to be considered together in the lives of black women, and that no one would fight for them except themselves. They did not feel they had a home in black nationalism or white feminism.Less
Black women found themselves separated from the Black Power movement because of its sexism and the radical white women's movement because of its racism. Socialist feminist African American women were deeply angry at white women for their apparent ignorance about the significance of race and class in black women's lives and formed small feminist organizations. The Combahee River Collective in Boston developed out of the larger National Black Feminist Organization. The Combahee Collective's 1977 “A Black Feminist Statement” was, and still is, a crucial statement of black feminism. The authors argued that race, sex, and class had to be considered together in the lives of black women, and that no one would fight for them except themselves. They did not feel they had a home in black nationalism or white feminism.
Robyn Autry
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780231177580
- eISBN:
- 9780231542517
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231177580.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
At the Apartheid Museum in Johannesburg, South Africa, visitors confront the past upon arrival. They must decide whether to enter the museum through a door marked "whites" or another marked ...
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At the Apartheid Museum in Johannesburg, South Africa, visitors confront the past upon arrival. They must decide whether to enter the museum through a door marked "whites" or another marked "non-whites." Inside, along with text, they encounter hanging nooses and other reminders of apartheid-era atrocities. In the United States, museum exhibitions about racial violence and segregation are mostly confined to black history museums, with national history museums sidelining such difficult material. Even the Smithsonian's National Museum of African American History and Culture is dedicated not to violent histories of racial domination but to a more generalized narrative about black identity and culture. The scale at which violent racial pasts have been incorporated into South African national historical narratives is lacking in the U.S. Desegregating the Past considers why this is the case, tracking the production and display of historical representations of racial pasts at museums in both countries and what it reveals about underlying social anxieties, unsettled emotions, and aspirations surrounding contemporary social fault lines around race. Robyn Autry consults museum archives, conducts interviews with staff, and recounts the public and private battles fought over the creation and content of history museums. Despite vast differences in the development of South African and U.S. society, Autry finds a common set of ideological, political, economic, and institutional dilemmas arising out of the selective reconstruction of the past. Museums have played a major role in shaping public memory, at times recognizing and at other times blurring the ongoing influence of historical crimes. The narratives museums produce to engage with difficult, violent histories expose present anxieties concerning identity, (mis)recognition, and ongoing conflict.Less
At the Apartheid Museum in Johannesburg, South Africa, visitors confront the past upon arrival. They must decide whether to enter the museum through a door marked "whites" or another marked "non-whites." Inside, along with text, they encounter hanging nooses and other reminders of apartheid-era atrocities. In the United States, museum exhibitions about racial violence and segregation are mostly confined to black history museums, with national history museums sidelining such difficult material. Even the Smithsonian's National Museum of African American History and Culture is dedicated not to violent histories of racial domination but to a more generalized narrative about black identity and culture. The scale at which violent racial pasts have been incorporated into South African national historical narratives is lacking in the U.S. Desegregating the Past considers why this is the case, tracking the production and display of historical representations of racial pasts at museums in both countries and what it reveals about underlying social anxieties, unsettled emotions, and aspirations surrounding contemporary social fault lines around race. Robyn Autry consults museum archives, conducts interviews with staff, and recounts the public and private battles fought over the creation and content of history museums. Despite vast differences in the development of South African and U.S. society, Autry finds a common set of ideological, political, economic, and institutional dilemmas arising out of the selective reconstruction of the past. Museums have played a major role in shaping public memory, at times recognizing and at other times blurring the ongoing influence of historical crimes. The narratives museums produce to engage with difficult, violent histories expose present anxieties concerning identity, (mis)recognition, and ongoing conflict.
Sebastian Veg (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9789888390762
- eISBN:
- 9789888455614
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888390762.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Over the past 10 or 15 years in China, there has been unprecedented critical public discussion of key episodes in PRC history, in particular the Great Famine of 1959-1961, the Anti-Rightist movement ...
