Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement ...
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Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement whereby Black Americans, as a minority, were systematically treated in separate, but constitutionally sanctioned, ways. He examines various laws and policies that condoned segregation ever since the Supreme Court accepted the ‘separate but equal’ doctrine as a justification of segregation in 1896 up until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. King also examines the congressional and presidential politics of race relations under the administrations of Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry Truman.Less
Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement whereby Black Americans, as a minority, were systematically treated in separate, but constitutionally sanctioned, ways. He examines various laws and policies that condoned segregation ever since the Supreme Court accepted the ‘separate but equal’ doctrine as a justification of segregation in 1896 up until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. King also examines the congressional and presidential politics of race relations under the administrations of Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry Truman.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Explores segregation in the military and resistance to its abolition ever since the founding of the country and the War of Independence to President Truman's 1947 Committee on Civil Rights and well ...
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Explores segregation in the military and resistance to its abolition ever since the founding of the country and the War of Independence to President Truman's 1947 Committee on Civil Rights and well into the 1960s. King examines original transcripts of testimony before Truman's committee and other investigations into segregation especially prior to and during the Second World War. He also looks at the policies and reports of the American Navy, Marine Corps, and the Army as well as those of Black American soldiers stationed abroad in Britain and Europe. Throughout the chapter, he traces the tensions arising from the war's premise to promote democracy in the new global community while tolerating the suppression of civil rights domestically.Less
Explores segregation in the military and resistance to its abolition ever since the founding of the country and the War of Independence to President Truman's 1947 Committee on Civil Rights and well into the 1960s. King examines original transcripts of testimony before Truman's committee and other investigations into segregation especially prior to and during the Second World War. He also looks at the policies and reports of the American Navy, Marine Corps, and the Army as well as those of Black American soldiers stationed abroad in Britain and Europe. Throughout the chapter, he traces the tensions arising from the war's premise to promote democracy in the new global community while tolerating the suppression of civil rights domestically.
George A. Rutherglen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199739707
- eISBN:
- 9780199979363
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199739707.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History, Human Rights and Immigration
This book recounts the history of the nation's first civil rights act, from its passage in 1866 through its interpretation and reenactment in developments that reach the present day. The Civil Rights ...
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This book recounts the history of the nation's first civil rights act, from its passage in 1866 through its interpretation and reenactment in developments that reach the present day. The Civil Rights Act of 1866 created civil rights as we now know them, and it exercised a deep and continuing influence over the constitutional and statutory protection of these rights. Almost all of the controversy over civil rights, from the scope of federal prohibitions against private discrimination to the remedies available to victims of civil rights violations, finds its roots in debates over the act. These issues are important in themselves, and all the more so because they exemplify the complementary roles of the legislature and the judiciary in giving meaning to the constitutional ideal of equality in public life. This book offers an appreciation of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, hitherto regarded in only selective and partial perspective, and provides a comprehensive view of the act over nearly a century and a half and a detailed account of its leading role in making civil rights a reality.Less
This book recounts the history of the nation's first civil rights act, from its passage in 1866 through its interpretation and reenactment in developments that reach the present day. The Civil Rights Act of 1866 created civil rights as we now know them, and it exercised a deep and continuing influence over the constitutional and statutory protection of these rights. Almost all of the controversy over civil rights, from the scope of federal prohibitions against private discrimination to the remedies available to victims of civil rights violations, finds its roots in debates over the act. These issues are important in themselves, and all the more so because they exemplify the complementary roles of the legislature and the judiciary in giving meaning to the constitutional ideal of equality in public life. This book offers an appreciation of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, hitherto regarded in only selective and partial perspective, and provides a comprehensive view of the act over nearly a century and a half and a detailed account of its leading role in making civil rights a reality.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines how the federal government and black protest organizations intervened in southern authoritarian enclaves, with a particular focus on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting ...
