Douglas Ehring
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199608539
- eISBN:
- 9780191729607
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199608539.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Metaphysics/Epistemology, Philosophy of Science
The main goal of this work is to provide a metaphysical account of properties and of how they are related to concrete particulars. On the broadest level, this work is a defense of tropes and of trope ...
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The main goal of this work is to provide a metaphysical account of properties and of how they are related to concrete particulars. On the broadest level, this work is a defense of tropes and of trope bundle theory as the best accounts of properties and objects, respectively, and, second, a defense of a specific brand of trope nominalism, Natural Class Trope Nominalism. Each of these tasks is pursued separately, with the first Part of this work acting as a general introduction and defense of tropes and trope bundle theory, and the second Part acting as the more specific defense of Natural Class Trope Nominalism. In Part 1 it is argued that there are tropes. Part 1 also provides an outline of what tropes can do for us metaphysically, while remaining neutral between different theories of tropes. Included in Part 1 are an account of the universal–particular distinction, an argument for the existence of tropes based on the phenomenon of moving properties, the development of a trope bundle theory of objects and a trope-based solution to the problems of mental causations. The second Part presents a fuller picture of what a trope is by way of Natural Class Trope Nominalism, according to which a trope's nature is determined by membership in natural classes of tropes. In addition, in Part 2 a defense is developed of Natural Class Trope Nominalism against what have been thought to be fatal objections to this view, a defense grounded in property counterpart theory without modal realism.Less
The main goal of this work is to provide a metaphysical account of properties and of how they are related to concrete particulars. On the broadest level, this work is a defense of tropes and of trope bundle theory as the best accounts of properties and objects, respectively, and, second, a defense of a specific brand of trope nominalism, Natural Class Trope Nominalism. Each of these tasks is pursued separately, with the first Part of this work acting as a general introduction and defense of tropes and trope bundle theory, and the second Part acting as the more specific defense of Natural Class Trope Nominalism. In Part 1 it is argued that there are tropes. Part 1 also provides an outline of what tropes can do for us metaphysically, while remaining neutral between different theories of tropes. Included in Part 1 are an account of the universal–particular distinction, an argument for the existence of tropes based on the phenomenon of moving properties, the development of a trope bundle theory of objects and a trope-based solution to the problems of mental causations. The second Part presents a fuller picture of what a trope is by way of Natural Class Trope Nominalism, according to which a trope's nature is determined by membership in natural classes of tropes. In addition, in Part 2 a defense is developed of Natural Class Trope Nominalism against what have been thought to be fatal objections to this view, a defense grounded in property counterpart theory without modal realism.
George Cheney, Daniel J. Lair, Dean Ritz, and Brenden E. Kendall
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195182774
- eISBN:
- 9780199871001
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195182774.003.0005
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Corporate Governance and Accountability
This chapter addresses the domain of the professional, taking seriously the notion that the professional is personal, in addition to being social, political, and ethical. The chapter traces the ...
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This chapter addresses the domain of the professional, taking seriously the notion that the professional is personal, in addition to being social, political, and ethical. The chapter traces the development of modern professional classes, particularly as they implicate individual and collective moral practice. In certain ways, formal professions have the capacity to elevate moral practice and create barriers to ethical visions. This chapter considers the various sides of professional life, takes a second look at its ethical claims, and exposes some of the problems with what we usually think of as an unmitigated positive force in society; that is, professionalism. As part of this evaluation, the chapter probes issues of professional style and examines the categories into which individuals and whole segments of society are divided. The chapter concludes with a call to reconsider the meaning of “career.”Less
This chapter addresses the domain of the professional, taking seriously the notion that the professional is personal, in addition to being social, political, and ethical. The chapter traces the development of modern professional classes, particularly as they implicate individual and collective moral practice. In certain ways, formal professions have the capacity to elevate moral practice and create barriers to ethical visions. This chapter considers the various sides of professional life, takes a second look at its ethical claims, and exposes some of the problems with what we usually think of as an unmitigated positive force in society; that is, professionalism. As part of this evaluation, the chapter probes issues of professional style and examines the categories into which individuals and whole segments of society are divided. The chapter concludes with a call to reconsider the meaning of “career.”
Ben Brubaker, Daniel Bump, and Solomon Friedberg
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150659
- eISBN:
- 9781400838998
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150659.003.0013
- Subject:
- Mathematics, Combinatorics / Graph Theory / Discrete Mathematics
This chapter focuses on the language of resotopes and assumes that γLsubscript Greek small letter epsilon and γRsubscript Greek small letter epsilon are multiples of n for every totally resonant ...
