Berthold Rittberger
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273423
- eISBN:
- 9780191602764
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273421.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The first of four empirical chapters sheds light on the decision of the six founding member states of the ECSC to create the Common Assembly of the ECSC, the forerunner of the European Parliament. ...
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The first of four empirical chapters sheds light on the decision of the six founding member states of the ECSC to create the Common Assembly of the ECSC, the forerunner of the European Parliament. This chapter will also address the question why the founding states decided to bestow the newly created assembly with the right to censure the supranational High Authority, but deny it budgetary or legislative powers.Less
The first of four empirical chapters sheds light on the decision of the six founding member states of the ECSC to create the Common Assembly of the ECSC, the forerunner of the European Parliament. This chapter will also address the question why the founding states decided to bestow the newly created assembly with the right to censure the supranational High Authority, but deny it budgetary or legislative powers.
James Robert Allison
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300206692
- eISBN:
- 9780300216219
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300206692.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Native American Studies
Following the Northern Cheyenne revolt, this chapter moves to the adjacent Crow Reservation to detail similar efforts to resist non-Indian mining there. The bulk of the chapter, however, is dedicated ...
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Following the Northern Cheyenne revolt, this chapter moves to the adjacent Crow Reservation to detail similar efforts to resist non-Indian mining there. The bulk of the chapter, however, is dedicated to understanding the contentious intra-tribal debates that ensued over what type of mining this community would allow. One faction of young, educated Crows, living mostly off the reservation, pushed for the creation of a semi-autonomous, expert-laden mineral committee empowered to pursue mining only for minerals the tribe owned adjacent to the reservation. According to this group, developing off-reservation resources would preserve the reservation’s non-Indian character and its physical integrity, both of which were key to preserving the tribe. Another group of older, on-reservation Indians, however, feared the community could not survive without revenue from on-reservation mining. This faction argued that the tribal chairman should retain authority over mineral development, and that changing their traditional governing structure would render the tribe something other than Crow. When the tribe narrowly determined to prohibit on-reservation mining, to place power over its resources in a new governing body, and to impeach its chairman, the Crow not only set tribal energy policy, but also made cultural choices about what it meant to be Crow.Less
Following the Northern Cheyenne revolt, this chapter moves to the adjacent Crow Reservation to detail similar efforts to resist non-Indian mining there. The bulk of the chapter, however, is dedicated to understanding the contentious intra-tribal debates that ensued over what type of mining this community would allow. One faction of young, educated Crows, living mostly off the reservation, pushed for the creation of a semi-autonomous, expert-laden mineral committee empowered to pursue mining only for minerals the tribe owned adjacent to the reservation. According to this group, developing off-reservation resources would preserve the reservation’s non-Indian character and its physical integrity, both of which were key to preserving the tribe. Another group of older, on-reservation Indians, however, feared the community could not survive without revenue from on-reservation mining. This faction argued that the tribal chairman should retain authority over mineral development, and that changing their traditional governing structure would render the tribe something other than Crow. When the tribe narrowly determined to prohibit on-reservation mining, to place power over its resources in a new governing body, and to impeach its chairman, the Crow not only set tribal energy policy, but also made cultural choices about what it meant to be Crow.
Michael P. Roller
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813056081
- eISBN:
- 9780813053875
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813056081.001.0001
- Subject:
- Archaeology, Historical Archaeology
Using evidence of historical changes in landscape, community life, and material culture from a coal mining company town in the Anthracite Coal Region of Northeast Pennsylvania, Michael Roller ...
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Using evidence of historical changes in landscape, community life, and material culture from a coal mining company town in the Anthracite Coal Region of Northeast Pennsylvania, Michael Roller introduces an archaeological approach to the structural violence on workers, citizens, and consumers that developed across the twentieth century. The study begins with an analysis of a moment of explicit violence at the end of the nineteenth century, an event known as the Lattimer Massacre, in which as many as nineteen immigrant miners were shot by a posse of local businessmen. From this touchstone, material history and theoretical contexts across the twentieth century are documented in a manner both locally specific and broadly generalizable. Historical archaeology is used strategically, opportunistically, and dialectically, supported, amplified, and illuminated by archival and ethnographic research, spatial analysis, and social theory. In the process, attention is brought to contradictions, ironies, and absences in our understandings of this formative era in labor history. This study illuminates the development of systematized violence and soft forms of social control enacted by the collusion of state and capital through materialities such as infrastructure, urban redevelopment, mass consumerism, governmentality, biopolitics, and the shifting boundaries of sovereign power. Varied in its use of sources, the study returns again and again to the material life and the shifting landscapes of the company towns and shanty enclaves of the region, as well as the violence of the Massacre. This archaeology of the recent past shows us the unconscious material foundations for present social troubles.Less
Using evidence of historical changes in landscape, community life, and material culture from a coal mining company town in the Anthracite Coal Region of Northeast Pennsylvania, Michael Roller introduces an archaeological approach to the structural violence on workers, citizens, and consumers that developed across the twentieth century. The study begins with an analysis of a moment of explicit violence at the end of the nineteenth century, an event known as the Lattimer Massacre, in which as many as nineteen immigrant miners were shot by a posse of local businessmen. From this touchstone, material history and theoretical contexts across the twentieth century are documented in a manner both locally specific and broadly generalizable. Historical archaeology is used strategically, opportunistically, and dialectically, supported, amplified, and illuminated by archival and ethnographic research, spatial analysis, and social theory. In the process, attention is brought to contradictions, ironies, and absences in our understandings of this formative era in labor history. This study illuminates the development of systematized violence and soft forms of social control enacted by the collusion of state and capital through materialities such as infrastructure, urban redevelopment, mass consumerism, governmentality, biopolitics, and the shifting boundaries of sovereign power. Varied in its use of sources, the study returns again and again to the material life and the shifting landscapes of the company towns and shanty enclaves of the region, as well as the violence of the Massacre. This archaeology of the recent past shows us the unconscious material foundations for present social troubles.