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This chapter examines how the federal government and black protest organizations intervened in southern authoritarian enclaves, with a particular focus on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 as well as the reform of the National Democratic Party during the period 1964–1972. It first considers state authorities' consensus preference for effecting a “harnessed revolution” before discussing the challenges posed by the Civil and Voting rights acts to southern enclaves. It then describes the degree to which outsiders interfered in enclaves' responses to these landmark statutes, including federal oversight of voting rights in the Deep South and deployments by black protest organizations. It concludes by analyzing the McGovern–Fraser national Democratic party reforms of 1968–1972.Less
This chapter examines how the federal government and black protest organizations intervened in southern authoritarian enclaves, with a particular focus on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 as well as the reform of the National Democratic Party during the period 1964–1972. It first considers state authorities' consensus preference for effecting a “harnessed revolution” before discussing the challenges posed by the Civil and Voting rights acts to southern enclaves. It then describes the degree to which outsiders interfered in enclaves' responses to these landmark statutes, including federal oversight of voting rights in the Deep South and deployments by black protest organizations. It concludes by analyzing the McGovern–Fraser national Democratic party reforms of 1968–1972.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
King explores the position of Black Americans in the Federal government since the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which he claims empowered the US Department of Justice extensively to investigate and ...
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King explores the position of Black Americans in the Federal government since the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which he claims empowered the US Department of Justice extensively to investigate and prosecute discrimination and other abuses of citizens’ rights. He provides numerous table and data documenting improvements for Black Americans, both in terms of numbers and promotions within federal government employment positions. King concludes by examining multiple legacies of the US federal government's collusion in maintaining segregated relations for contemporary American politics.Less
King explores the position of Black Americans in the Federal government since the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which he claims empowered the US Department of Justice extensively to investigate and prosecute discrimination and other abuses of citizens’ rights. He provides numerous table and data documenting improvements for Black Americans, both in terms of numbers and promotions within federal government employment positions. King concludes by examining multiple legacies of the US federal government's collusion in maintaining segregated relations for contemporary American politics.
Jeffrey C. Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195162509
- eISBN:
- 9780199943364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162509.003.0028
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
This chapter focuses on the white journalists who worked for progressive newspapers and magazines. From the beginning, there was a symbiotic interaction between the social dramas staged by civil ...
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This chapter focuses on the white journalists who worked for progressive newspapers and magazines. From the beginning, there was a symbiotic interaction between the social dramas staged by civil rights leaders and the “point men” of the communicative institutions who defined their jobs as interpreting such dramas to the civil sphere. That neither could exist without the other was a recognition, at once simple and profound, a recognition that became increasingly conscious and consequential as the black movement grew in influence and civil force.Less
This chapter focuses on the white journalists who worked for progressive newspapers and magazines. From the beginning, there was a symbiotic interaction between the social dramas staged by civil rights leaders and the “point men” of the communicative institutions who defined their jobs as interpreting such dramas to the civil sphere. That neither could exist without the other was a recognition, at once simple and profound, a recognition that became increasingly conscious and consequential as the black movement grew in influence and civil force.
Jeffrey C. Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195162509
- eISBN:
- 9780199943364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162509.003.0029
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
This chapter explores more deeply the symbolic extension of interracial solidarity at the heart of the Civil Rights movement, investigating how its tensely wrought dramas triggered a sense of moral ...
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This chapter explores more deeply the symbolic extension of interracial solidarity at the heart of the Civil Rights movement, investigating how its tensely wrought dramas triggered a sense of moral violation among members of the surrounding civil sphere that led them to initiate forceful symbolic action for civic repair. It shows how this compensatory symbolic action triggered unprecedented changes in the civil sphere's regulatory institutions, creating overlapping waves of institutional and symbolic activity. However, even as we emphasize the neglected role of symbolic action and communicative institutions, placing them at the center of efforts to change the structure of civil society, we cannot forget the structures of a more coercive kind. To assert the significance of civil power is not to deny political and social forces; it is rather to place them into perspective. When social systems contain civil spheres, the sources and effects of power must be conceived in new ways. Power must be redefined.Less
This chapter explores more deeply the symbolic extension of interracial solidarity at the heart of the Civil Rights movement, investigating how its tensely wrought dramas triggered a sense of moral violation among members of the surrounding civil sphere that led them to initiate forceful symbolic action for civic repair. It shows how this compensatory symbolic action triggered unprecedented changes in the civil sphere's regulatory institutions, creating overlapping waves of institutional and symbolic activity. However, even as we emphasize the neglected role of symbolic action and communicative institutions, placing them at the center of efforts to change the structure of civil society, we cannot forget the structures of a more coercive kind. To assert the significance of civil power is not to deny political and social forces; it is rather to place them into perspective. When social systems contain civil spheres, the sources and effects of power must be conceived in new ways. Power must be redefined.
George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195156287
- eISBN:
- 9780199872169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195156285.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter addresses the problems arising from the clash of old and new ideologies during Reconstruction. Questions of federalism and states’ rights, and of equal protection and citizenship in ...