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This chapter focuses on the language of resotopes and assumes that γLsubscript Greek small letter epsilon and γRsubscript Greek small letter epsilon are multiples of n for every totally resonant episode. It also recalls that s and d are the weights of the accordions under consideration. It begins with the proposition that Statement D is equivalent to Statement C, and that Statement D is true if n ≠ s. It then describes the case of a totally resonant short Gelfand-Tsetlin pattern before presenting the proof that Statement D implies Statement B. It shows that the reduction to Statement D is straightforward for Class I, but each of the remaining classes involves some nuances.Less
This chapter focuses on the language of resotopes and assumes that γLsubscript Greek small letter epsilon and γRsubscript Greek small letter epsilon are multiples of n for every totally resonant episode. It also recalls that s and d are the weights of the accordions under consideration. It begins with the proposition that Statement D is equivalent to Statement C, and that Statement D is true if n ≠ s. It then describes the case of a totally resonant short Gelfand-Tsetlin pattern before presenting the proof that Statement D implies Statement B. It shows that the reduction to Statement D is straightforward for Class I, but each of the remaining classes involves some nuances.
Philippe Carles and Jean-Louis Comolli
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628460391
- eISBN:
- 9781626740846
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628460391.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
Free Jazz/Black Power is a treatise on the racial and political implications of jazz and jazz criticism published in 1971 by two French jazz critics, Philippe Carles and Jean-Louis Comolli. The goal ...
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Free Jazz/Black Power is a treatise on the racial and political implications of jazz and jazz criticism published in 1971 by two French jazz critics, Philippe Carles and Jean-Louis Comolli. The goal of the book was to show that the strong and mostly negative reactions provoked by free jazz among classic jazz critics on both sides of the Atlantic could be better understood by analyzing the social, cultural and political origins of jazz itself, exposing its ties to African American culture, history, and the political struggle that was still raging in early 1970s USA. The authors analyze the circumstances of the production of jazz criticism as discourse, a work of cultural studies in a time and place where the practice as such was completely unknown. The book owes much to African American cultural and political thought. Carles and Comolli suggest that the African American struggle had to be seen as a singular branch of a worldwide class struggle, echoing more famous figures of the French Left of the time, such as Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, or Jean Genêt. Yet few were those that had articulated this de rigueur political backing with an in-depth cultural critique and analysis of the condition of African Americans informed by African Americans themselves.Less
Free Jazz/Black Power is a treatise on the racial and political implications of jazz and jazz criticism published in 1971 by two French jazz critics, Philippe Carles and Jean-Louis Comolli. The goal of the book was to show that the strong and mostly negative reactions provoked by free jazz among classic jazz critics on both sides of the Atlantic could be better understood by analyzing the social, cultural and political origins of jazz itself, exposing its ties to African American culture, history, and the political struggle that was still raging in early 1970s USA. The authors analyze the circumstances of the production of jazz criticism as discourse, a work of cultural studies in a time and place where the practice as such was completely unknown. The book owes much to African American cultural and political thought. Carles and Comolli suggest that the African American struggle had to be seen as a singular branch of a worldwide class struggle, echoing more famous figures of the French Left of the time, such as Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, or Jean Genêt. Yet few were those that had articulated this de rigueur political backing with an in-depth cultural critique and analysis of the condition of African Americans informed by African Americans themselves.
Dale Maharidge
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520262478
- eISBN:
- 9780520948792
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520262478.003.0023
- Subject:
- Anthropology, American and Canadian Cultural Anthropology
In an interview on July 21, 2009, Martha Kegel, executive director of UNITY of Greater New Orleans, described the proliferation of homelessness caused by the loss of 51,000 rental units. She also ...
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In an interview on July 21, 2009, Martha Kegel, executive director of UNITY of Greater New Orleans, described the proliferation of homelessness caused by the loss of 51,000 rental units. She also mentioned the people who were in such horrendous living conditions. Kegel could have been referring not just to New Orleans, but to the United States of America. It was as if someone decided to run a dark experiment to see what would occur if the government did everything in its power to ensure that high-paying, middle-class jobs would be destroyed and replaced with low-wage, service-sector jobs. A 2010 Brookings Institution report, citing 2008 data, revealed a startling fact: one-third of all Americans, 91.6 million people, fell below 200 percent of the federal poverty line, which was $21,834 for a family of four. From the beginning, one of the people Dale Maharidge have always looked to for guidance in gauging the impact of American decline has been Dr. John Russo, co-director of the Center for Working-Class Studies at Youngstown State University.Less
In an interview on July 21, 2009, Martha Kegel, executive director of UNITY of Greater New Orleans, described the proliferation of homelessness caused by the loss of 51,000 rental units. She also mentioned the people who were in such horrendous living conditions. Kegel could have been referring not just to New Orleans, but to the United States of America. It was as if someone decided to run a dark experiment to see what would occur if the government did everything in its power to ensure that high-paying, middle-class jobs would be destroyed and replaced with low-wage, service-sector jobs. A 2010 Brookings Institution report, citing 2008 data, revealed a startling fact: one-third of all Americans, 91.6 million people, fell below 200 percent of the federal poverty line, which was $21,834 for a family of four. From the beginning, one of the people Dale Maharidge have always looked to for guidance in gauging the impact of American decline has been Dr. John Russo, co-director of the Center for Working-Class Studies at Youngstown State University.