Brian D. Lee, Daniel I. Carey, and Alice L. Jones (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780813168685
- eISBN:
- 9780813169941
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813168685.001.0001
- Subject:
- Biology, Ecology
Kentucky is regarded as one of the most ecologically diverse states in the nation, home to sprawling Appalachian forests, rolling green meadows, and the longest cave system in the world. None of ...
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Kentucky is regarded as one of the most ecologically diverse states in the nation, home to sprawling Appalachian forests, rolling green meadows, and the longest cave system in the world. None of these formations would be possible, however, without the lakes, rivers, and streams that have been shaping and nourishing the land for centuries. Water has played a pivotal role in determining Kentucky’s physical, cultural, and economic landscapes, and its management and preservation have recently become a significant point of interest for the state’s government and citizens. In Water in Kentucky: Shaping Landscapes, People, and Communities, editors Brian D. Lee, Daniel I. Carey, and Alice L. Jones will assemble a team of contributors from various disciplines to explore how water has defined regions across the Commonwealth. They propose to present an overview of Kentucky’s watershed and landscapes as well as highlight the importance of the water sources during the settlement and development of Kentucky. They will examine how water is regarded across the state today, discussing a variety of issues such as rural water and wastewater issues, the effect of the Martin County Coal Waste Spill on water resources, erosion and sediment control, Kentucky River’s lock and dam system, and the creation of the Land between the Lakes. The editors and contributors will also investigate how water is regulated across the state, exploring Kentucky’s water administrations, activism for preservation of water sources, and advocacy for public awareness. Finally, they will address future challenges, focusing on emerging technologies and management approaches that will likely determine the next chapters in Kentucky’s history. Water in Kentucky will illuminate the ways in which water has affected the lives of Kentuckians since the state’s settlement, exploring the complex relationship between humans, landscapes, and waterways. Illustrated with photographs, maps, and charts, the volume offers a multi-faceted look at how water has shaped the Bluegrass State. Through detailed analysis and case studies, the editors and contributors will provide scholars and general readers alike with an important volume that not only takes a look at Kentucky’s past, but asks important questions about its future.Less
Kentucky is regarded as one of the most ecologically diverse states in the nation, home to sprawling Appalachian forests, rolling green meadows, and the longest cave system in the world. None of these formations would be possible, however, without the lakes, rivers, and streams that have been shaping and nourishing the land for centuries. Water has played a pivotal role in determining Kentucky’s physical, cultural, and economic landscapes, and its management and preservation have recently become a significant point of interest for the state’s government and citizens. In Water in Kentucky: Shaping Landscapes, People, and Communities, editors Brian D. Lee, Daniel I. Carey, and Alice L. Jones will assemble a team of contributors from various disciplines to explore how water has defined regions across the Commonwealth. They propose to present an overview of Kentucky’s watershed and landscapes as well as highlight the importance of the water sources during the settlement and development of Kentucky. They will examine how water is regarded across the state today, discussing a variety of issues such as rural water and wastewater issues, the effect of the Martin County Coal Waste Spill on water resources, erosion and sediment control, Kentucky River’s lock and dam system, and the creation of the Land between the Lakes. The editors and contributors will also investigate how water is regulated across the state, exploring Kentucky’s water administrations, activism for preservation of water sources, and advocacy for public awareness. Finally, they will address future challenges, focusing on emerging technologies and management approaches that will likely determine the next chapters in Kentucky’s history. Water in Kentucky will illuminate the ways in which water has affected the lives of Kentuckians since the state’s settlement, exploring the complex relationship between humans, landscapes, and waterways. Illustrated with photographs, maps, and charts, the volume offers a multi-faceted look at how water has shaped the Bluegrass State. Through detailed analysis and case studies, the editors and contributors will provide scholars and general readers alike with an important volume that not only takes a look at Kentucky’s past, but asks important questions about its future.
Theresa Lloyd (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813178790
- eISBN:
- 9780813178806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813178790.003.0704
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Social Groups
Mountain society changed dramatically with rapid post-Civil War industrialization, which laid the groundwork for the region’s wide-scale poverty and dependency. The hardships of work and oppressive ...