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This chapter addresses the problems arising from the clash of old and new ideologies during Reconstruction. Questions of federalism and states’ rights, and of equal protection and citizenship in light of abolition – illustrated in the landmark Slaughterhouse Case, and the Civil Rights Cases of 1883 – were ultimately referred to the Supreme Court. The author asserts that the Court's interpretation of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments in these cases served to undermine the cause of the new “secret” constitution.Less
This chapter addresses the problems arising from the clash of old and new ideologies during Reconstruction. Questions of federalism and states’ rights, and of equal protection and citizenship in light of abolition – illustrated in the landmark Slaughterhouse Case, and the Civil Rights Cases of 1883 – were ultimately referred to the Supreme Court. The author asserts that the Court's interpretation of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments in these cases served to undermine the cause of the new “secret” constitution.
Carol A. Horton
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195143485
- eISBN:
- 9780199850402
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195143485.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The early Civil Rights movement radicalized the postwar liberal agenda by infusing it with much more expansive conceptions of both racial equity and social justice. While postwar liberalism remained ...
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The early Civil Rights movement radicalized the postwar liberal agenda by infusing it with much more expansive conceptions of both racial equity and social justice. While postwar liberalism remained focused on the problem of Jim Crow segregation in the South, the movement also emphasized problems of racial discrimination and segregation in the rest of the nation. At the same time, it encouraged the development of a new form of racial consciousness, particularly a more positive and empowered sense of black identity. The movement also advocated an essentially social democratic agenda, whose primary goal was to increase social and economic equity among all Americans. By the early 1960s, these commitments had created a pronounced rift between “white liberals”, who favored the more moderate politics of postwar liberalism, and the Negro movement, who supported the new form of social liberalism developed by the Civil Rights movement.Less
The early Civil Rights movement radicalized the postwar liberal agenda by infusing it with much more expansive conceptions of both racial equity and social justice. While postwar liberalism remained focused on the problem of Jim Crow segregation in the South, the movement also emphasized problems of racial discrimination and segregation in the rest of the nation. At the same time, it encouraged the development of a new form of racial consciousness, particularly a more positive and empowered sense of black identity. The movement also advocated an essentially social democratic agenda, whose primary goal was to increase social and economic equity among all Americans. By the early 1960s, these commitments had created a pronounced rift between “white liberals”, who favored the more moderate politics of postwar liberalism, and the Negro movement, who supported the new form of social liberalism developed by the Civil Rights movement.
Amy Dru Stanley
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469624181
- eISBN:
- 9781469624204
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469624181.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter examines the Civil Rights Act of 1875, also known as the Supplementary Civil Rights Act because it was intended as a supplement to the 1866 Civil Rights Act, from a human rights ...
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This chapter examines the Civil Rights Act of 1875, also known as the Supplementary Civil Rights Act because it was intended as a supplement to the 1866 Civil Rights Act, from a human rights perspective. The 1875 act, grounded in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments, was enacted as a culminating decree of slave emancipation and newly defined pleasurable liberties as affirmative rights. The supplement was struck down by the Supreme Court in the Civil Rights Cases of 1883 for encroaching on state sovereignty. This chapter considers the debate in Congress over the issue of human rights and argues that the Civil Rights Act of 1875—despite being aborted—represents a turning point in the abolition of slavery and the emergence of human rights.Less
This chapter examines the Civil Rights Act of 1875, also known as the Supplementary Civil Rights Act because it was intended as a supplement to the 1866 Civil Rights Act, from a human rights perspective. The 1875 act, grounded in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments, was enacted as a culminating decree of slave emancipation and newly defined pleasurable liberties as affirmative rights. The supplement was struck down by the Supreme Court in the Civil Rights Cases of 1883 for encroaching on state sovereignty. This chapter considers the debate in Congress over the issue of human rights and argues that the Civil Rights Act of 1875—despite being aborted—represents a turning point in the abolition of slavery and the emergence of human rights.
Maxine Craig
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195152623
- eISBN:
- 9780199849345
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195152623.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book is a study of black women as symbols, and as participants, in the reshaping of the meaning of black racial identity. The meanings and practices of racial identity are continually reshaped ...
