George A. Rutherglen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199739707
- eISBN:
- 9780199979363
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199739707.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History, Human Rights and Immigration
This book recounts the history of the nation's first civil rights act, from its passage in 1866 through its interpretation and reenactment in developments that reach the present day. The Civil Rights ...
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This book recounts the history of the nation's first civil rights act, from its passage in 1866 through its interpretation and reenactment in developments that reach the present day. The Civil Rights Act of 1866 created civil rights as we now know them, and it exercised a deep and continuing influence over the constitutional and statutory protection of these rights. Almost all of the controversy over civil rights, from the scope of federal prohibitions against private discrimination to the remedies available to victims of civil rights violations, finds its roots in debates over the act. These issues are important in themselves, and all the more so because they exemplify the complementary roles of the legislature and the judiciary in giving meaning to the constitutional ideal of equality in public life. This book offers an appreciation of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, hitherto regarded in only selective and partial perspective, and provides a comprehensive view of the act over nearly a century and a half and a detailed account of its leading role in making civil rights a reality.Less
This book recounts the history of the nation's first civil rights act, from its passage in 1866 through its interpretation and reenactment in developments that reach the present day. The Civil Rights Act of 1866 created civil rights as we now know them, and it exercised a deep and continuing influence over the constitutional and statutory protection of these rights. Almost all of the controversy over civil rights, from the scope of federal prohibitions against private discrimination to the remedies available to victims of civil rights violations, finds its roots in debates over the act. These issues are important in themselves, and all the more so because they exemplify the complementary roles of the legislature and the judiciary in giving meaning to the constitutional ideal of equality in public life. This book offers an appreciation of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, hitherto regarded in only selective and partial perspective, and provides a comprehensive view of the act over nearly a century and a half and a detailed account of its leading role in making civil rights a reality.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines how the federal government and black protest organizations intervened in southern authoritarian enclaves, with a particular focus on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting ...
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This chapter examines how the federal government and black protest organizations intervened in southern authoritarian enclaves, with a particular focus on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 as well as the reform of the National Democratic Party during the period 1964–1972. It first considers state authorities' consensus preference for effecting a “harnessed revolution” before discussing the challenges posed by the Civil and Voting rights acts to southern enclaves. It then describes the degree to which outsiders interfered in enclaves' responses to these landmark statutes, including federal oversight of voting rights in the Deep South and deployments by black protest organizations. It concludes by analyzing the McGovern–Fraser national Democratic party reforms of 1968–1972.Less
This chapter examines how the federal government and black protest organizations intervened in southern authoritarian enclaves, with a particular focus on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 as well as the reform of the National Democratic Party during the period 1964–1972. It first considers state authorities' consensus preference for effecting a “harnessed revolution” before discussing the challenges posed by the Civil and Voting rights acts to southern enclaves. It then describes the degree to which outsiders interfered in enclaves' responses to these landmark statutes, including federal oversight of voting rights in the Deep South and deployments by black protest organizations. It concludes by analyzing the McGovern–Fraser national Democratic party reforms of 1968–1972.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement ...
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Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement whereby Black Americans, as a minority, were systematically treated in separate, but constitutionally sanctioned, ways. He examines various laws and policies that condoned segregation ever since the Supreme Court accepted the ‘separate but equal’ doctrine as a justification of segregation in 1896 up until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. King also examines the congressional and presidential politics of race relations under the administrations of Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry Truman.Less
Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement whereby Black Americans, as a minority, were systematically treated in separate, but constitutionally sanctioned, ways. He examines various laws and policies that condoned segregation ever since the Supreme Court accepted the ‘separate but equal’ doctrine as a justification of segregation in 1896 up until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. King also examines the congressional and presidential politics of race relations under the administrations of Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry Truman.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
King explores the position of Black Americans in the Federal government since the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which he claims empowered the US Department of Justice extensively to investigate and ...
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King explores the position of Black Americans in the Federal government since the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which he claims empowered the US Department of Justice extensively to investigate and prosecute discrimination and other abuses of citizens’ rights. He provides numerous table and data documenting improvements for Black Americans, both in terms of numbers and promotions within federal government employment positions. King concludes by examining multiple legacies of the US federal government's collusion in maintaining segregated relations for contemporary American politics.Less
King explores the position of Black Americans in the Federal government since the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which he claims empowered the US Department of Justice extensively to investigate and prosecute discrimination and other abuses of citizens’ rights. He provides numerous table and data documenting improvements for Black Americans, both in terms of numbers and promotions within federal government employment positions. King concludes by examining multiple legacies of the US federal government's collusion in maintaining segregated relations for contemporary American politics.