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Over the past 10 or 15 years in China, there has been unprecedented critical public discussion of key episodes in PRC history, in particular the Great Famine of 1959-1961, the Anti-Rightist movement of 1957, and the Cultural Revolution, with the wave of Red Guard apologies. These discussions are quite different from previous expressions of traumatic or nostalgic memories of the Mao era, respectively in the 1980s and 1990s. They reflect both growing dissatisfaction with the authoritarian control over history exercised by the Chinese state, and the new spaces provided for counter-hegemonic narratives by social media and the growing private economy in the 2000s. Unofficial or independent journals, self-published books, social media groups, independent documentary films, private museums, oral history projects, and archival research by amateur historians have all contributed to embryonic public or semi-public discussion. The present volume provides an overview of these new forms of popular memory, in particular critical memory, of the Mao era. Focusing on the processes of private production, public dissemination, and social sanctioning of narratives of the past in contemporary China, it examines the relation between popular memories and their social construction as historical knowledge. The three parts of the book are devoted to the shifting boundary between private and public in the press and media, the reconfiguration of elite and popular discourses in cultural productions (film, visual art, literature), and the emergence of new discourses of knowledge in popular history.Less
Over the past 10 or 15 years in China, there has been unprecedented critical public discussion of key episodes in PRC history, in particular the Great Famine of 1959-1961, the Anti-Rightist movement of 1957, and the Cultural Revolution, with the wave of Red Guard apologies. These discussions are quite different from previous expressions of traumatic or nostalgic memories of the Mao era, respectively in the 1980s and 1990s. They reflect both growing dissatisfaction with the authoritarian control over history exercised by the Chinese state, and the new spaces provided for counter-hegemonic narratives by social media and the growing private economy in the 2000s. Unofficial or independent journals, self-published books, social media groups, independent documentary films, private museums, oral history projects, and archival research by amateur historians have all contributed to embryonic public or semi-public discussion. The present volume provides an overview of these new forms of popular memory, in particular critical memory, of the Mao era. Focusing on the processes of private production, public dissemination, and social sanctioning of narratives of the past in contemporary China, it examines the relation between popular memories and their social construction as historical knowledge. The three parts of the book are devoted to the shifting boundary between private and public in the press and media, the reconfiguration of elite and popular discourses in cultural productions (film, visual art, literature), and the emergence of new discourses of knowledge in popular history.
Barbara K. Jones
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781683401049
- eISBN:
- 9781683401728
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9781683401049.003.0009
- Subject:
- Environmental Science, Environmental Studies
Bald eagles have returned from the brink of extinction and today serve as a reminder to our collective memory of not only what we can do to destroy a species, but what we can learn from its near ...
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Bald eagles have returned from the brink of extinction and today serve as a reminder to our collective memory of not only what we can do to destroy a species, but what we can learn from its near loss. In our environmental ignorance, we almost lost the symbol of our identity as Americans and replaced it with a value system that saw our dominion over nature as a legitimate and proper role for mankind. Today, we more readily appreciate that our well-being is closely tied to that of nature and without intact ecosystems we all lose. Our willingness to pay to maintain populations of bald eagles is an important tool for assigning this charismatic bird value. Bald eagles now soar in places as varied as the rivers of Alaska to the highly developed coastline of the Chesapeake Bay, but in both locations, their presence reminds us of what we could have lost if we allowed the bald eagle to “blink out” and what we have gained from their conservation success.Less
Bald eagles have returned from the brink of extinction and today serve as a reminder to our collective memory of not only what we can do to destroy a species, but what we can learn from its near loss. In our environmental ignorance, we almost lost the symbol of our identity as Americans and replaced it with a value system that saw our dominion over nature as a legitimate and proper role for mankind. Today, we more readily appreciate that our well-being is closely tied to that of nature and without intact ecosystems we all lose. Our willingness to pay to maintain populations of bald eagles is an important tool for assigning this charismatic bird value. Bald eagles now soar in places as varied as the rivers of Alaska to the highly developed coastline of the Chesapeake Bay, but in both locations, their presence reminds us of what we could have lost if we allowed the bald eagle to “blink out” and what we have gained from their conservation success.