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Mountain society changed dramatically with rapid post-Civil War industrialization, which laid the groundwork for the region’s wide-scale poverty and dependency. The hardships of work and oppressive living conditions in newly industrialized Appalachia gave birth to a rich and important body of literature, which includes fiction, poetry, drama, and songs. The development of Appalachia’s literature of protest paralleled the rise of social justice and workers’ literature internationally.Less
Mountain society changed dramatically with rapid post-Civil War industrialization, which laid the groundwork for the region’s wide-scale poverty and dependency. The hardships of work and oppressive living conditions in newly industrialized Appalachia gave birth to a rich and important body of literature, which includes fiction, poetry, drama, and songs. The development of Appalachia’s literature of protest paralleled the rise of social justice and workers’ literature internationally.
Katherine Ledford and Theresa Lloyd (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813178790
- eISBN:
- 9780813178806
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813178790.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Social Groups
From the earliest oral traditions to print accounts of frontier exploration, from local color to modernism and postmodernism, from an exuberant flowering in the 1970s to its high popular and critical ...
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From the earliest oral traditions to print accounts of frontier exploration, from local color to modernism and postmodernism, from an exuberant flowering in the 1970s to its high popular and critical profile in the twenty-first century, Appalachian literature can boast a long tradition of delighting and provoking readers. Yet, locating an anthology that offers a representative selection of authors and texts from the earliest days to the present can be difficult. Katherine Ledford and Theresa Lloyd have produced an anthology to meet this need. Simultaneously representing, complicating, and furthering the discourse on the Appalachian region and its cultures, this anthology works to provides the historical depth and range of Appalachian literature that contemporary readers and scholars seek, from Cherokee oral narratives to fiction and drama about mountaintop removal and prescription drug abuse. It also aims to challenge the common stereotypes of Appalachian life and values by including stories of multiple, often less heard, viewpoints of Appalachian life: mountain and valley, rural and urban, folkloric and postmodern, traditional and contemporary, Northern and Southern, white people and people of color, straight and gay, insiders and outsiders—though, on some level, these dualisms are less concrete than previously imagined.Less
From the earliest oral traditions to print accounts of frontier exploration, from local color to modernism and postmodernism, from an exuberant flowering in the 1970s to its high popular and critical profile in the twenty-first century, Appalachian literature can boast a long tradition of delighting and provoking readers. Yet, locating an anthology that offers a representative selection of authors and texts from the earliest days to the present can be difficult. Katherine Ledford and Theresa Lloyd have produced an anthology to meet this need. Simultaneously representing, complicating, and furthering the discourse on the Appalachian region and its cultures, this anthology works to provides the historical depth and range of Appalachian literature that contemporary readers and scholars seek, from Cherokee oral narratives to fiction and drama about mountaintop removal and prescription drug abuse. It also aims to challenge the common stereotypes of Appalachian life and values by including stories of multiple, often less heard, viewpoints of Appalachian life: mountain and valley, rural and urban, folkloric and postmodern, traditional and contemporary, Northern and Southern, white people and people of color, straight and gay, insiders and outsiders—though, on some level, these dualisms are less concrete than previously imagined.
James Robert Allison
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300206692
- eISBN:
- 9780300216219
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300206692.003.0010
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Native American Studies
Setting the stage for the momentous actions that would alter the trajectory of Indian energy development, in particular, and tribal sovereignty, more generally, the Prologue describes the massive ...
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Setting the stage for the momentous actions that would alter the trajectory of Indian energy development, in particular, and tribal sovereignty, more generally, the Prologue describes the massive energy proposal the Consolidation Coal Company delivered to the Northern Cheyenne tribe in the summer of 1972. Although not a surprise to Northern Cheyenne leaders who had been working to secure this lucrative deal for some time, the offer placed the community in a precarious position. To reject it meant only more poverty, but many believed that accepting a project of these dimensions could threaten the continued existence of the tribe. In the end, tribal leaders would not make the decision on whether to accept Consolidation’s proposal, ordinary tribal members would. Launching a grassroots movement to protect the homeland, the Northern Cheyenne rejected the proposal, determined to develop their own minerals, and promised to alter Indians’ historic role as observers to the expropriation of tribal resources. The revolution in Indian energy development began in Lame Deer, Montana.Less
Setting the stage for the momentous actions that would alter the trajectory of Indian energy development, in particular, and tribal sovereignty, more generally, the Prologue describes the massive energy proposal the Consolidation Coal Company delivered to the Northern Cheyenne tribe in the summer of 1972. Although not a surprise to Northern Cheyenne leaders who had been working to secure this lucrative deal for some time, the offer placed the community in a precarious position. To reject it meant only more poverty, but many believed that accepting a project of these dimensions could threaten the continued existence of the tribe. In the end, tribal leaders would not make the decision on whether to accept Consolidation’s proposal, ordinary tribal members would. Launching a grassroots movement to protect the homeland, the Northern Cheyenne rejected the proposal, determined to develop their own minerals, and promised to alter Indians’ historic role as observers to the expropriation of tribal resources. The revolution in Indian energy development began in Lame Deer, Montana.