Amy Dru Stanley
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469624181
- eISBN:
- 9781469624204
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469624181.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter examines the Civil Rights Act of 1875, also known as the Supplementary Civil Rights Act because it was intended as a supplement to the 1866 Civil Rights Act, from a human rights ...
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This chapter examines the Civil Rights Act of 1875, also known as the Supplementary Civil Rights Act because it was intended as a supplement to the 1866 Civil Rights Act, from a human rights perspective. The 1875 act, grounded in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments, was enacted as a culminating decree of slave emancipation and newly defined pleasurable liberties as affirmative rights. The supplement was struck down by the Supreme Court in the Civil Rights Cases of 1883 for encroaching on state sovereignty. This chapter considers the debate in Congress over the issue of human rights and argues that the Civil Rights Act of 1875—despite being aborted—represents a turning point in the abolition of slavery and the emergence of human rights.Less
This chapter examines the Civil Rights Act of 1875, also known as the Supplementary Civil Rights Act because it was intended as a supplement to the 1866 Civil Rights Act, from a human rights perspective. The 1875 act, grounded in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments, was enacted as a culminating decree of slave emancipation and newly defined pleasurable liberties as affirmative rights. The supplement was struck down by the Supreme Court in the Civil Rights Cases of 1883 for encroaching on state sovereignty. This chapter considers the debate in Congress over the issue of human rights and argues that the Civil Rights Act of 1875—despite being aborted—represents a turning point in the abolition of slavery and the emergence of human rights.
Timothy J. Minchin and John A. Salmond
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813129785
- eISBN:
- 9780813135625
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813129785.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Martin Luther King's 1965 address from Montgomery, Alabama, the center of much racial conflict at the time and the location of the well-publicized bus boycott a decade earlier, is often considered by ...
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Martin Luther King's 1965 address from Montgomery, Alabama, the center of much racial conflict at the time and the location of the well-publicized bus boycott a decade earlier, is often considered by historians to be the culmination of the civil rights era in American history. In his momentous speech, King declared that segregation was “on its deathbed” and that the movement had already achieved significant milestones. Although the civil rights movement had won many battles in the struggle for racial equality by the mid-1960s, including legislation to guarantee black voting rights and to desegregate public accommodations, the fight to implement the new laws was just starting. In reality, King's speech in Montgomery represented a new beginning rather than a conclusion to the movement, a fact that King acknowledged in the address. This book begins where many histories of the civil rights movement end, with King's triumphant march from the iconic battleground of Selma to Montgomery. The book focuses on events in the South following the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. It examines the social, economic, and political implications of these laws in the decades following their passage, discussing the empowerment of black southerners, white resistance, accommodation and acceptance, and the nation's political will. The book also provides a fascinating history of the often-overlooked period of race relations during the presidential administrations of Ford, Carter, Reagan, and both George H. W. and George W. Bush.Less
Martin Luther King's 1965 address from Montgomery, Alabama, the center of much racial conflict at the time and the location of the well-publicized bus boycott a decade earlier, is often considered by historians to be the culmination of the civil rights era in American history. In his momentous speech, King declared that segregation was “on its deathbed” and that the movement had already achieved significant milestones. Although the civil rights movement had won many battles in the struggle for racial equality by the mid-1960s, including legislation to guarantee black voting rights and to desegregate public accommodations, the fight to implement the new laws was just starting. In reality, King's speech in Montgomery represented a new beginning rather than a conclusion to the movement, a fact that King acknowledged in the address. This book begins where many histories of the civil rights movement end, with King's triumphant march from the iconic battleground of Selma to Montgomery. The book focuses on events in the South following the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. It examines the social, economic, and political implications of these laws in the decades following their passage, discussing the empowerment of black southerners, white resistance, accommodation and acceptance, and the nation's political will. The book also provides a fascinating history of the often-overlooked period of race relations during the presidential administrations of Ford, Carter, Reagan, and both George H. W. and George W. Bush.