Philippe Carles and Jean-Louis Comolli
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628460391
- eISBN:
- 9781626740846
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628460391.003.0002
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
This chapter describes the state of the jazz scene in the late 1960s, relating the rise of free jazz to the rise of black power politics and culture and other radical developments in the African ...
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This chapter describes the state of the jazz scene in the late 1960s, relating the rise of free jazz to the rise of black power politics and culture and other radical developments in the African American community at the time. Music being at the forefront of African American culture, it is necessarily connected to African American politics.Less
This chapter describes the state of the jazz scene in the late 1960s, relating the rise of free jazz to the rise of black power politics and culture and other radical developments in the African American community at the time. Music being at the forefront of African American culture, it is necessarily connected to African American politics.
E. H. H. GREEN
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198205937
- eISBN:
- 9780191717116
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205937.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter reviews the Conservative decision at the Carlton Club meeting of 1922 to end the coalition with the Lloyd George Liberals, and examines the part played by the Conservative's identity as ...
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This chapter reviews the Conservative decision at the Carlton Club meeting of 1922 to end the coalition with the Lloyd George Liberals, and examines the part played by the Conservative's identity as the party of anti-socialism in this decision. Key issues discussed include the impact of taxation, the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, and the activism of the middle classes with the formation of the Middle Class Union, the Anti-Waste League, and the People's Union for Economy.Less
This chapter reviews the Conservative decision at the Carlton Club meeting of 1922 to end the coalition with the Lloyd George Liberals, and examines the part played by the Conservative's identity as the party of anti-socialism in this decision. Key issues discussed include the impact of taxation, the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, and the activism of the middle classes with the formation of the Middle Class Union, the Anti-Waste League, and the People's Union for Economy.
Daniel Renshaw
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781786941220
- eISBN:
- 9781789629316
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781786941220.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
Socialism and the Diasporic ‘Other’ simultaneously examines how left-wing politics functioned within the diasporic communities and how Irish and Jewish populations were viewed by the wider socialist ...
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Socialism and the Diasporic ‘Other’ simultaneously examines how left-wing politics functioned within the diasporic communities and how Irish and Jewish populations were viewed by the wider socialist and trade union movements. It discusses the similarities and differences in how politics and communal dynamics were apparent in the Irish and Jewish East Ends, and the relationships formed between Irish and Jewish women, men and children in numerous contexts. It also compares the structures and agendas of the Jewish and Catholic metropolitan hierarchies, and how communal leaderships attempted to maintain control over working class migrant communities. The book emphasises the lack of consistency in progressive attitudes towards ethnic and religious minorities in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods, and the use of ethnic difference as a way of demarcating political space in an often chaotic and fractured London left. It argues that there were two key major differences in the ways in which communal politics functioned in Jewish and Irish Catholic East London, the first based around the nature of hierarchical authority, and the second on how class relations manifested themselves in the communities. It roots the divergent paths that Jewish and Irish communal East End politics took before the First World War in these differences.Less
Socialism and the Diasporic ‘Other’ simultaneously examines how left-wing politics functioned within the diasporic communities and how Irish and Jewish populations were viewed by the wider socialist and trade union movements. It discusses the similarities and differences in how politics and communal dynamics were apparent in the Irish and Jewish East Ends, and the relationships formed between Irish and Jewish women, men and children in numerous contexts. It also compares the structures and agendas of the Jewish and Catholic metropolitan hierarchies, and how communal leaderships attempted to maintain control over working class migrant communities. The book emphasises the lack of consistency in progressive attitudes towards ethnic and religious minorities in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods, and the use of ethnic difference as a way of demarcating political space in an often chaotic and fractured London left. It argues that there were two key major differences in the ways in which communal politics functioned in Jewish and Irish Catholic East London, the first based around the nature of hierarchical authority, and the second on how class relations manifested themselves in the communities. It roots the divergent paths that Jewish and Irish communal East End politics took before the First World War in these differences.
Mieko Nishida
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780824867935
- eISBN:
- 9780824876951
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824867935.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
Much has been published on the history of Japanese immigration to Brazil, Japanese Brazilians in Brazil, and Japanese Brazilians’ “return” labor migrations to Japan (known as dekassegui). Yet none ...