Shannon Elizabeth Bell
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780262034340
- eISBN:
- 9780262333597
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262034340.001.0001
- Subject:
- Environmental Science, Environmental Studies
In Fighting King Coal, Shannon Elizabeth Bell examines an understudied puzzle within social movement theory: why so few of the vast number of people who suffer from industry-produced environmental ...
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In Fighting King Coal, Shannon Elizabeth Bell examines an understudied puzzle within social movement theory: why so few of the vast number of people who suffer from industry-produced environmental hazards and pollution rise up to participate in social movements aimed at bringing about environmental justice and industry accountability. Bell investigates the challenges of micromobilization through a case study of the coalfields of Central Appalachia, where mountaintop removal mining and coal industry-related flooding, sickness, and water contamination have led to the emergence of a grassroots environmental justice movement that is demanding protection from and accountability for the destruction and pollution in coalfield communities. The coal industry’s impact on communities has been far-reaching; however, recruiting new local residents to join the environmental justice movement has proven to be an ongoing challenge. Drawing on in-depth interviews, participant observation, content analysis, geospatial viewshed analysis, and an eight-month “Photovoice” project, Bell uncovers numerous factors contributing to the low numbers of local environmental justice activists, including depleted social capital, the coal-related hegemonic masculinity of the region, the coal industry’s cultural manipulation efforts, the fact that much of the mining activity is hidden, the power of local elite, and the changing face of the environmental justice movement. Through the Photovoice project, Bell reveals the importance of identities to the success or failure of local recruitment efforts in social movement struggles, ultimately arguing that if the local identities of environmental justice movements are lost, they may also lose their power.Less
In Fighting King Coal, Shannon Elizabeth Bell examines an understudied puzzle within social movement theory: why so few of the vast number of people who suffer from industry-produced environmental hazards and pollution rise up to participate in social movements aimed at bringing about environmental justice and industry accountability. Bell investigates the challenges of micromobilization through a case study of the coalfields of Central Appalachia, where mountaintop removal mining and coal industry-related flooding, sickness, and water contamination have led to the emergence of a grassroots environmental justice movement that is demanding protection from and accountability for the destruction and pollution in coalfield communities. The coal industry’s impact on communities has been far-reaching; however, recruiting new local residents to join the environmental justice movement has proven to be an ongoing challenge. Drawing on in-depth interviews, participant observation, content analysis, geospatial viewshed analysis, and an eight-month “Photovoice” project, Bell uncovers numerous factors contributing to the low numbers of local environmental justice activists, including depleted social capital, the coal-related hegemonic masculinity of the region, the coal industry’s cultural manipulation efforts, the fact that much of the mining activity is hidden, the power of local elite, and the changing face of the environmental justice movement. Through the Photovoice project, Bell reveals the importance of identities to the success or failure of local recruitment efforts in social movement struggles, ultimately arguing that if the local identities of environmental justice movements are lost, they may also lose their power.
Neil Fligstein
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199580859
- eISBN:
- 9780191702297
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580859.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The European Union (EU) started out as the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), an organization that was set up to control the levels of production in the coal and steel industries of Western ...
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The European Union (EU) started out as the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), an organization that was set up to control the levels of production in the coal and steel industries of Western Europe. In 1957, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands took a quantum leap forward in integrating their economic policies by agreeing to the Treaty of Rome. The Treaty contained a set of blueprints for ongoing cooperation on issues of trade, labor, capital movements, and monetary policy. It created the European Economic Community (EEC), a permanent organization in Brussels to promote this cooperation. There have also been newer Treaties which have changed several important features of the EU and its decision-making processes. One of the most remarkable things is that almost all European governments of all political persuasions have found the benefits of membership to be positive for their economies.Less
The European Union (EU) started out as the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), an organization that was set up to control the levels of production in the coal and steel industries of Western Europe. In 1957, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands took a quantum leap forward in integrating their economic policies by agreeing to the Treaty of Rome. The Treaty contained a set of blueprints for ongoing cooperation on issues of trade, labor, capital movements, and monetary policy. It created the European Economic Community (EEC), a permanent organization in Brussels to promote this cooperation. There have also been newer Treaties which have changed several important features of the EU and its decision-making processes. One of the most remarkable things is that almost all European governments of all political persuasions have found the benefits of membership to be positive for their economies.
John Bryden, Ottar Brox, and Lesley Riddoch (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780748696208
- eISBN:
- 9781474412506
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748696208.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
This book, which has a Preface by Scotland’s leading historian, Sir Tom Devine, is a comparative study of the economic, social and political development of Norway and Scotland, mainly since about ...