Christopher W. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226522302
- eISBN:
- 9780226522586
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226522586.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter centers on the people who crafted, debated, and made into law the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Of the various provisions in this landmark legislation, none was recognized as more important ...
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This chapter centers on the people who crafted, debated, and made into law the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Of the various provisions in this landmark legislation, none was recognized as more important or more controversial at the time of passage than Title II, the section that prohibited racial discrimination in restaurants, hotels, and other public accommodations. The focus of this chapter is on a lesser-known element in the history of this famous piece of federal legislation: the role the constitutional questions that the sit-in movement raised about the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment played in the struggle for a federal public accommodations law. With the passage of the Civil Rights Act, Congress would do what the Supreme Court had not: provide a national remedy for the claim to nondiscriminatory treatment that the sit-in protesters had demanded four years earlier at lunch counters across the South. The chapter concludes by returning to the Supreme Court, where the justices considered constitutional challenges to the Civil Rights Act and the effect of the new law on the thousands of sit-ins cases that remained on appeal.Less
This chapter centers on the people who crafted, debated, and made into law the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Of the various provisions in this landmark legislation, none was recognized as more important or more controversial at the time of passage than Title II, the section that prohibited racial discrimination in restaurants, hotels, and other public accommodations. The focus of this chapter is on a lesser-known element in the history of this famous piece of federal legislation: the role the constitutional questions that the sit-in movement raised about the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment played in the struggle for a federal public accommodations law. With the passage of the Civil Rights Act, Congress would do what the Supreme Court had not: provide a national remedy for the claim to nondiscriminatory treatment that the sit-in protesters had demanded four years earlier at lunch counters across the South. The chapter concludes by returning to the Supreme Court, where the justices considered constitutional challenges to the Civil Rights Act and the effect of the new law on the thousands of sit-ins cases that remained on appeal.
Sylvia Ellis
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813044569
- eISBN:
- 9780813046174
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813044569.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter discusses how and why civil rights was a priority for President Johnson during his first two years in the White House. Within days of becoming president, after the shocking assassination ...
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This chapter discusses how and why civil rights was a priority for President Johnson during his first two years in the White House. Within days of becoming president, after the shocking assassination of John F. Kennedy in Johnson's home state of Texas, LBJ signalled his overwhelming commitment to the civil rights cause. He met regularly with civil rights leaders to discuss legislative developments, the appointment of African Americans to key political positions, and the Great Society programs that benefited the African American community. The high point of his association with the civil rights movement came with the passage of two pieces of landmark legislation: the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Chapter 4 discusses the part played by the Selma to Montgomery marches in Johnson's legislative plans and examines the high political cost of his commitment to civil rights after his overwhelming victory in the 1964 presidential electionLess
This chapter discusses how and why civil rights was a priority for President Johnson during his first two years in the White House. Within days of becoming president, after the shocking assassination of John F. Kennedy in Johnson's home state of Texas, LBJ signalled his overwhelming commitment to the civil rights cause. He met regularly with civil rights leaders to discuss legislative developments, the appointment of African Americans to key political positions, and the Great Society programs that benefited the African American community. The high point of his association with the civil rights movement came with the passage of two pieces of landmark legislation: the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Chapter 4 discusses the part played by the Selma to Montgomery marches in Johnson's legislative plans and examines the high political cost of his commitment to civil rights after his overwhelming victory in the 1964 presidential election
George Rutherglen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199739707
- eISBN:
- 9780199979363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199739707.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History, Human Rights and Immigration
The 1866 Act led directly to adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment and provided the template for section 1 of that amendment, with its famous clauses granting citizenship, protecting privileges and ...