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Much has been published on the history of Japanese immigration to Brazil, Japanese Brazilians in Brazil, and Japanese Brazilians’ “return” labor migrations to Japan (known as dekassegui). Yet none has gone beyond and above the essentialized categories of “the Japanese” in Brazil and “Brazilians” in Japan. This book demonstrates that Japanese Brazilian identity has never been a static, fixed set of traits that can be counted and inventoried. Rather it is about being and becoming, a process of identity in motion responding to the push-and-pull between being positioned and positioning in a historically changing world. The book is based on the author’s painstaking research in Brazil and Japan between 1997 and 2013, involving extensive life history interviews (and follow-ups) with 116 Japanese Brazilians of several generations and diverse social backgrounds, in combination with substantial archival research and multi-sited ethnographic fieldwork. This book examines Japanese immigrants and their descendants’ historically shifting sense of identity that comes from their engagement or experience of historical changes in socioeconomic and political structure. Each chapter illustrates how Japanese Brazilian identity is in formation, across generation, across gender, across class, across race, and in the movement of people between nations.Less
Much has been published on the history of Japanese immigration to Brazil, Japanese Brazilians in Brazil, and Japanese Brazilians’ “return” labor migrations to Japan (known as dekassegui). Yet none has gone beyond and above the essentialized categories of “the Japanese” in Brazil and “Brazilians” in Japan. This book demonstrates that Japanese Brazilian identity has never been a static, fixed set of traits that can be counted and inventoried. Rather it is about being and becoming, a process of identity in motion responding to the push-and-pull between being positioned and positioning in a historically changing world. The book is based on the author’s painstaking research in Brazil and Japan between 1997 and 2013, involving extensive life history interviews (and follow-ups) with 116 Japanese Brazilians of several generations and diverse social backgrounds, in combination with substantial archival research and multi-sited ethnographic fieldwork. This book examines Japanese immigrants and their descendants’ historically shifting sense of identity that comes from their engagement or experience of historical changes in socioeconomic and political structure. Each chapter illustrates how Japanese Brazilian identity is in formation, across generation, across gender, across class, across race, and in the movement of people between nations.
Anita Chari
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231173896
- eISBN:
- 9780231540384
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231173896.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter turns to an analysis of one of the most influential thinkers of reification critique, Georg Lukács who explored the crucial role that subjectivity played in the processes of the ...
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This chapter turns to an analysis of one of the most influential thinkers of reification critique, Georg Lukács who explored the crucial role that subjectivity played in the processes of the capitalist mode of production. This chapter argues that Lukács’s analysis of the subject’s reified stance in capitalism is crucial for reconnecting a critique of political economy with lived experiences and subjective perceptions of capitalist society.Less
This chapter turns to an analysis of one of the most influential thinkers of reification critique, Georg Lukács who explored the crucial role that subjectivity played in the processes of the capitalist mode of production. This chapter argues that Lukács’s analysis of the subject’s reified stance in capitalism is crucial for reconnecting a critique of political economy with lived experiences and subjective perceptions of capitalist society.
Fred C. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781617039560
- eISBN:
- 9781626740099
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781617039560.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The poor have always been with us. In the rural American South, the “bottom half” languished on the edge of survival since Reconstruction. When the Great Depression hit, their plight worsened. The ...
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The poor have always been with us. In the rural American South, the “bottom half” languished on the edge of survival since Reconstruction. When the Great Depression hit, their plight worsened. The New Deal – and the nation – responded with a radical and innovative solution. Model communities were created to help the rural poor, if not to attain full middle-class status, at least to escape peasantry. These communities, which I have dubbed “American Goshens,” would provide adequate nourishment, shelter, and financing plans for the working poor Remarkably, these 200-plus “Goshens,” such as the Tupelo Homesteads and Dyess Colony in Arkansas, were not just forged by New Deal policy-makers. A coalition of liberal Christians – led by Reinhold Niebuhr, and the Socialist Party of America built a bi-racial cooperative farm in the Mississippi Delta, the Delta Cooperative Farm at Hillhouse, Miss. The appeal of new and clean cottages, a parcel of land, and a liberal financing arrangement must have seemed to plain folk much like biblical Goshen seemed to the children of Israel. Indeed the announcement of the imminent creation of “Goshen” caused heretofore reluctant-to-write plain folk to inquire further of the conditions, of the requirements for admittance, and for information on how to apply. Ultimately, all the Goshens, designed to redeem and rescue the plain folk of the rural South, failed. This book examines why they were created, the economic theories that justified them, how they were built and managed, and why plain folk refused to live in Goshen.Less
The poor have always been with us. In the rural American South, the “bottom half” languished on the edge of survival since Reconstruction. When the Great Depression hit, their plight worsened. The New Deal – and the nation – responded with a radical and innovative solution. Model communities were created to help the rural poor, if not to attain full middle-class status, at least to escape peasantry. These communities, which I have dubbed “American Goshens,” would provide adequate nourishment, shelter, and financing plans for the working poor Remarkably, these 200-plus “Goshens,” such as the Tupelo Homesteads and Dyess Colony in Arkansas, were not just forged by New Deal policy-makers. A coalition of liberal Christians – led by Reinhold Niebuhr, and the Socialist Party of America built a bi-racial cooperative farm in the Mississippi Delta, the Delta Cooperative Farm at Hillhouse, Miss. The appeal of new and clean cottages, a parcel of land, and a liberal financing arrangement must have seemed to plain folk much like biblical Goshen seemed to the children of Israel. Indeed the announcement of the imminent creation of “Goshen” caused heretofore reluctant-to-write plain folk to inquire further of the conditions, of the requirements for admittance, and for information on how to apply. Ultimately, all the Goshens, designed to redeem and rescue the plain folk of the rural South, failed. This book examines why they were created, the economic theories that justified them, how they were built and managed, and why plain folk refused to live in Goshen.
