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Ten new members, eight of them post-communist states, joined the EU on 1 May 2004. This chapter takes up three issues that will shape the future of an enlarged EU. First, the EU’s active leverage has had a substantial impact on the political and economic institutions of the new members: has it promoted robust democratic institutions and a vigorous economy, as I have argued, or did it in fact undermine them? Second, the endgame of the negotiations forced unfavourable terms of accession onto the new members: will these unfavourable terms translate into a permanent second-class status? Or will the new members, bargaining hard to improve their position and importing diversity, bring European integration to a standstill? I argue that both concerns are overblown. Third, why did the EU decide to enlarge to these eight post-communist states, and how much further it is likely to go? The EU’s active leverage has been working in parts of the Western Balkans and in Turkey, and it could work elsewhere. The costs of foreclosing future membership for countries such as Turkey, Ukraine, or Belarus could be substantial, yet EU elites and publics are far from reconciled to further enlargements.

This chapter argues that since the 1990s there has been a weakening of the traditional tightly-knit government-business alliance that characterised colonial rule because of greater competition and fragmentation within business circles and deeper intervention in business matters by the government, often in a controversial way. Political conflict arises not just from popular demands for participation and welfare but also from underlying changes in the power structure. This chapter focuses on the problems and contradictions that have plagued government in Hong Kong since 1997. Through a statistical study, demonstrates that there has been a loosening of the traditionally tight links between public companies and a breakdown in cohesion in the business sector.

Chapter 2 discusses the characteristics of and the relationship between European and local social and employment policies. It starts with an overview on EU cohesion policy and characterises the ESF as a specific governance tool which nowadays combines financial, programmatic and procedural aspects in a unique manner. In a second step, the chapter discusses the crucial role of the local level in current activation policies. Chapter 2 argues that the local level deserves specific attention and should not be subsumed under national welfare systems. Furthermore, the streamlined EU cohesion policy and particularly the ESF establish a stronger direct link between the European and the local level and confront local actors with new opportunities and challenges.

Chapter 1 considers the social and political contexts to the FBV requirement, as it argues that the enactment of particular policies cannot be understood without reference to the broader political and social climate. It discusses belonging in twenty-first century Britain, tracing policy approaches to diversity from multiculturalism through cohesion, back to an emphasis on integration, although emphasising that this is by no means a linear progression. It highlights the positioning of Muslim populations in particular, as suspect, as lacking in the desire to integrate. The chapter traces the development of the FBV requirement and immediate reactions to it. It discusses the requirements of both counter-extremist policy and the Equality Act 2010 as they apply to schools.

This book examines the apparent tension between the inherent logics of the two constructions of the Muslim population, as the two related policies of Community Cohesion and counter-terrorism (Prevent) emerge to address them. Both Community Cohesion and counter-terrorism policies have a generic remit that provides for them to address the majority white population, all minority communities, and Muslim communities. Community Cohesion appears to offer an invitation to greater participation in civil society by Muslim communities at the cost of biting the assimilationist bullet, while the counter-terrorism strategies of Prevent unambiguously assert that they must share a common burden of being targeted as legitimate objects of suspicion through the assertion that terrorist activity is being nurtured within their communities. An overview of the chapters included in this book is provided in this chapter.

This chapter describes the development of the Community Cohesion policy in Britain. It starts by placing the development of Community Cohesion within the context of British ethnic relations. Among the issues discussed is the early history of ‘race riots’ and the response to them, as the response to the 1981 riots and the subsequent Scarman Report has a significant role in framing the response to the more recent events. The chapter further highlights the ideological nature of Community Cohesion as policy and discourse. The murder of Stephen Lawrence was the result of a racist attack. Among the findings of The Macpherson Report, it concluded that the police had failed to carry out its duties due to a range of factors including institutionalised racism, professional incompetence, and a lack of leadership on the part of senior officers. Racism had not been eliminated by the last five decades of the twentieth century.

This chapter reviews some of the implications for the understanding of the operation of the local state in implementing central government policy. It also adopts a wider perspective to ask whether the Prevent and Community Cohesion policies can be credible in the absence of a robust assault on the reproduction of inequalities in Britain. Furthermore, the broader conceptual issues of how a democratic polity may be constructed are explained. It is noted that those Muslim groups that retain a principled objection to accepting Prevent funding may enhance their prestige within segments of their community, but they will nonetheless suffer financially. Events in Palestine, Afghanistan, and Iraq are seen as germane to the circumstances and concerns of Muslim communities in inner-city Britain. The balancing of Community Cohesion, security, and individual autonomy cannot be aspired to in a world where rights can be relativised as an act of political expediency.

Chapter 6 draws out the main findings of the preceding analysis and examines if the housing experiences of migrants deviate or conform to those highlighted in the international literature. The opening section of this chapter reaffirms the use of a more theoretically grounded framework of analysis - the ‘housing pathways approach - within housing scholarship. The application of the ‘housing pathways approach’ emphasises the examination of patterns of interaction and social practices. This provides an exposition of the meaning housing has for individuals and households, and how this can change over time, can be influenced by location and how wider social structures influence lived housing experiences. The remainder of the chapter sets out the broad conclusions and findings of the book. In general terms, it brings together the strands of analysis conducted through this book that reveal the determinants of the difficulties migrants encounter beginning, sustaining and progressing through their housing pathways. This chapter highlights the links between income and work related housing disadvantage for migrants and how this pertains to a range of factors including information and language deficits; negative discourses and shortages of affordable housing in Ireland.