Gladys I. McCormick
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469628943
- eISBN:
- 9781469627762
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469628943.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
Under the helm of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Mexico witnessed one-party rule for almost eight decades, making it one of the most successful cases of authoritarianism in ...
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Under the helm of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Mexico witnessed one-party rule for almost eight decades, making it one of the most successful cases of authoritarianism in twentieth-century Latin America. Rather than an urban-centered process, the book shows that the foundations of this system were linked to the containment and repression of rural peoples, many of who went on to support the PRI. To understand this support, the book tracks three peasant brothers, Rubén, Porfirio, and Antonio Jaramillo, affiliated with large-scale sugar cooperatives in the south-central region of Morelos and Puebla. Taking stock of how the brothers, two of whom were assassinated, negotiated the incursion of authoritarianism shows that accommodation was the most common response in the countryside. More than complicity, this accommodation was a product of ambivalent acceptance and continual violence. Using sources such as oral histories and secret police files, the book argues that the state was more violent than previously assumed and honed strategies of control in rural areas that it later employed in urban centers. This view unlocks the puzzle of the PRI-led state’s popular support, explaining how it remained in power until the year 2000 and why it regained the presidency in 2012.Less
Under the helm of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Mexico witnessed one-party rule for almost eight decades, making it one of the most successful cases of authoritarianism in twentieth-century Latin America. Rather than an urban-centered process, the book shows that the foundations of this system were linked to the containment and repression of rural peoples, many of who went on to support the PRI. To understand this support, the book tracks three peasant brothers, Rubén, Porfirio, and Antonio Jaramillo, affiliated with large-scale sugar cooperatives in the south-central region of Morelos and Puebla. Taking stock of how the brothers, two of whom were assassinated, negotiated the incursion of authoritarianism shows that accommodation was the most common response in the countryside. More than complicity, this accommodation was a product of ambivalent acceptance and continual violence. Using sources such as oral histories and secret police files, the book argues that the state was more violent than previously assumed and honed strategies of control in rural areas that it later employed in urban centers. This view unlocks the puzzle of the PRI-led state’s popular support, explaining how it remained in power until the year 2000 and why it regained the presidency in 2012.
Michael Fisch
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226558417
- eISBN:
- 9780226558691
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226558691.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Technology and Society
Anthropology of the Machine: Tokyo’s Commuter Train Network is an exploration of collective life formed at the interstices of human and machine operation within one of the most complex and ...
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Anthropology of the Machine: Tokyo’s Commuter Train Network is an exploration of collective life formed at the interstices of human and machine operation within one of the most complex and large-scale technical infrastructures in the world. Adopting a simultaneous critical and optimistic approach, it is an attempt to think with the specific quality of relations formed within Tokyo’s commuter rail infrastructure in order to develop a mode of analysis adequate to the technological complexity of contemporary society and to explore emergent ontologies of human and machine co-constitution. In so doing, it draws attention not only to Tokyo’s commuter train network’s infamously packed trains and precision schedule but more importantly its operation at the extreme edge of sustainability beyond its structural capacity. Such a system, it posits, embodies the contradictory and unsustainable logic defining our contemporary relationship with technology. At the same time, through a theoretically novel approach that emphasizes the generative gaps within the network’s immersive mediation, Anthropology of the Machine advances Tokyo’s commuter train network as a unique setting through which to question received discourses on technology and to re-conceptualize the human relationship with machines toward a more sustainable future.Less
Anthropology of the Machine: Tokyo’s Commuter Train Network is an exploration of collective life formed at the interstices of human and machine operation within one of the most complex and large-scale technical infrastructures in the world. Adopting a simultaneous critical and optimistic approach, it is an attempt to think with the specific quality of relations formed within Tokyo’s commuter rail infrastructure in order to develop a mode of analysis adequate to the technological complexity of contemporary society and to explore emergent ontologies of human and machine co-constitution. In so doing, it draws attention not only to Tokyo’s commuter train network’s infamously packed trains and precision schedule but more importantly its operation at the extreme edge of sustainability beyond its structural capacity. Such a system, it posits, embodies the contradictory and unsustainable logic defining our contemporary relationship with technology. At the same time, through a theoretically novel approach that emphasizes the generative gaps within the network’s immersive mediation, Anthropology of the Machine advances Tokyo’s commuter train network as a unique setting through which to question received discourses on technology and to re-conceptualize the human relationship with machines toward a more sustainable future.