Roy L. Brooks
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780300223309
- eISBN:
- 9780300227611
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300223309.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Beyond the conventional sources of racial inequality—racism for liberals and a dysfunctional black culture for conservatives—lies a source of racial inequality little discussed or studied in our ...
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Beyond the conventional sources of racial inequality—racism for liberals and a dysfunctional black culture for conservatives—lies a source of racial inequality little discussed or studied in our society. This book maps out that terrain, using the term “racial subordination” to define racial inequality that is a byproduct of individual or institutional action that consciously forgoes an opportunity to advance racial progress for the sake of pursuing a legitimate, nonracist competing interest. While not racism, this non-nefarious source of racial inequality is not racial innocence. Though the subordinator is not on the same hook as the racist, he or she is still on the hook—a different hook. Moving the debate over racial inequality from discrimination discourse to subordination discourse, this book demonstrates how the Supreme Court engages in “juridical subordination” and how the American mainstream culture, even with its commitment to cultural diversity, commits “cultural subordination” time after time. Racism remains a large problem in our society but eliminating it will not end racial inequality. Racism and racial inequality are not coterminous. Unless we also deal with racial subordination, blacks, or African Americans, will effectively face a racial glass ceiling. Breaking through that ceiling involves confronting complex and uncomfortable questions about what we value most as Americans.Less
Beyond the conventional sources of racial inequality—racism for liberals and a dysfunctional black culture for conservatives—lies a source of racial inequality little discussed or studied in our society. This book maps out that terrain, using the term “racial subordination” to define racial inequality that is a byproduct of individual or institutional action that consciously forgoes an opportunity to advance racial progress for the sake of pursuing a legitimate, nonracist competing interest. While not racism, this non-nefarious source of racial inequality is not racial innocence. Though the subordinator is not on the same hook as the racist, he or she is still on the hook—a different hook. Moving the debate over racial inequality from discrimination discourse to subordination discourse, this book demonstrates how the Supreme Court engages in “juridical subordination” and how the American mainstream culture, even with its commitment to cultural diversity, commits “cultural subordination” time after time. Racism remains a large problem in our society but eliminating it will not end racial inequality. Racism and racial inequality are not coterminous. Unless we also deal with racial subordination, blacks, or African Americans, will effectively face a racial glass ceiling. Breaking through that ceiling involves confronting complex and uncomfortable questions about what we value most as Americans.
John R. Petrocik
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199764013
- eISBN:
- 9780199897186
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199764013.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The chapter is a narrative about the diversity of the American party coalitions and how that diversity influences the issue agendas of the parties, the conduct of elections, and, particularly, the ...
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The chapter is a narrative about the diversity of the American party coalitions and how that diversity influences the issue agendas of the parties, the conduct of elections, and, particularly, the relationship between issue preferences and voting choices in the contemporary period. The analysis demonstrates that election dynamics are largely unchanged despite a substantial restructuring of the party coalitions over the last few decades. The current parties are more symbolically polarized but they continue to be internally fractured by many issues. The result is electoral competition between parties that require candidates and office-holders who can broker centrifugal diversity and capitalize on it in order to win elections. Losses precipitate struggles within the losing party in an effort to come to terms with their diversity.Less
The chapter is a narrative about the diversity of the American party coalitions and how that diversity influences the issue agendas of the parties, the conduct of elections, and, particularly, the relationship between issue preferences and voting choices in the contemporary period. The analysis demonstrates that election dynamics are largely unchanged despite a substantial restructuring of the party coalitions over the last few decades. The current parties are more symbolically polarized but they continue to be internally fractured by many issues. The result is electoral competition between parties that require candidates and office-holders who can broker centrifugal diversity and capitalize on it in order to win elections. Losses precipitate struggles within the losing party in an effort to come to terms with their diversity.
Jonathan Pattenden
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719089145
- eISBN:
- 9781526109583
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089145.003.0009
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
The conclusion provides an overview of the book’s main arguments while looking ahead to the future. In contrast to ‘residual’ and some ‘semi-relational’ approaches to poverty, the book has argued ...