This chapter focuses on Confucian-heritage cultures (CHC) definitions and societal attitudes toward the education of these children, together with some of the classroom strategies, modifications and assistive technologies that can be used to support them in the inclusive classroom. The chapter also describes the contribution of cohesion theory toward understanding the role of student diversity in learning, and how motor disabilities and health impairments can cause emotional, behavioural, and academic challenges to children in a diverse environment.

This chapter evaluates Blair’s form of management in relation to the goals covered in Chapter 4 and a realist’s view of its controlling organisational successes. It is argued here that these successes, although considerable, obscure the problems of this form of management involving a variety of faulty judgments, a propensity to self-deceit, and a partial blindness to collateral and consequential damage. It shows this management to be a threat to party cohesion, a major generator of costly pervasive distrust and an encouragement to the very conservatism that ‘New Labour’ sought to overcome. In operation it undermined organisational vitality and grass roots electoral capacity. It was also very costly in terms of the party’s ethical renewal, its reputation and its contribution to confidence in politicians and British political life.

This chapter focuses on why inequality matters for welfare states, why we should have an interest in this topic, and how this is related to issues of populism and welfare chauvinism. This is done by trying to systematize the knowledge we have on why inequality matters for, and in relation to, economic growth, for health and for social cohesion. It also discusses why trickle-down economics do not work. The development in inequality is analysed by showing the development using traditional aspects such as the Gini coefficient, but also reflecting on, and showing, data on inequality in health and how this can be seen as connected to change in economic inequality.

Chapter Six continues the book’s discussion of the anti-terrorism/security/citizenship nexus. It argues that an individual’s underlying conception of security has implications for whether they are likely to believe anti-terrorism powers enhance security. Of greater significance, however, was that an individual’s conception of security strongly influenced the conceptual and linguistic terrain in which they discussed public policy in this area. Those who understood security in terms of social belonging, for example, were primarily interested in the impacts of anti-terrorism measures on community cohesion. This is in contrast to those who conceived of security as “survival”, who discussed anti-terrorism more in terms of effectiveness. Similarly, those who saw security as “freedom” focused on enhancements or reductions of civil liberties. The chapter therefore argues that security functions as a frame through which anti-terrorism powers are interpreted or read.

Social policies in the United Kingdom have undergone a ‘community turn’ over the last two decades, with emphasis increasingly on ‘community cohesion’ rather than ‘social disadvantage’ and exclusion. Whilst academics have explored this trend, there is less reflective work on academic community-based practice that operates on the same terrain. This chapter offers critical self-reflection of our academic practice within the community budgeting and commissioning phase in Balsall Heath, Birmingham. Reflecting on the processes of bringing different parts of the Balsall Heath community together for the project, we consider not just the challenges of ‘constructing community’ in this way, but also, the logics that underpin it.

The sources of information that enable examination of both the structural and legal barriers to Muslims’ achievement in European states are discussed, and the changes required for the cohesion sought by the framework of integration envisioned by the European Commission. Data sources include: the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, the European Commission for Racism and Intolerance, the European Social Survey, the UK Office of National Statistics and the UK Home Office, the Survey of Muslim Life in Germany, the German General Social Survey (ALLBUS), and Statistics Netherlands. The chapter provides a foundation for the following extensive quantitative examination of the well-being of Muslims in Europe and the mechanisms through which their access to legitimate opportunities is blocked by bureaucratic regulations, public policy, discrimination and prejudice.

Two competing views of the housing crisis are offered. The first is that housing outcomes can be ‘corrected’ within the current political economy – that incremental remedies and ‘fixes’ can be applied, enabling business as usual. The second is that housing outcomes signal a much deeper crisis rooted in fundamental economic processes. Addressing the question whose housing crisis? this chapter asks whether housing stress points simply to an inter-generational crisis manifest in the hardships of ‘generation rent’ (which can be remedied through various supports) or whether there are processes at work that threaten a more pervasive socio-economic breakdown. Issues of inequality, social cohesion and prosperity/wealth are also examined.

Most observers expect Southern Europe to experience a lost decade as a result of the euro crisis. The record since the beginning of the euro crisis in 2009 is mixed. Major fiscal efforts have been made, a raft of reforms has been introduced, and the gap with the most competitive countries has been narrowed. However, because of imbalances accumulated in the decade preceding the crisis, the road is still long and Europe, unfortunately, has not yet devised a comprehensive strategy to tackle the problem. Supportive monetary policy and stronger inflation in countries such as Germany would help rebalancing, especially if is accompanied by a depreciation of the euro. The Commission also has a responsibility for implementing the fiscal framework in an economically sensible way. Europe, finally, has instruments it can use to help foster southern Europe’s adjustment. However, what Europe could in the end achieve is uncertain. Policymakers believe that a combination of budgetary adjustment and reform should be sufficient to restore full employment and external balance but this may be more difficult than thought. Europe may in the end be confronted by a choice between two opposite economic models: the “agglomeration model” and the “rebalancing model”. Both show that beyond the immediate macroeconomic and financial urgencies, the euro area is confronted with deeper choices about the type of economy it wants and the degree to which it is willing to accept the political consequences of its economic choices.

This chapter focuses on the social aspects of strategy, arguing for the importance of relationships in strategy and, in particular, in understanding of deterrence. Deterrence, in its essence, is predicated upon a social relationship – the one deterring and the one to be deterred. Alliance and cooperation are important in generating the means for actively managing international security. Following Freedman’s work on deterrence in the post-Cold War context, ever greater interaction and interdependence might instill a stronger sense of international community, in which more traditional and ‘relatively primitive’ notions of deterrence can be developed. However, this strategic aspiration relies on international, especially transatlantic, social cohesion, a property that weakened in the twenty-first century, triggering new threats from new kinds of opponent. The need for a sophisticated and social strategy for managing international security is made all the more necessary.