James J. Coleman
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780748676903
- eISBN:
- 9781474405966
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748676903.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
At a time when the Union between Scotland and England is once again under the spotlight, Remembering the Past in Nineteenth-Century Scotland examines the way in which Scotland’s national heroes were ...
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At a time when the Union between Scotland and England is once again under the spotlight, Remembering the Past in Nineteenth-Century Scotland examines the way in which Scotland’s national heroes were once remembered as champions of both Scottish and British patriotism. Whereas 19th-century Scotland is popularly depicted as a mire of sentimental Jacobitism and kow-towing unionism, this book shows how Scotland’s national heroes were once the embodiment of a consistent, expressive and robust view of Scottish nationality. Whether celebrating the legacy of William Wallace and Robert Bruce, the reformer John Knox, the Covenanters, 19th-century Scots rooted their national heroes in a Presbyterian and unionist view of Scotland’s past.
Examined through the prism of commemoration, this book uncovers collective memories of Scotland’s past entirely opposed to 21st-century assumptions of medieval proto-nationalism and Calvinist misery.
Detailed studies of 19th-century commemoration of Scotland’s national heroes
Uncovers an all but forgotten interpretation of these ‘great Scots’
Shines a new light on the mindset of nineteenth-century Scottish national identity as being comfortably Scottish and British
Overturns the prevailing view of Victorian Scottishness as parochial, sentimental tartanryLess
At a time when the Union between Scotland and England is once again under the spotlight, Remembering the Past in Nineteenth-Century Scotland examines the way in which Scotland’s national heroes were once remembered as champions of both Scottish and British patriotism. Whereas 19th-century Scotland is popularly depicted as a mire of sentimental Jacobitism and kow-towing unionism, this book shows how Scotland’s national heroes were once the embodiment of a consistent, expressive and robust view of Scottish nationality. Whether celebrating the legacy of William Wallace and Robert Bruce, the reformer John Knox, the Covenanters, 19th-century Scots rooted their national heroes in a Presbyterian and unionist view of Scotland’s past.
Examined through the prism of commemoration, this book uncovers collective memories of Scotland’s past entirely opposed to 21st-century assumptions of medieval proto-nationalism and Calvinist misery.
Detailed studies of 19th-century commemoration of Scotland’s national heroes
Uncovers an all but forgotten interpretation of these ‘great Scots’
Shines a new light on the mindset of nineteenth-century Scottish national identity as being comfortably Scottish and British
Overturns the prevailing view of Victorian Scottishness as parochial, sentimental tartanry
Thomas J. Pluckhahn and Victor D. Thompson
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781683400356
- eISBN:
- 9781683401018
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9781683400356.001.0001
- Subject:
- Archaeology, Prehistoric Archaeology
The tension between competition and cooperation has emerged as a major topic of concern in the understanding of human societies. The dynamic is epitomized by societies undergoing the transition to ...