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The 1866 Act led directly to adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment and provided the template for section 1 of that amendment, with its famous clauses granting citizenship, protecting privileges and immunities, guaranteeing equal protection, and providing for due process. The Fourteenth Amendment also granted Congress the power to enforce these provisions by appropriate legislation and it immediately exercised that power to reenact the 1866 Act, removing doubts about its constitutionality and also extending most provisions beyond citizens to aliens. Further civil rights acts modeled on the 1866 Act followed, among them the statute now known as section 1983, generally authorizing claims for denials of federal rights under color of state law, and the Civil Rights Act of 1875, prohibiting discrimination in public accommodations. The latter was soon struck down, but it anticipated major civil rights legislation in the twentieth century. In all of these respects, the 1866 Act showed itself to be an important source of civil rights law.Less
The 1866 Act led directly to adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment and provided the template for section 1 of that amendment, with its famous clauses granting citizenship, protecting privileges and immunities, guaranteeing equal protection, and providing for due process. The Fourteenth Amendment also granted Congress the power to enforce these provisions by appropriate legislation and it immediately exercised that power to reenact the 1866 Act, removing doubts about its constitutionality and also extending most provisions beyond citizens to aliens. Further civil rights acts modeled on the 1866 Act followed, among them the statute now known as section 1983, generally authorizing claims for denials of federal rights under color of state law, and the Civil Rights Act of 1875, prohibiting discrimination in public accommodations. The latter was soon struck down, but it anticipated major civil rights legislation in the twentieth century. In all of these respects, the 1866 Act showed itself to be an important source of civil rights law.
Julian E. Zelizer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195382419
- eISBN:
- 9780199932641
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195382419.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Despite the role that Congress would play in the eventual passage of legislation like the Civil Rights Act 1964 and the Voting Rights Act 1965, its role during the war has traditionally been ...
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Despite the role that Congress would play in the eventual passage of legislation like the Civil Rights Act 1964 and the Voting Rights Act 1965, its role during the war has traditionally been overshadowed by a focus on the steps towards racial equality taken by the Supreme Court and the White House. The war years did not pave the way for those later developments but instead represented a period of conservative retrenchment in Congress. Southern Democrats tightened their grip on the reins of power during the war. Inside key committees, they crushed many nascent efforts at reform; in the House and Senate, they worked with conservative Republican allies to stop the rest. In the end, southern Democrats succeeded in stalling meaningful civil rights legislation. As a result, congressional conservatives emerged from the war more confident in their abilities to prevent change and more determined to use them to defend white supremacy in the postwar era. Yet there was one unexpected legacy of conservative defiance. Incoming young liberal Democrats learned the importance of controlling congressional machinery.Less
Despite the role that Congress would play in the eventual passage of legislation like the Civil Rights Act 1964 and the Voting Rights Act 1965, its role during the war has traditionally been overshadowed by a focus on the steps towards racial equality taken by the Supreme Court and the White House. The war years did not pave the way for those later developments but instead represented a period of conservative retrenchment in Congress. Southern Democrats tightened their grip on the reins of power during the war. Inside key committees, they crushed many nascent efforts at reform; in the House and Senate, they worked with conservative Republican allies to stop the rest. In the end, southern Democrats succeeded in stalling meaningful civil rights legislation. As a result, congressional conservatives emerged from the war more confident in their abilities to prevent change and more determined to use them to defend white supremacy in the postwar era. Yet there was one unexpected legacy of conservative defiance. Incoming young liberal Democrats learned the importance of controlling congressional machinery.
Timothy J. Minchin and John A. Salmond
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813129785
- eISBN:
- 9780813135625
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813129785.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Journalist Steven A. Holmes suggested that there were “two George Bushes” in terms of civil rights. One was the one who advocated equality and attempted to terminate segregation as he hired the first ...
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Journalist Steven A. Holmes suggested that there were “two George Bushes” in terms of civil rights. One was the one who advocated equality and attempted to terminate segregation as he hired the first black chairman for the Joint Chiefs of Staff and donated to the United Negro College Fund. The other, however, featured racist Willie Horton advertisements, appointed a conservative to the Supreme Court, and constantly made threats towards the Civil Rights Act of 1991. As such, George Bush's presidency was often characterized with a dualism towards civil rights. It is important to note, though, that Bush's term began with high support from the African American community when compared to the support received for other Republican presidents. This chapter explores some of the complexities of Bush's administration in terms of civil rights.Less
Journalist Steven A. Holmes suggested that there were “two George Bushes” in terms of civil rights. One was the one who advocated equality and attempted to terminate segregation as he hired the first black chairman for the Joint Chiefs of Staff and donated to the United Negro College Fund. The other, however, featured racist Willie Horton advertisements, appointed a conservative to the Supreme Court, and constantly made threats towards the Civil Rights Act of 1991. As such, George Bush's presidency was often characterized with a dualism towards civil rights. It is important to note, though, that Bush's term began with high support from the African American community when compared to the support received for other Republican presidents. This chapter explores some of the complexities of Bush's administration in terms of civil rights.