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This book, which has a Preface by Scotland’s leading historian, Sir Tom Devine, is a comparative study of the economic, social and political development of Norway and Scotland, mainly since about 1800. The authors are from Scotland, Norway, Denmark, England and Finland. It starts with an overview of the histories of the two countries, which were closely intertwined between the 8th and 17th Centuries, and the economic, social and political relationships between them. It includes specific chapters dealing with the comparative development of political institutions and democracy, agriculture and land ownership, industry, local government, money and banking, the welfare state, education, outdoor activities and recreation and religion. There are additional chapters on the impacts of the two World Wars on political relations between Scotland and Norway, on core issue in the comparison of social developments in the two countries, and on the theories that may help us to understand to diverse development paths of Norway and Scotland. The content and focus of the book is unique and original, and joins historians, economists, political scientists, anthropologists, geographers and sociologists in an important example of comparative analysis covering the long term. It is intended to provide analysis that will be helpful for debates on the future of Scotland after Brexit, whether within or outside the United Kingdom, for example on the monetary and banking questions, the welfare state, early childhood education, land and resource ownership, North Sea oil and gas, local government and decentralisation, agriculture and rural development, religion, and external relations, among others.Less
This book, which has a Preface by Scotland’s leading historian, Sir Tom Devine, is a comparative study of the economic, social and political development of Norway and Scotland, mainly since about 1800. The authors are from Scotland, Norway, Denmark, England and Finland. It starts with an overview of the histories of the two countries, which were closely intertwined between the 8th and 17th Centuries, and the economic, social and political relationships between them. It includes specific chapters dealing with the comparative development of political institutions and democracy, agriculture and land ownership, industry, local government, money and banking, the welfare state, education, outdoor activities and recreation and religion. There are additional chapters on the impacts of the two World Wars on political relations between Scotland and Norway, on core issue in the comparison of social developments in the two countries, and on the theories that may help us to understand to diverse development paths of Norway and Scotland. The content and focus of the book is unique and original, and joins historians, economists, political scientists, anthropologists, geographers and sociologists in an important example of comparative analysis covering the long term. It is intended to provide analysis that will be helpful for debates on the future of Scotland after Brexit, whether within or outside the United Kingdom, for example on the monetary and banking questions, the welfare state, early childhood education, land and resource ownership, North Sea oil and gas, local government and decentralisation, agriculture and rural development, religion, and external relations, among others.
Jim Phillips
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474452311
- eISBN:
- 9781474465373
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474452311.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
Throughout the twentieth century Scottish miners resisted deindustrialisation through collective action and by leading the campaign for Home Rule. This book shows that coal miners occupy a central ...
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Throughout the twentieth century Scottish miners resisted deindustrialisation through collective action and by leading the campaign for Home Rule. This book shows that coal miners occupy a central position in Scotland’s economic, social and political history. It highlights the role of miners in formulating labour movement demands for political-constitutional reforms that helped create the conditions for the establishment of the Scottish Parliament in 1999. The book examines the moral economy, which prioritised communal security and collective voice. Three different generations of Scottish coal miners are identified, shaped by successive predominant forms of coal mining unit across the twentieth century. The Village Pit generation, born in the 1900s, defined the terms of the moral economy, and secured nationalisation in 1947. The New Mine generation, born in the 1920s, enforced the moral economy and made nationalisation work in the interests of miners. It advanced Home Rule arguments to protect economic security in the struggle against deindustrialisation. The Cosmopolitan Colliery generation, born in the 1950s, tried to protect the moral economy and communal security in the coalfields in the great strike of 1984-85. The experiences of miners are used to explore working class wellbeing more broadly throughout the prolonged and politicised period of deindustrialisation that culminated in the Thatcherite assault of the 1980s.Less
Throughout the twentieth century Scottish miners resisted deindustrialisation through collective action and by leading the campaign for Home Rule. This book shows that coal miners occupy a central position in Scotland’s economic, social and political history. It highlights the role of miners in formulating labour movement demands for political-constitutional reforms that helped create the conditions for the establishment of the Scottish Parliament in 1999. The book examines the moral economy, which prioritised communal security and collective voice. Three different generations of Scottish coal miners are identified, shaped by successive predominant forms of coal mining unit across the twentieth century. The Village Pit generation, born in the 1900s, defined the terms of the moral economy, and secured nationalisation in 1947. The New Mine generation, born in the 1920s, enforced the moral economy and made nationalisation work in the interests of miners. It advanced Home Rule arguments to protect economic security in the struggle against deindustrialisation. The Cosmopolitan Colliery generation, born in the 1950s, tried to protect the moral economy and communal security in the coalfields in the great strike of 1984-85. The experiences of miners are used to explore working class wellbeing more broadly throughout the prolonged and politicised period of deindustrialisation that culminated in the Thatcherite assault of the 1980s.
Richard Revesz and Jack Lienke
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190233112
- eISBN:
- 9780197559536
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190233112.003.0005
- Subject:
- Environmental Science, Pollution and Threats to the Environment
To Representative Marsha Blackburn, Republican of Tennessee, the threat was clear: “Mr. Speaker, there is a war being waged on energy and on coal in this country. But ...