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The conclusion provides an overview of the book’s main arguments while looking ahead to the future. In contrast to ‘residual’ and some ‘semi-relational’ approaches to poverty, the book has argued that analysis of class relations is central to understanding the conditions of classes of labour, and the possibilities for pro-labouring class change. Class relations have been analysed primarily in terms of changing forms of exploitation and domination, and the ways they are mediated by forms of collective action and the state. As the bases of classes of labour’s reproduction and patterns of capitalist accumulation are modified, so too are the ways in which labour is controlled and is able to extract concessions from capital and the state. The uneven trajectories of class relations have been illustrated through longitudinal fieldwork material in a number of south Indian villages. Labour relations differ in form between villages with greater and lesser levels of irrigation, between villages that are more or less tightly integrated into non-agricultural labour markets, between those where accumulation remains focused on agriculture or has become more oriented around the state, and between the countryside and the city. While local government institutions and ‘neoliberal’ civil society organisations tend to reinforce the status quo, the interplay of labouring class organisation and pro-labour government policy can produce minor gains for classes of labour. If both can be scaled up, labour’s conditions improve, and the possibilities for more broad-based social change increase.Less
The conclusion provides an overview of the book’s main arguments while looking ahead to the future. In contrast to ‘residual’ and some ‘semi-relational’ approaches to poverty, the book has argued that analysis of class relations is central to understanding the conditions of classes of labour, and the possibilities for pro-labouring class change. Class relations have been analysed primarily in terms of changing forms of exploitation and domination, and the ways they are mediated by forms of collective action and the state. As the bases of classes of labour’s reproduction and patterns of capitalist accumulation are modified, so too are the ways in which labour is controlled and is able to extract concessions from capital and the state. The uneven trajectories of class relations have been illustrated through longitudinal fieldwork material in a number of south Indian villages. Labour relations differ in form between villages with greater and lesser levels of irrigation, between villages that are more or less tightly integrated into non-agricultural labour markets, between those where accumulation remains focused on agriculture or has become more oriented around the state, and between the countryside and the city. While local government institutions and ‘neoliberal’ civil society organisations tend to reinforce the status quo, the interplay of labouring class organisation and pro-labour government policy can produce minor gains for classes of labour. If both can be scaled up, labour’s conditions improve, and the possibilities for more broad-based social change increase.
Jonathan Pattenden
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719089145
- eISBN:
- 9781526109583
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089145.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
Intended for researchers, students, policymakers and practitioners, this book draws on detailed longitudinal fieldwork in rural south India to analyse the conditions of the rural poor and their ...
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Intended for researchers, students, policymakers and practitioners, this book draws on detailed longitudinal fieldwork in rural south India to analyse the conditions of the rural poor and their patterns of change. Focusing on the three interrelated arenas of production, state, and civil society, it argues for a class-relational approach focused on forms of exploitation, domination and accumulation. The book focuses on class relations, how they are mediated by state institutions and civil society organisations, and how they vary within the countryside, when rural-based labour migrates to the city, and according to patterns of accumulation, caste dynamics, and villages’ levels of irrigation and degrees of remoteness. More specifically it analyses class relations in the agriculture and construction sectors, and among local government institutions, social movements, community-based organisations and NGOs. It shows how the dominant class reproduces its control over labour by shaping the activities of increasingly prominent local government institutions, and by exerting influence over the mass of new community-based organisations whose formation has been fostered by neoliberal policy. The book is centrally concerned with countervailing moves to improve the position of classes of labour. Increasingly informalised and segmented across multiple occupations in multiple locations, India’s ‘classes of labour’ are far from passive in the face of ongoing processes of exploitation and domination. Forms of labouring class organisation are often small-scale and tend to be oriented around the state and social policy. Despite their limitations, the book argues that such forms of contestation of government policy currently play a significant role in strategies for redistributing power and resources towards the labouring class, and suggests that they can help to clear the way for more broad-based and fundamental social change.Less
Intended for researchers, students, policymakers and practitioners, this book draws on detailed longitudinal fieldwork in rural south India to analyse the conditions of the rural poor and their patterns of change. Focusing on the three interrelated arenas of production, state, and civil society, it argues for a class-relational approach focused on forms of exploitation, domination and accumulation. The book focuses on class relations, how they are mediated by state institutions and civil society organisations, and how they vary within the countryside, when rural-based labour migrates to the city, and according to patterns of accumulation, caste dynamics, and villages’ levels of irrigation and degrees of remoteness. More specifically it analyses class relations in the agriculture and construction sectors, and among local government institutions, social movements, community-based organisations and NGOs. It shows how the dominant class reproduces its control over labour by shaping the activities of increasingly prominent local government institutions, and by exerting influence over the mass of new community-based organisations whose formation has been fostered by neoliberal policy. The book is centrally concerned with countervailing moves to improve the position of classes of labour. Increasingly informalised and segmented across multiple occupations in multiple locations, India’s ‘classes of labour’ are far from passive in the face of ongoing processes of exploitation and domination. Forms of labouring class organisation are often small-scale and tend to be oriented around the state and social policy. Despite their limitations, the book argues that such forms of contestation of government policy currently play a significant role in strategies for redistributing power and resources towards the labouring class, and suggests that they can help to clear the way for more broad-based and fundamental social change.
Nick Mansfield
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781781382783
- eISBN:
- 9781781383964
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9781781382783.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
The book outlines how class is the single most important factor in understanding the British army in the period of industrialisation. It challenges the ‘ruffians officered by gentlemen’ theory of ...