Kent Spriggs (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780813054322
- eISBN:
- 9780813053134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813054322.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Part 3 discusses the growth of basic legal rights. In the twenty-first century it can be hard to appreciate how remarkably welcoming the federal judiciary was to the claims of the civil rights ...
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Part 3 discusses the growth of basic legal rights. In the twenty-first century it can be hard to appreciate how remarkably welcoming the federal judiciary was to the claims of the civil rights movement. Part 3 includes chapter 7, “Access to Justice”; chapter 8, “Voting Rights and Political Representation”; chapter 9, “Public Accommodations”; chapter 10, “School Desegregation and Municipal Equalization”; and chapter 11, “Employment Discrimination.”
Voting rights and political representation were key. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 opened the portals for dramatic increases in black voter registration.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 mandated equal accommodation in hotels, motels, restaurants, theaters, and other public places. Some applications of these rights were realized immediately, others not so much.
This was the era in which the promise of the Supreme Court’s school desegregation decision became a reality in the Deep South. Desegregation suits proliferated. The Supreme Court dramatically increased the pace of desegregation. The varied forms of pushback were astonishing: the shutting down of a historic black high school lest white students have to attend (even at the expense of double sessions); the hiding of athletic trophies from the historic black high school upon merger; the suspension and expulsion of many black students at the moment of desegregation.
The other major accomplishment of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was the ban on employment discrimination. At the time of its passage, job and labor union segregation were ubiquitous in the Deep South. This all changed.Less
Part 3 discusses the growth of basic legal rights. In the twenty-first century it can be hard to appreciate how remarkably welcoming the federal judiciary was to the claims of the civil rights movement. Part 3 includes chapter 7, “Access to Justice”; chapter 8, “Voting Rights and Political Representation”; chapter 9, “Public Accommodations”; chapter 10, “School Desegregation and Municipal Equalization”; and chapter 11, “Employment Discrimination.”
Voting rights and political representation were key. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 opened the portals for dramatic increases in black voter registration.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 mandated equal accommodation in hotels, motels, restaurants, theaters, and other public places. Some applications of these rights were realized immediately, others not so much.
This was the era in which the promise of the Supreme Court’s school desegregation decision became a reality in the Deep South. Desegregation suits proliferated. The Supreme Court dramatically increased the pace of desegregation. The varied forms of pushback were astonishing: the shutting down of a historic black high school lest white students have to attend (even at the expense of double sessions); the hiding of athletic trophies from the historic black high school upon merger; the suspension and expulsion of many black students at the moment of desegregation.
The other major accomplishment of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was the ban on employment discrimination. At the time of its passage, job and labor union segregation were ubiquitous in the Deep South. This all changed.
Sylvia Ellis
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813044569
- eISBN:
- 9780813046174
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813044569.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter discusses Johnson's shifting position on civil rights as his national profile grew and his political ambitions gathered steam. Despite being known as “Landslide Lyndon” because of his ...
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This chapter discusses Johnson's shifting position on civil rights as his national profile grew and his political ambitions gathered steam. Despite being known as “Landslide Lyndon” because of his narrow and controversial victory in 1948, LBJ soon established himself in the Senate as an important southern Democrat whose racial views came under increasing scrutiny during the 1950s. Initially allying himself with conservatives who opposed civil rights change--notably in his relationship with the conservative senator from Georgia, Richard Russell--he soon distanced himself from segregationists in order to downplay his southern roots as his White House aspirations grew. This chapter addresses Johnson's response to the landmark 1954 Brown decision and the so-called Southern Manifesto that opposed it. As the civil rights movement grew in intensity and the nation witnessed the Montgomery bus boycott and the crisis at Little Rock, Johnson's decided to adopt an increasingly pro-civil rights position. Chapter 3 examines that choice and covers his decision to push Congress toward passage of the 1957 Civil Rights Act (the first civil rights legislation since Reconstruction). The chapter ends with an examination of Johnson's position on civil rights leading up to the 1960 presidential election and his decision to accept the vice presidency.Less
This chapter discusses Johnson's shifting position on civil rights as his national profile grew and his political ambitions gathered steam. Despite being known as “Landslide Lyndon” because of his narrow and controversial victory in 1948, LBJ soon established himself in the Senate as an important southern Democrat whose racial views came under increasing scrutiny during the 1950s. Initially allying himself with conservatives who opposed civil rights change--notably in his relationship with the conservative senator from Georgia, Richard Russell--he soon distanced himself from segregationists in order to downplay his southern roots as his White House aspirations grew. This chapter addresses Johnson's response to the landmark 1954 Brown decision and the so-called Southern Manifesto that opposed it. As the civil rights movement grew in intensity and the nation witnessed the Montgomery bus boycott and the crisis at Little Rock, Johnson's decided to adopt an increasingly pro-civil rights position. Chapter 3 examines that choice and covers his decision to push Congress toward passage of the 1957 Civil Rights Act (the first civil rights legislation since Reconstruction). The chapter ends with an examination of Johnson's position on civil rights leading up to the 1960 presidential election and his decision to accept the vice presidency.