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To Representative Marsha Blackburn, Republican of Tennessee, the threat was clear: “Mr. Speaker, there is a war being waged on energy and on coal in this country. But it’s not coming from another country, it is coming from our own government.” Her colleague, Mike Pompeo of Kansas, agreed: “President Obama’s War on Coal means fewer jobs and higher energy costs for Americans.” Those who believed otherwise, Virginia Representative David McKinley warned, were “in dangerous denial.” It was September 20, 2012, two months before a presidential election that would pit incumbent Barack Obama against former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney, and the United States House of Representatives was preparing to vote on the bluntly titled Stop the War on Coal Act. Democrats on the Energy and Commerce Committee called the proposed legislation, which would strip the EPA of its power to regulate coal-mining operations and coal-fired power plants under a host of federal laws, “the single worst anti-environment bill to be considered in the House this Congress.” But the bill’s sponsors argued that significantly curtailing the EPA’s authority over the coal industry was the only way to prevent the President’s war from claiming “even more victims.” The Stop the War on Coal Act passed the House on September 21, 2012, in a 233–175 vote, with the support of nineteen Democrats. No one thought it had any chance of moving in the Democrat-controlled Senate. Instead, the House’s vote, which would be its last act before election day, was “only meant to be an instrument to bludgeon Obama and other Democrats,” as one commentator put it—a reminder to the coal-country electorate of the existential threat posed by the current President and his party. It hadn’t always been this way. On the contrary, four years earlier, Barack Obama had enjoyed a brief, involuntary tenure as the coal industry’s “spokesperson-in-chief.” About a month after Obama emerged victorious from the 2008 election, the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE), a “partnership of the industries involved in producing electricity from coal,” released an advertisement made up entirely of video excerpts from a speech he had given at a September 2008 campaign rally in Lebanon, Virginia.
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To Representative Marsha Blackburn, Republican of Tennessee, the threat was clear: “Mr. Speaker, there is a war being waged on energy and on coal in this country. But it’s not coming from another country, it is coming from our own government.” Her colleague, Mike Pompeo of Kansas, agreed: “President Obama’s War on Coal means fewer jobs and higher energy costs for Americans.” Those who believed otherwise, Virginia Representative David McKinley warned, were “in dangerous denial.” It was September 20, 2012, two months before a presidential election that would pit incumbent Barack Obama against former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney, and the United States House of Representatives was preparing to vote on the bluntly titled Stop the War on Coal Act. Democrats on the Energy and Commerce Committee called the proposed legislation, which would strip the EPA of its power to regulate coal-mining operations and coal-fired power plants under a host of federal laws, “the single worst anti-environment bill to be considered in the House this Congress.” But the bill’s sponsors argued that significantly curtailing the EPA’s authority over the coal industry was the only way to prevent the President’s war from claiming “even more victims.” The Stop the War on Coal Act passed the House on September 21, 2012, in a 233–175 vote, with the support of nineteen Democrats. No one thought it had any chance of moving in the Democrat-controlled Senate. Instead, the House’s vote, which would be its last act before election day, was “only meant to be an instrument to bludgeon Obama and other Democrats,” as one commentator put it—a reminder to the coal-country electorate of the existential threat posed by the current President and his party. It hadn’t always been this way. On the contrary, four years earlier, Barack Obama had enjoyed a brief, involuntary tenure as the coal industry’s “spokesperson-in-chief.” About a month after Obama emerged victorious from the 2008 election, the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE), a “partnership of the industries involved in producing electricity from coal,” released an advertisement made up entirely of video excerpts from a speech he had given at a September 2008 campaign rally in Lebanon, Virginia.
Dieter Helm
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270743
- eISBN:
- 9780191718540
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270743.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter focuses on the privatization of the coal industry. It analyses the coal crisis that confronted Michael Heseltine in 1992 after the general election, which did much to dent his political ...
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This chapter focuses on the privatization of the coal industry. It analyses the coal crisis that confronted Michael Heseltine in 1992 after the general election, which did much to dent his political reputation, and examines the aftermath of break-up and sale.Less
This chapter focuses on the privatization of the coal industry. It analyses the coal crisis that confronted Michael Heseltine in 1992 after the general election, which did much to dent his political reputation, and examines the aftermath of break-up and sale.
Bryan T. McNeil
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036439
- eISBN:
- 9780252093463
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036439.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
Drawing on powerful personal testimonies of the hazards of mountaintop removal in southern West Virginia, this book critically examines the fierce conflicts over this violent and increasingly ...
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Drawing on powerful personal testimonies of the hazards of mountaintop removal in southern West Virginia, this book critically examines the fierce conflicts over this violent and increasingly prevalent form of strip mining. Focusing on the grassroots activist organization Coal River Mountain Watch (CRMW), the book reveals a turn away from once-strong traditional labor unions and the emergence of community-based activist organizations. By framing social and moral arguments in terms of the environment, these innovative hybrid movements take advantage of environmentalism's higher profile in contemporary politics. In investigating the local effects of globalization and global economics, the book tracks the profound reimagining of social and personal ideas such as identity, history, and landscape and considers their roles in organizing an agenda for progressive community activism.Less
Drawing on powerful personal testimonies of the hazards of mountaintop removal in southern West Virginia, this book critically examines the fierce conflicts over this violent and increasingly prevalent form of strip mining. Focusing on the grassroots activist organization Coal River Mountain Watch (CRMW), the book reveals a turn away from once-strong traditional labor unions and the emergence of community-based activist organizations. By framing social and moral arguments in terms of the environment, these innovative hybrid movements take advantage of environmentalism's higher profile in contemporary politics. In investigating the local effects of globalization and global economics, the book tracks the profound reimagining of social and personal ideas such as identity, history, and landscape and considers their roles in organizing an agenda for progressive community activism.