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The book outlines how class is the single most important factor in understanding the British army in the period of industrialisation. It challenges the ‘ruffians officered by gentlemen’ theory of military historians and demonstrates how service in the ranks was not confined to ‘the scum of the earth’ but included a cross section of ‘respectable’ working class men. Common soldiers represent a huge unstudied occupational group. They worked as artisans, servants and dealers, displaying pre-enlistment working class attitudes and evidencing low level class conflict. Soldiers continued as members of the working class after discharge, with military service forming one phase of their careers and overall life experience. Most common soldiers had time on their hands and were allowed to work at a wide variety of jobs, analysed here for the first time. Many serving soldiers continued to work as regimental tradesmen, or skilled artificers. Others worked as officers’ servants or were allowed to run small businesses, providing goods and services to their comrades. Some forged extraordinary careers which surpassed any opportunities in civilian life. All the soldiers studied retained much of their working class way of life. This was evidenced in a contract culture similar to that of the civilian trade unions. Within disciplined boundaries, army life resulted in all sorts of low level class conflict. The book explores these by covering drinking, desertion, feigned illness, self harm, strikes and go-slows. It further describes mutinies, back chat, looting, fraternisation, foreign service, suicide and even the shooting of unpopular officers.Less
The book outlines how class is the single most important factor in understanding the British army in the period of industrialisation. It challenges the ‘ruffians officered by gentlemen’ theory of military historians and demonstrates how service in the ranks was not confined to ‘the scum of the earth’ but included a cross section of ‘respectable’ working class men. Common soldiers represent a huge unstudied occupational group. They worked as artisans, servants and dealers, displaying pre-enlistment working class attitudes and evidencing low level class conflict. Soldiers continued as members of the working class after discharge, with military service forming one phase of their careers and overall life experience. Most common soldiers had time on their hands and were allowed to work at a wide variety of jobs, analysed here for the first time. Many serving soldiers continued to work as regimental tradesmen, or skilled artificers. Others worked as officers’ servants or were allowed to run small businesses, providing goods and services to their comrades. Some forged extraordinary careers which surpassed any opportunities in civilian life. All the soldiers studied retained much of their working class way of life. This was evidenced in a contract culture similar to that of the civilian trade unions. Within disciplined boundaries, army life resulted in all sorts of low level class conflict. The book explores these by covering drinking, desertion, feigned illness, self harm, strikes and go-slows. It further describes mutinies, back chat, looting, fraternisation, foreign service, suicide and even the shooting of unpopular officers.
Louis Moore
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780252041341
- eISBN:
- 9780252099946
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041341.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Sport and Leisure
At its heart, I Fight for a Living is a book about black men who came of age in the Reconstruction and early Jim Crow era--a time when the remaking of white manhood was at its most intense, placing ...
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At its heart, I Fight for a Living is a book about black men who came of age in the Reconstruction and early Jim Crow era--a time when the remaking of white manhood was at its most intense, placing vigor and physicality at the center of the construction of manliness. The book uses the stories of black fighters’ lives, from 1880 to 1915, to explore how working-class black men used prizefighting and the sporting culture to assert their manhood in a country that denied their equality, and to examine the reactions by the black middle class and white middle class toward these black fighters. Through these stories, the book explores how the assertion of this working-class manliness confronted American ideas of race and manliness. While other works on black fighters have explored black boxers as individuals, this book seeks to study these men as a collective group while providing a localized and racialized response to black working-class manhood. It was a tough bargain to risk one’s body to prove manhood, but black men across the globe took that chance.Less
At its heart, I Fight for a Living is a book about black men who came of age in the Reconstruction and early Jim Crow era--a time when the remaking of white manhood was at its most intense, placing vigor and physicality at the center of the construction of manliness. The book uses the stories of black fighters’ lives, from 1880 to 1915, to explore how working-class black men used prizefighting and the sporting culture to assert their manhood in a country that denied their equality, and to examine the reactions by the black middle class and white middle class toward these black fighters. Through these stories, the book explores how the assertion of this working-class manliness confronted American ideas of race and manliness. While other works on black fighters have explored black boxers as individuals, this book seeks to study these men as a collective group while providing a localized and racialized response to black working-class manhood. It was a tough bargain to risk one’s body to prove manhood, but black men across the globe took that chance.
Tim Allender
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719085796
- eISBN:
- 9781526104298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719085796.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
This chapter examines how missionary education feminised medical learning outcomes in India. Male medical colleges in each major Indian province were citadels that were cleverly infiltrated by female ...