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The tension between competition and cooperation has emerged as a major topic of concern in the understanding of human societies. The dynamic is epitomized by societies undergoing the transition to larger and more permanent villages, referred to as “early village” societies. This study describes archaeological research directed toward the understanding of early village formation at the Crystal River and Roberts Island sites in west-central Florida. Crystal River has long recognized as one of the preeminent sites of the Woodland period (ca. 1000 B.C. to A.D. 1000) in the American Southeast; Roberts Island has remained comparatively little known. New field investigations, combined with the reanalysis of previous work at the site, permit a fine-grained understanding of the growth and dissolution of early villages at the sites. The understandings that are gained from this case study can be contextualized to contemporaneous societies of the Gulf Coast, and to early village societies elsewhere in the world. The lessons that early villages contribute regarding cooperation and competition, in turn, contribute to contemporary debates regarding: first, individual versus collective action responsible for social welfare; and, second, the human role in and response to environmental change.Less
The tension between competition and cooperation has emerged as a major topic of concern in the understanding of human societies. The dynamic is epitomized by societies undergoing the transition to larger and more permanent villages, referred to as “early village” societies. This study describes archaeological research directed toward the understanding of early village formation at the Crystal River and Roberts Island sites in west-central Florida. Crystal River has long recognized as one of the preeminent sites of the Woodland period (ca. 1000 B.C. to A.D. 1000) in the American Southeast; Roberts Island has remained comparatively little known. New field investigations, combined with the reanalysis of previous work at the site, permit a fine-grained understanding of the growth and dissolution of early villages at the sites. The understandings that are gained from this case study can be contextualized to contemporaneous societies of the Gulf Coast, and to early village societies elsewhere in the world. The lessons that early villages contribute regarding cooperation and competition, in turn, contribute to contemporary debates regarding: first, individual versus collective action responsible for social welfare; and, second, the human role in and response to environmental change.
Alexander Cooley
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199929825
- eISBN:
- 9780199950485
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199929825.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 4 examines the strategic evolution and dilemmas of Russia, the region's former imperial power and continued privileged partner. The chapter analyzes Moscow's broad range of levers of ...
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Chapter 4 examines the strategic evolution and dilemmas of Russia, the region's former imperial power and continued privileged partner. The chapter analyzes Moscow's broad range of levers of influence, and traces its efforts to lock in its dominance by creating new regional organizations such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC). At the same time, Moscow's regional policies and tactics have remained unstable and reactive, subject to Russia's self-image as a great power and its prevailing relations with the United States and China. An initial period of close U.S.-Russian cooperation immediately following 9/11 soon after deteriorated into a more competitive dynamic, fueled by the Western-backed Color Revolutions and Russian perceptions that U.S. military bases were becoming permanent. Despite its numerous instruments of influence, Moscow still must confront the political challenges of the region's intraregional tensions, the desire of states to pursue multidirectional foreign policies, and a rising China.Less
Chapter 4 examines the strategic evolution and dilemmas of Russia, the region's former imperial power and continued privileged partner. The chapter analyzes Moscow's broad range of levers of influence, and traces its efforts to lock in its dominance by creating new regional organizations such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC). At the same time, Moscow's regional policies and tactics have remained unstable and reactive, subject to Russia's self-image as a great power and its prevailing relations with the United States and China. An initial period of close U.S.-Russian cooperation immediately following 9/11 soon after deteriorated into a more competitive dynamic, fueled by the Western-backed Color Revolutions and Russian perceptions that U.S. military bases were becoming permanent. Despite its numerous instruments of influence, Moscow still must confront the political challenges of the region's intraregional tensions, the desire of states to pursue multidirectional foreign policies, and a rising China.
Paul W. Posner, Viviana Patroni, and Jean François Mayer
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781683400455
- eISBN:
- 9781683400677
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9781683400455.003.0008
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
The conclusion summarizes the case study findings from the book’s individual chapters while drawing more general lessons from comparative analysis of these case studies. In addition, the chapter ...