Robin Craig
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780973007343
- eISBN:
- 9781786944702
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780973007343.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Maritime History
This study explores the history of tramp-shipping in the United Kingdom, between 1750 and 1914. It defines ‘tramp’ as steamships exclusively hulled with iron or steel. The purpose of the journal is ...
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This study explores the history of tramp-shipping in the United Kingdom, between 1750 and 1914. It defines ‘tramp’ as steamships exclusively hulled with iron or steel. The purpose of the journal is to keep the history of tramp-shipping from fading into obscurity, as the author believes the tramp steamer does not invoke sentimentality nor provide enough glamour to sustain the same level of maritime interest enjoyed by sailing ships or ocean liners. The study is split into four major sections, the first concerning tramp-shipping, ownership, and capital formation; the second concerning trade, specifically copper ore and African guano; the third studies tramp seamen - particularly sea masters; and the final and largest section considers individual tramp-shipping regions, further subdivided by region - Wales, the Northwest, the West Country, the Northeast, the Southeast, and Canada. The volume is punctuated with statistics, tables, charts, glossaries, and concludes with a bibliography of author Robin Craig’s further maritime writing.Less
This study explores the history of tramp-shipping in the United Kingdom, between 1750 and 1914. It defines ‘tramp’ as steamships exclusively hulled with iron or steel. The purpose of the journal is to keep the history of tramp-shipping from fading into obscurity, as the author believes the tramp steamer does not invoke sentimentality nor provide enough glamour to sustain the same level of maritime interest enjoyed by sailing ships or ocean liners. The study is split into four major sections, the first concerning tramp-shipping, ownership, and capital formation; the second concerning trade, specifically copper ore and African guano; the third studies tramp seamen - particularly sea masters; and the final and largest section considers individual tramp-shipping regions, further subdivided by region - Wales, the Northwest, the West Country, the Northeast, the Southeast, and Canada. The volume is punctuated with statistics, tables, charts, glossaries, and concludes with a bibliography of author Robin Craig’s further maritime writing.
Kristin Shrader-Frechette
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199794638
- eISBN:
- 9780199919277
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199794638.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
Chapter 1 begins by stressing the severity of climate change (CC) and showing how, contrary to popular belief, atomic energy is not a viable solution to ...
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Chapter 1 begins by stressing the severity of climate change (CC) and showing how, contrary to popular belief, atomic energy is not a viable solution to CC. Many scientists and most market proponents agree that renewable energy and energy efficiencies are better options. The chapter also shows that government subsidies for oil and nuclear power are the result of flawed science, poor ethics, short-term thinking, and special-interest influence. The chapter has 7 sections, the first of which surveys four major components of the energy crisis. These are oil addiction, non-CC-related deaths from fossil-fuel pollution, nuclear-weapons proliferation, and catastrophic CC. The second section summarizes some of the powerful evidence for global CC. The third section uses historical, ahistorical, Rawlsian, and utilitarian ethical principles to show how developed nations, especially the US, are most responsible for human-caused CC. The fourth section shows why climate-change skeptics, such as “deniers” who doubt CC is real, and “delayers” who say that it should not yet be addressed, have no valid objections. Instead, they all err scientifically and ethically. The fifth section illustrates that all modern scientific methods—and scientific consensus since at least 1995—confirm the reality of global CC. Essentially all expert-scientific analyses published in refereed, scientific-professional journals confirm the reality of global CC. The sixth section of the chapter shows how fossil-fuel special interests have contributed to the continued CC debate largely by paying non-experts to deny or challenge CC. The seventh section of the chapter provides an outline of each chapter in the book, noting that this book makes use of both scientific and ethical analyses to show why nuclear proponents’ arguments err, why CC deniers are wrong, and how scientific-methodological understanding can advance sound energy policy—including conservation, renewable energy, and energy efficiencies.Less
Chapter 1 begins by stressing the severity of climate change (CC) and showing how, contrary to popular belief, atomic energy is not a viable solution to CC. Many scientists and most market proponents agree that renewable energy and energy efficiencies are better options. The chapter also shows that government subsidies for oil and nuclear power are the result of flawed science, poor ethics, short-term thinking, and special-interest influence. The chapter has 7 sections, the first of which surveys four major components of the energy crisis. These are oil addiction, non-CC-related deaths from fossil-fuel pollution, nuclear-weapons proliferation, and catastrophic CC. The second section summarizes some of the powerful evidence for global CC. The third section uses historical, ahistorical, Rawlsian, and utilitarian ethical principles to show how developed nations, especially the US, are most responsible for human-caused CC. The fourth section shows why climate-change skeptics, such as “deniers” who doubt CC is real, and “delayers” who say that it should not yet be addressed, have no valid objections. Instead, they all err scientifically and ethically. The fifth section illustrates that all modern scientific methods—and scientific consensus since at least 1995—confirm the reality of global CC. Essentially all expert-scientific analyses published in refereed, scientific-professional journals confirm the reality of global CC. The sixth section of the chapter shows how fossil-fuel special interests have contributed to the continued CC debate largely by paying non-experts to deny or challenge CC. The seventh section of the chapter provides an outline of each chapter in the book, noting that this book makes use of both scientific and ethical analyses to show why nuclear proponents’ arguments err, why CC deniers are wrong, and how scientific-methodological understanding can advance sound energy policy—including conservation, renewable energy, and energy efficiencies.