George Rutherglen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199739707
- eISBN:
- 9780199979363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199739707.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History, Human Rights and Immigration
The revival of the 1866 Act in Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co. had momentous implications. In theory, it made the whole range of rights protected by the act applicable to private discrimination, while ...
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The revival of the 1866 Act in Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co. had momentous implications. In theory, it made the whole range of rights protected by the act applicable to private discrimination, while in practice, it resulted in the deployment of common law remedies and in particular, damages to claims for employment discrimination. This seemingly technical innovation brought the litigation of these claims much closer to ordinary tort claims, with large monetary awards available to plaintiffs for the first time and compensation of their attorneys more closely resembling a contingent fee. The Supreme Court quickly realized the implications of the decision in Jones and sought to restrict the scope of the statute in various ways. Congress, however, stepped in at this point to confirm the broad scope of the act and to extend the remedy for damages to other claims of discrimination, based on religion, sex, and disability. In this manner, the Civil Rights Act of 1991 brought up to date the nation's earliest civil rights act.Less
The revival of the 1866 Act in Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co. had momentous implications. In theory, it made the whole range of rights protected by the act applicable to private discrimination, while in practice, it resulted in the deployment of common law remedies and in particular, damages to claims for employment discrimination. This seemingly technical innovation brought the litigation of these claims much closer to ordinary tort claims, with large monetary awards available to plaintiffs for the first time and compensation of their attorneys more closely resembling a contingent fee. The Supreme Court quickly realized the implications of the decision in Jones and sought to restrict the scope of the statute in various ways. Congress, however, stepped in at this point to confirm the broad scope of the act and to extend the remedy for damages to other claims of discrimination, based on religion, sex, and disability. In this manner, the Civil Rights Act of 1991 brought up to date the nation's earliest civil rights act.
Shawn Leigh Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813032320
- eISBN:
- 9780813039084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813032320.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
On October 16, 1883, the Supreme Court ruled the Civil Rights Act of 1875 unconstitutional. Although the Act was never fully enforced, it protected all Americans, regardless of race, in their access ...
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On October 16, 1883, the Supreme Court ruled the Civil Rights Act of 1875 unconstitutional. Although the Act was never fully enforced, it protected all Americans, regardless of race, in their access to public accommodations and facilities such as restaurants, theaters, and trains and other public transportation and protected their right to serve on juries. This chapter presents Fortune's first editorial on the subject, which captures the feeling of much of the African American community whom he claimed felt as though they “had been baptized in ice water” and told they were “aliens in their own land.” The editorial also represents the beginning of Fortune's frustration with the political choices of the African American community and his push for independent politics.Less
On October 16, 1883, the Supreme Court ruled the Civil Rights Act of 1875 unconstitutional. Although the Act was never fully enforced, it protected all Americans, regardless of race, in their access to public accommodations and facilities such as restaurants, theaters, and trains and other public transportation and protected their right to serve on juries. This chapter presents Fortune's first editorial on the subject, which captures the feeling of much of the African American community whom he claimed felt as though they “had been baptized in ice water” and told they were “aliens in their own land.” The editorial also represents the beginning of Fortune's frustration with the political choices of the African American community and his push for independent politics.
Yvonne Ryan
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813143798
- eISBN:
- 9780813144467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813143798.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter spans the period immediately following the assassination of President Kennedy to the riots in the Watts district of Los Angeles, which exploded in the summer of 1965. Although Lyndon ...
