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The Composed Quantifier Argument

Chris Collins and Paul M. Postal

in Classical NEG Raising: An Essay on the Syntax of Negation

Published in print:
2014
Published Online:
September 2015
ISBN:
9780262027311
eISBN:
9780262323840
Item type:
chapter
Publisher:
The MIT Press
DOI:
10.7551/mitpress/9780262027311.003.0016
Subject:
Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology

This chapter discusses the Composed Quantifier Argument, a widely accepted and apparently devastating argument against a syntactic view of Classical NEG Raising (NR), and argues that it is faulty and ... More


Nonfinite Clauses

Chris Collins and Paul M. Postal

in Classical NEG Raising: An Essay on the Syntax of Negation

Published in print:
2014
Published Online:
September 2015
ISBN:
9780262027311
eISBN:
9780262323840
Item type:
chapter
Publisher:
The MIT Press
DOI:
10.7551/mitpress/9780262027311.003.0019
Subject:
Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology

This chapter considers the role of nonfinite clauses in the distribution of Classical NEG Raising (NR). It first considers the literature bias toward finite hosts in standard Classical NR cases, ... More


Islands: Preliminaries

Chris Collins and Paul M. Postal

in Classical NEG Raising: An Essay on the Syntax of Negation

Published in print:
2014
Published Online:
September 2015
ISBN:
9780262027311
eISBN:
9780262323840
Item type:
chapter
Publisher:
The MIT Press
DOI:
10.7551/mitpress/9780262027311.003.0011
Subject:
Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology

This chapter shows that Classical NEG Raising (NR) is sensitive to syntactic islands and describes the islands resulting from clausal passivization and topicalization. It first considers strict ... More


Strict NPIs and Locality

Chris Collins and Paul M. Postal

in Classical NEG Raising: An Essay on the Syntax of Negation

Published in print:
2014
Published Online:
September 2015
ISBN:
9780262027311
eISBN:
9780262323840
Item type:
chapter
Publisher:
The MIT Press
DOI:
10.7551/mitpress/9780262027311.003.0010
Subject:
Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology

This chapter addresses the commonly suggested semantic condition that a strict negative polarity item (NPI) occurs in the scope of an antiadditive operator, arguing that it is not sufficient to ... More


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