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This chapter examines how missionary education feminised medical learning outcomes in India. Male medical colleges in each major Indian province were citadels that were cleverly infiltrated by female medical activists. The activism of these European females was still driven by a largely unremitting Western feminine discipline that enshrined a strong belief in the sanitation procedures of the West, which offered remedies for an ‘unclean’ Indian East. This approach was especially apparent when large numbers of Indian nurses and dais (midwives) entered into some form of Western training, even though this training also broke down some of the race barriers still strongly in place concerning female teaching. Feminist doctors in India contested the operation by males of large funding bodies like the Lady Dufferin Fund. Yet they were to keep their struggle against colonial men within the bounds of their colonial European communities, rather than attempting to instil a similar brand of feminism in their Indian female counterparts.Less
This chapter examines how missionary education feminised medical learning outcomes in India. Male medical colleges in each major Indian province were citadels that were cleverly infiltrated by female medical activists. The activism of these European females was still driven by a largely unremitting Western feminine discipline that enshrined a strong belief in the sanitation procedures of the West, which offered remedies for an ‘unclean’ Indian East. This approach was especially apparent when large numbers of Indian nurses and dais (midwives) entered into some form of Western training, even though this training also broke down some of the race barriers still strongly in place concerning female teaching. Feminist doctors in India contested the operation by males of large funding bodies like the Lady Dufferin Fund. Yet they were to keep their struggle against colonial men within the bounds of their colonial European communities, rather than attempting to instil a similar brand of feminism in their Indian female counterparts.
John F. Kvach
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813144207
- eISBN:
- 9780813144481
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813144207.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Between 1846 and 1867 J. D. B. De Bow, the editor of De Bow’s Review, promoted agricultural reform, urbanization, industrialization, and commercial development in the nineteenth-century American ...
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Between 1846 and 1867 J. D. B. De Bow, the editor of De Bow’s Review, promoted agricultural reform, urbanization, industrialization, and commercial development in the nineteenth-century American South. His monthly journal appealed to thousands of antebellum southerners with similar interests in a modern market economy. His vision and his readers’ support of economic and social diversification predated the rhetoric of postbellum boosters who promised a “New South” after the Civil War. De Bow created an economic plan that resonated among urban, middle-class merchants and professionals, wealthy planters, and prominent industrialists. Like their postbellum counterparts, these antebellum innovators shared a similar message of hope for the future. De Bow successfully consolidated modern economic goals into a cohesive plan, and his reverence for past traditions helped legitimize the future transformation of the South. Although debates over slavery and sectionalism overwhelmed the original intent of the Review, he recovered his editorial balance after supporting secession and experiencing the misery of the Civil War. He rededicated himself to regional economic improvement and asked readers to help reintegrate the South back into the national economy. His comprehensive postwar plan for southern recovery came from his prewar editorial work. Although he died before the next generation of boosters began their public campaign for a New South, De Bow had made the first and most significant contribution to their New South Creed. His anticipation of a modern economy helped create hope for a New South long before the demise of the Old South.Less
Between 1846 and 1867 J. D. B. De Bow, the editor of De Bow’s Review, promoted agricultural reform, urbanization, industrialization, and commercial development in the nineteenth-century American South. His monthly journal appealed to thousands of antebellum southerners with similar interests in a modern market economy. His vision and his readers’ support of economic and social diversification predated the rhetoric of postbellum boosters who promised a “New South” after the Civil War. De Bow created an economic plan that resonated among urban, middle-class merchants and professionals, wealthy planters, and prominent industrialists. Like their postbellum counterparts, these antebellum innovators shared a similar message of hope for the future. De Bow successfully consolidated modern economic goals into a cohesive plan, and his reverence for past traditions helped legitimize the future transformation of the South. Although debates over slavery and sectionalism overwhelmed the original intent of the Review, he recovered his editorial balance after supporting secession and experiencing the misery of the Civil War. He rededicated himself to regional economic improvement and asked readers to help reintegrate the South back into the national economy. His comprehensive postwar plan for southern recovery came from his prewar editorial work. Although he died before the next generation of boosters began their public campaign for a New South, De Bow had made the first and most significant contribution to their New South Creed. His anticipation of a modern economy helped create hope for a New South long before the demise of the Old South.
Katherine Irwin and Karen Umemoto
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520283022
- eISBN:
- 9780520958883
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520283022.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
Based on a nine years of ethnographic research, the authors examine multiple inequalities that underscore youth violence. They feature the experiences of inner city as well as rural girls and boys in ...
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Based on a nine years of ethnographic research, the authors examine multiple inequalities that underscore youth violence. They feature the experiences of inner city as well as rural girls and boys in Hawai‘i who face racism, sexism, poverty, and political neglect in the context of two hundred years of American colonial control in the Pacific. The authors highlight how legacies injustice endure as challenges in the present, prompting teens to fight for dignity and the chance to thrive in America – a nation that the youth described as inherently “jacked up” and “unjust.” While the story begins with the youth battling multiple contingencies, it ends on a hopeful note, as we see many of the teens overcome numerous hardships, often with the help of steadfast, caring adults.Less
Based on a nine years of ethnographic research, the authors examine multiple inequalities that underscore youth violence. They feature the experiences of inner city as well as rural girls and boys in Hawai‘i who face racism, sexism, poverty, and political neglect in the context of two hundred years of American colonial control in the Pacific. The authors highlight how legacies injustice endure as challenges in the present, prompting teens to fight for dignity and the chance to thrive in America – a nation that the youth described as inherently “jacked up” and “unjust.” While the story begins with the youth battling multiple contingencies, it ends on a hopeful note, as we see many of the teens overcome numerous hardships, often with the help of steadfast, caring adults.