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The conclusion summarizes the case study findings from the book’s individual chapters while drawing more general lessons from comparative analysis of these case studies. In addition, the chapter proposes an agenda for future research. With regard to general trends observed on the basis of comparative analysis, the chapter identifies the pervasiveness of four negative, interrelated trends that cut across the book’s five case studies: (1) the adoption of labor flexibility practices, which increased the precariousness of labor; (2) the continued vulnerability of national economies to global competition and boom/bust cycles; (3) with the exception of Brazil, the significant weakening of party/union ties, leaving organized labor without strong, reliable political allies to help advance its interests; and (4) the internal fragmentation and attendant lack of efficacy of labor organizations in promoting positive reforms such as reducing flexibilization and increasing collective bargaining. Topics for future study include research to better understand intraregional migration, the relationship between economic growth and employment in Latin America, investigation into the conditions necessary to establish democratic unionism, and the role of politically targeted social welfare assistance in cultivating support among informal workers and thereby mitigating the need to build support from organized labor.Less
The conclusion summarizes the case study findings from the book’s individual chapters while drawing more general lessons from comparative analysis of these case studies. In addition, the chapter proposes an agenda for future research. With regard to general trends observed on the basis of comparative analysis, the chapter identifies the pervasiveness of four negative, interrelated trends that cut across the book’s five case studies: (1) the adoption of labor flexibility practices, which increased the precariousness of labor; (2) the continued vulnerability of national economies to global competition and boom/bust cycles; (3) with the exception of Brazil, the significant weakening of party/union ties, leaving organized labor without strong, reliable political allies to help advance its interests; and (4) the internal fragmentation and attendant lack of efficacy of labor organizations in promoting positive reforms such as reducing flexibilization and increasing collective bargaining. Topics for future study include research to better understand intraregional migration, the relationship between economic growth and employment in Latin America, investigation into the conditions necessary to establish democratic unionism, and the role of politically targeted social welfare assistance in cultivating support among informal workers and thereby mitigating the need to build support from organized labor.
Robin R. Churchill and Urfan Khaliq
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199217908
- eISBN:
- 9780191705380
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217908.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter reviews the operation of the collective complaints system and assesses its future potential. It describes the genesis of the system and then goes on to explain how complaints are made ...
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This chapter reviews the operation of the collective complaints system and assesses its future potential. It describes the genesis of the system and then goes on to explain how complaints are made and dealt with, before offering some thoughts about the utility and effectiveness of the system and its future prospects. In order to place the system in a general human rights context, the chapter begins by discussing the question of the justiciability of economic and social rights. It then gives an overview of mechanisms for seeking to ensure compliance by states with their obligations under other treaties concerned with such rights.Less
This chapter reviews the operation of the collective complaints system and assesses its future potential. It describes the genesis of the system and then goes on to explain how complaints are made and dealt with, before offering some thoughts about the utility and effectiveness of the system and its future prospects. In order to place the system in a general human rights context, the chapter begins by discussing the question of the justiciability of economic and social rights. It then gives an overview of mechanisms for seeking to ensure compliance by states with their obligations under other treaties concerned with such rights.
Paul Spicker
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781447346890
- eISBN:
- 9781447346937
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447346890.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
Thinking collectively is a book about the meaning, implications and value of collectivism in social policy. Collectivism is not a single, unitary idea; it covers a wide range of approaches that ...
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Thinking collectively is a book about the meaning, implications and value of collectivism in social policy. Collectivism is not a single, unitary idea; it covers a wide range of approaches that depend on the importance of groups and organisations in social life. Substantive collectivism is the idea that we live, not as 'individuals', but as the members of social groups, like families, neighbourhoods and communities, and that many of our actions are done together with others in organisations and social institutions. Methodological collectivism looks for explanations and patterns of behaviour not in the actions of individual human beings, but in the actions of groups. Moral collectivism begins from the premise that collective social groups - families, businesses, institutions, governments and countries - are moral agents; that they have rights and responsibilities, that groups as well as individuals can take moral action, and that the morality of their actions can sensibly be assessed in those terms. Collective action is defined, not by what is to be done, but how. The practice of collective action, and the character of provision made, tend in their turn to influence the kinds of things that people want their services to do. Democratic deliberation, voice and empowerment become the expectation and practice of public services; co-operation, working together, sharing and solidarity come to be seen as virtues in themselves. The book makes a case for a collective approach to the common weal, based on society, the common good, solidarity, stewardship, rights, equality and a sense of common enterprise.Less
Thinking collectively is a book about the meaning, implications and value of collectivism in social policy. Collectivism is not a single, unitary idea; it covers a wide range of approaches that depend on the importance of groups and organisations in social life. Substantive collectivism is the idea that we live, not as 'individuals', but as the members of social groups, like families, neighbourhoods and communities, and that many of our actions are done together with others in organisations and social institutions. Methodological collectivism looks for explanations and patterns of behaviour not in the actions of individual human beings, but in the actions of groups. Moral collectivism begins from the premise that collective social groups - families, businesses, institutions, governments and countries - are moral agents; that they have rights and responsibilities, that groups as well as individuals can take moral action, and that the morality of their actions can sensibly be assessed in those terms. Collective action is defined, not by what is to be done, but how. The practice of collective action, and the character of provision made, tend in their turn to influence the kinds of things that people want their services to do. Democratic deliberation, voice and empowerment become the expectation and practice of public services; co-operation, working together, sharing and solidarity come to be seen as virtues in themselves. The book makes a case for a collective approach to the common weal, based on society, the common good, solidarity, stewardship, rights, equality and a sense of common enterprise.