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This chapter spans the period immediately following the assassination of President Kennedy to the riots in the Watts district of Los Angeles, which exploded in the summer of 1965. Although Lyndon Johnson was a familiar figure, it was difficult to tell whether he would champion Kennedy’s civil rights legislation, which was working its way through Congress at the time of the president’s death. Much to Wilkins’s relief Johnson proved to be his greatest political ally. Johnson made great efforts to court black leaders, particularly Wilkins and Whitney Young of the Urban League. The president frequently sought Wilkins’s counsel and advice on civil rights issues and, when the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was signed into law, his administration quickly drafted more legislation to secure voting rights. The Voting Rights Act of 1965, however, did little to quell the increasing frustration felt by African Americans marginalized in urban ghettoes, and just days after the bill was signed, violent riots broke out in Watts, warning Wilkins that much more still needed to be done. Frustration was also evident within the Association when a group called the Young Turks, board members dissatisfied with Wilkins’s leadership, challenged him to take more militant action.Less
This chapter spans the period immediately following the assassination of President Kennedy to the riots in the Watts district of Los Angeles, which exploded in the summer of 1965. Although Lyndon Johnson was a familiar figure, it was difficult to tell whether he would champion Kennedy’s civil rights legislation, which was working its way through Congress at the time of the president’s death. Much to Wilkins’s relief Johnson proved to be his greatest political ally. Johnson made great efforts to court black leaders, particularly Wilkins and Whitney Young of the Urban League. The president frequently sought Wilkins’s counsel and advice on civil rights issues and, when the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was signed into law, his administration quickly drafted more legislation to secure voting rights. The Voting Rights Act of 1965, however, did little to quell the increasing frustration felt by African Americans marginalized in urban ghettoes, and just days after the bill was signed, violent riots broke out in Watts, warning Wilkins that much more still needed to be done. Frustration was also evident within the Association when a group called the Young Turks, board members dissatisfied with Wilkins’s leadership, challenged him to take more militant action.
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226845289
- eISBN:
- 9780226845272
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226845272.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The chapter then considers how the new context for coalition-making emerged during Kennedy's presidency, at a time when many in his administration were unhappy about the unbending nature of black ...
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The chapter then considers how the new context for coalition-making emerged during Kennedy's presidency, at a time when many in his administration were unhappy about the unbending nature of black political will. Two statutes with relatively untested voting rights provisions were at hand: the 1957 and 1960 Civil Rights Acts. Kennedy's sponsorship of the Voter Education Project (VEP) and of the Lawyers Committee on Civil Rights (LCCR) launched the various civil rights organizations on an arduous effort to implement these two Eisenhower-era statutes. But the endeavor flew apart. The statutes that the VEP and its grantee organizations sought to implement assumed that state and local officials would comply in good faith with federal law. Southern violence and obstructionism—as one set of Democratic officeholders fought a pitched battle against the other—made the Civil Rights Acts nearly impossible to implement in the Deep South. The party-in-waiting of 1948 met with brutal repression.Less
The chapter then considers how the new context for coalition-making emerged during Kennedy's presidency, at a time when many in his administration were unhappy about the unbending nature of black political will. Two statutes with relatively untested voting rights provisions were at hand: the 1957 and 1960 Civil Rights Acts. Kennedy's sponsorship of the Voter Education Project (VEP) and of the Lawyers Committee on Civil Rights (LCCR) launched the various civil rights organizations on an arduous effort to implement these two Eisenhower-era statutes. But the endeavor flew apart. The statutes that the VEP and its grantee organizations sought to implement assumed that state and local officials would comply in good faith with federal law. Southern violence and obstructionism—as one set of Democratic officeholders fought a pitched battle against the other—made the Civil Rights Acts nearly impossible to implement in the Deep South. The party-in-waiting of 1948 met with brutal repression.
Richard Iton
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195178463
- eISBN:
- 9780199851812
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195178463.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
As the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act were put into practice, legal equality was formally established among all American citizens. This, however, led to the black community ...