PETER C. OLIVER
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198268956
- eISBN:
- 9780191713200
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198268956.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter sets out the orthodox view of parliamentary sovereignty associated principally with A. V. Dicey: that parliament – and therefore the Imperial Parliament – can make any law whatsoever, ...
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This chapter sets out the orthodox view of parliamentary sovereignty associated principally with A. V. Dicey: that parliament – and therefore the Imperial Parliament – can make any law whatsoever, and that no institution can challenge Parliament's ability to do so. So long as local courts and local populations were willing to accept this principle, the Westminster Parliament could act as a constituent assembly for the Empire.Less
This chapter sets out the orthodox view of parliamentary sovereignty associated principally with A. V. Dicey: that parliament – and therefore the Imperial Parliament – can make any law whatsoever, and that no institution can challenge Parliament's ability to do so. So long as local courts and local populations were willing to accept this principle, the Westminster Parliament could act as a constituent assembly for the Empire.
Joe B. Hall, Marianne Walker, and Rick Bozich
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813178561
- eISBN:
- 9780813178578
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813178561.003.0037
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Joe B. thanks the many people in his life who have been influential in his growth and success, including his family and his assistant coaches.
Joe B. thanks the many people in his life who have been influential in his growth and success, including his family and his assistant coaches.
Paul A. Shackel
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252041990
- eISBN:
- 9780252050732
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041990.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Economic History
The Lattimer massacre trial lasted for five weeks, beginning in February 1898. The sheriff and his deputies were found innocent, which created a storm of varying reactions throughout the country. ...
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The Lattimer massacre trial lasted for five weeks, beginning in February 1898. The sheriff and his deputies were found innocent, which created a storm of varying reactions throughout the country. Many saw this case as a miscarriage of American justice, while others explained that the results of this case saved American civilization. Lattimer showed the UMWA that foreign workers could be organized, and many miners realized union could help them fight for social and economic justice. Anthracite mining employed about 180,000 people during World War I. The industry began its steady decline after the war, and then the decline accelerated after World War II. Today there are fewer than one thousand mine workers in northeastern Pennsylvania, and the UMWA is almost nonexistent in the area.Less
The Lattimer massacre trial lasted for five weeks, beginning in February 1898. The sheriff and his deputies were found innocent, which created a storm of varying reactions throughout the country. Many saw this case as a miscarriage of American justice, while others explained that the results of this case saved American civilization. Lattimer showed the UMWA that foreign workers could be organized, and many miners realized union could help them fight for social and economic justice. Anthracite mining employed about 180,000 people during World War I. The industry began its steady decline after the war, and then the decline accelerated after World War II. Today there are fewer than one thousand mine workers in northeastern Pennsylvania, and the UMWA is almost nonexistent in the area.
Shannon Elizabeth Bell
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780262034340
- eISBN:
- 9780262333597
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262034340.003.0002
- Subject:
- Environmental Science, Environmental Studies
Chapter 1 begins with a description of the historical roots of exploitation in Central Appalachia, revealing how the economic, political, and social structures of the region have long been influenced ...
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Chapter 1 begins with a description of the historical roots of exploitation in Central Appalachia, revealing how the economic, political, and social structures of the region have long been influenced by its ties with the coal industry. An overview of the declining coal economy and the rise and fall of the union is then discussed, followed by an account of the earliest attempts to end surface mining in the 1960s and 70s. The next section details the myriad environmental injustices that face the coalfield region today, including mountaintop removal mining, flooding, coal waste impoundment breaches, water contamination, coal dust air pollution, and high rates of a number of chronic health conditions, including cancer, heart disease, respiratory conditions, and depression. The final section of this chapter describes the present-day environmental justice movement that is fighting to hold the coal industry accountable for the harms it has brought to the Central Appalachian region. The chapter closes with a reminder of the puzzle that frames this book: given the enormity of the coal industry’s deleterious effects on local communities, why are there such low rates of movement participation at the local level?Less
Chapter 1 begins with a description of the historical roots of exploitation in Central Appalachia, revealing how the economic, political, and social structures of the region have long been influenced by its ties with the coal industry. An overview of the declining coal economy and the rise and fall of the union is then discussed, followed by an account of the earliest attempts to end surface mining in the 1960s and 70s. The next section details the myriad environmental injustices that face the coalfield region today, including mountaintop removal mining, flooding, coal waste impoundment breaches, water contamination, coal dust air pollution, and high rates of a number of chronic health conditions, including cancer, heart disease, respiratory conditions, and depression. The final section of this chapter describes the present-day environmental justice movement that is fighting to hold the coal industry accountable for the harms it has brought to the Central Appalachian region. The chapter closes with a reminder of the puzzle that frames this book: given the enormity of the coal industry’s deleterious effects on local communities, why are there such low rates of movement participation at the local level?