Marius R. Busemeyer and Christine Trampusch
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199599431
- eISBN:
- 9780191731518
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599431.003.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Knowledge Management
From a historical-institutionalist and firm-centered perspective, decisions on the division of labor between firms, associations, and the state in providing and financing skills are the core factor ...
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From a historical-institutionalist and firm-centered perspective, decisions on the division of labor between firms, associations, and the state in providing and financing skills are the core factor accounting for different skill formation systems. From this it follows that, alongside the degree of firm involvement in the provision of vocational training and the degree of public commitment to vocational training, four different skill formation systems can be distinguished: the liberal, the segmentalist, the collective, and the statist. Collective skill formation systems are the result of political struggles with regard to four neuralgic points of conflict: the division of labor between the state, employers, their associations, and individuals first on the provision and then on the financing of vocational education and training (VET); the relationship between firm autonomy and public oversight in the provision of training; and the linkages between VET and the general education system.Less
From a historical-institutionalist and firm-centered perspective, decisions on the division of labor between firms, associations, and the state in providing and financing skills are the core factor accounting for different skill formation systems. From this it follows that, alongside the degree of firm involvement in the provision of vocational training and the degree of public commitment to vocational training, four different skill formation systems can be distinguished: the liberal, the segmentalist, the collective, and the statist. Collective skill formation systems are the result of political struggles with regard to four neuralgic points of conflict: the division of labor between the state, employers, their associations, and individuals first on the provision and then on the financing of vocational education and training (VET); the relationship between firm autonomy and public oversight in the provision of training; and the linkages between VET and the general education system.
Cathie Jo Martin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199599431
- eISBN:
- 9780191731518
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599431.003.0002
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Knowledge Management
This chapter investigates the emergence of divergent collective vocational training systems in the early twentieth century and identifies how political structures mediated changing demands for skills ...
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This chapter investigates the emergence of divergent collective vocational training systems in the early twentieth century and identifies how political structures mediated changing demands for skills training. Variations within vocational training systems reflect two features of the state—the structure of party systems and degree of federalism—as these had a crucial impact on employers’ organizational capacities for collective action. Divergent patterns of association had implications for the alliances between diverse economic actors in policy battles and for the ways that internal splits between employers were resolved. The structure of association informed the political expression of these cleavages and had bearing on the struggles over vocational training systems by influencing the capacity of employers to overcome their sectoral divisions, to engage in associational oversight of the content of skills training in both apprenticeships and school-based instruction, and to produce industry-specific portable skills.Less
This chapter investigates the emergence of divergent collective vocational training systems in the early twentieth century and identifies how political structures mediated changing demands for skills training. Variations within vocational training systems reflect two features of the state—the structure of party systems and degree of federalism—as these had a crucial impact on employers’ organizational capacities for collective action. Divergent patterns of association had implications for the alliances between diverse economic actors in policy battles and for the ways that internal splits between employers were resolved. The structure of association informed the political expression of these cleavages and had bearing on the struggles over vocational training systems by influencing the capacity of employers to overcome their sectoral divisions, to engage in associational oversight of the content of skills training in both apprenticeships and school-based instruction, and to produce industry-specific portable skills.