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As the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act were put into practice, legal equality was formally established among all American citizens. This, however, led to the black community contemplating how their politics should adapt to such crucial changes, the kind of relationships to be established, how religion could be integrated into their practices, and other such concerns. Politics refers not only to the creation of politics and politics itself, but also to the aspects which are seen as nonpolitical, prepolitical, and peripolitical because these are all based on the concept of a hierarchy that lives by a certain collection of norms or on the fusion of particular binaries. In other words, something “political” takes on a masculine character that displaces any confusion or discrimination around gender or sexuality.Less
As the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act were put into practice, legal equality was formally established among all American citizens. This, however, led to the black community contemplating how their politics should adapt to such crucial changes, the kind of relationships to be established, how religion could be integrated into their practices, and other such concerns. Politics refers not only to the creation of politics and politics itself, but also to the aspects which are seen as nonpolitical, prepolitical, and peripolitical because these are all based on the concept of a hierarchy that lives by a certain collection of norms or on the fusion of particular binaries. In other words, something “political” takes on a masculine character that displaces any confusion or discrimination around gender or sexuality.
Carole B. Cox and Paul H. Ephross
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195099317
- eISBN:
- 9780199864744
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195099317.003.0008
- Subject:
- Social Work, Communities and Organizations
Social policy determines to a large extent the ways in which practice is conducted. Policy reflects society's values while ethnicity can impact the ways in which these values are perceived by ethnic ...
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Social policy determines to a large extent the ways in which practice is conducted. Policy reflects society's values while ethnicity can impact the ways in which these values are perceived by ethnic groups. The Civil Rights Act and affirmative action, while not without their critics, are policies that have attempted to assure equality for diverse groups and have set the framework for further inclusion. Ethnic elderly, immigrants, and many of those on welfare are among those groups strongly impacted by social policies. Social workers can act as advocates influencing policy to assure that it is responsive to diverse values and needs, and that myths do not cloud the ethnic lens of policy makers. Empowering those who are disenfranchised so can be vital for removing policy inequities as they make their needs known to those responsible for policy decisions.Less
Social policy determines to a large extent the ways in which practice is conducted. Policy reflects society's values while ethnicity can impact the ways in which these values are perceived by ethnic groups. The Civil Rights Act and affirmative action, while not without their critics, are policies that have attempted to assure equality for diverse groups and have set the framework for further inclusion. Ethnic elderly, immigrants, and many of those on welfare are among those groups strongly impacted by social policies. Social workers can act as advocates influencing policy to assure that it is responsive to diverse values and needs, and that myths do not cloud the ethnic lens of policy makers. Empowering those who are disenfranchised so can be vital for removing policy inequities as they make their needs known to those responsible for policy decisions.
Rebecca Miller Davis
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049878
- eISBN:
- 9780813050348
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049878.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Rebecca Miller Davis explores politics in Mississippi, one of the South's most notoriously segregationist states, between 1945 and 1964. She argues that Mississippi politics took a decided “right ...
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Rebecca Miller Davis explores politics in Mississippi, one of the South's most notoriously segregationist states, between 1945 and 1964. She argues that Mississippi politics took a decided “right turn” after the war as the federal government showed itself determined to include black people in New Deal, Fair Deal, and successive government programs and activist initiatives in the Democratic administrations of Roosevelt, Truman, Kennedy, and Johnson (and, to a lesser degree, Republican Dwight Eisenhower). She covers Mississippi's considerable involvement in the 1948 Dixiecrat Revolt through Mississippi's famous “Freedom Summer” of 1964 and the appeal of Republican presidential candidate Barry Goldwater to white Mississippians upset by racial liberalism on the part of national Democrats. The chapter documents Goldwater's appeal to disenchanted white Mississippi Democrats because of his opposition of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the success of former-Democrats such as Prentiss Walker in Mississippi, who rode Goldwater's coat-tails to become the state's first Republican congressman since 1883.Less
Rebecca Miller Davis explores politics in Mississippi, one of the South's most notoriously segregationist states, between 1945 and 1964. She argues that Mississippi politics took a decided “right turn” after the war as the federal government showed itself determined to include black people in New Deal, Fair Deal, and successive government programs and activist initiatives in the Democratic administrations of Roosevelt, Truman, Kennedy, and Johnson (and, to a lesser degree, Republican Dwight Eisenhower). She covers Mississippi's considerable involvement in the 1948 Dixiecrat Revolt through Mississippi's famous “Freedom Summer” of 1964 and the appeal of Republican presidential candidate Barry Goldwater to white Mississippians upset by racial liberalism on the part of national Democrats. The chapter documents Goldwater's appeal to disenchanted white Mississippi Democrats because of his opposition of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the success of former-Democrats such as Prentiss Walker in Mississippi, who rode Goldwater's coat-tails to become the state's first Republican congressman since 1883.