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This book is a study of black women as symbols, and as participants, in the reshaping of the meaning of black racial identity. The meanings and practices of racial identity are continually reshaped as a result of the interplay of actions taken at the individual and institutional levels. In chapters that detail the history of pre-Civil Rights Movement black beauty pageants, later efforts to integrate beauty contests, and the transformation in beliefs and practices relating to black beauty in the 1960s, the book develops a model for understanding social processes of racial change. It places changing black hair practices and standards of beauty in historical context and shows the powerful role social movements have had in reshaping the texture of everyday life. The Civil Rights and Black Power Movements led a generation to question hair straightening and to establish a new standard of beauty that was summed up in the words “black is beautiful.” Through oral history interviews with Civil Rights and Black Power Movement activists and ordinary women, the book documents the meaning of these changes in black women's lives.Less
This book is a study of black women as symbols, and as participants, in the reshaping of the meaning of black racial identity. The meanings and practices of racial identity are continually reshaped as a result of the interplay of actions taken at the individual and institutional levels. In chapters that detail the history of pre-Civil Rights Movement black beauty pageants, later efforts to integrate beauty contests, and the transformation in beliefs and practices relating to black beauty in the 1960s, the book develops a model for understanding social processes of racial change. It places changing black hair practices and standards of beauty in historical context and shows the powerful role social movements have had in reshaping the texture of everyday life. The Civil Rights and Black Power Movements led a generation to question hair straightening and to establish a new standard of beauty that was summed up in the words “black is beautiful.” Through oral history interviews with Civil Rights and Black Power Movement activists and ordinary women, the book documents the meaning of these changes in black women's lives.
Neil Fligstein and Doug McAdam
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199859948
- eISBN:
- 9780199951178
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199859948.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Theory
Finding ways to understand the nature of social change and social order—from political movements to market meltdowns—is one of the enduring problems of social science. This book draws together ...
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Finding ways to understand the nature of social change and social order—from political movements to market meltdowns—is one of the enduring problems of social science. This book draws together far-ranging insights from social movement theory, organizational theory, and economic and political sociology to construct a general theory of social organization and strategic action. This book proposes that social change and social order can be understood through what the book calls strategic action fields. It posits that these fields are the general building blocks of political and economic life, civil society, and the state, and the fundamental form of order in our world today. Similar to Russian dolls, they are nested and connected in a broader environment of almost countless proximate and overlapping fields. Fields are mutually dependent; change in one often triggers change in another. At the core of the theory is an account of how social actors fashion and maintain order in a given field. This sociological theory of action, what they call “social skill,” helps explain what individuals do in strategic action fields to gain cooperation or engage in competition. To demonstrate the breadth of the theory, the book makes its abstract principles concrete through extended case studies of the Civil Rights Movement and the rise and fall of the market for mortgages in the U.S. since the 1960s. The book also provides a “how-to” guide to help others implement the approach and discusses methodological issues.Less
Finding ways to understand the nature of social change and social order—from political movements to market meltdowns—is one of the enduring problems of social science. This book draws together far-ranging insights from social movement theory, organizational theory, and economic and political sociology to construct a general theory of social organization and strategic action. This book proposes that social change and social order can be understood through what the book calls strategic action fields. It posits that these fields are the general building blocks of political and economic life, civil society, and the state, and the fundamental form of order in our world today. Similar to Russian dolls, they are nested and connected in a broader environment of almost countless proximate and overlapping fields. Fields are mutually dependent; change in one often triggers change in another. At the core of the theory is an account of how social actors fashion and maintain order in a given field. This sociological theory of action, what they call “social skill,” helps explain what individuals do in strategic action fields to gain cooperation or engage in competition. To demonstrate the breadth of the theory, the book makes its abstract principles concrete through extended case studies of the Civil Rights Movement and the rise and fall of the market for mortgages in the U.S. since the 1960s. The book also provides a “how-to” guide to help others implement the approach and discusses methodological issues.
Julian E. Zelizer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195382419
- eISBN:
- 9780199932641
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195382419.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Despite the role that Congress would play in the eventual passage of legislation like the Civil Rights Act 1964 and the Voting Rights Act 1965, its role during the war has traditionally been ...
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Despite the role that Congress would play in the eventual passage of legislation like the Civil Rights Act 1964 and the Voting Rights Act 1965, its role during the war has traditionally been overshadowed by a focus on the steps towards racial equality taken by the Supreme Court and the White House. The war years did not pave the way for those later developments but instead represented a period of conservative retrenchment in Congress. Southern Democrats tightened their grip on the reins of power during the war. Inside key committees, they crushed many nascent efforts at reform; in the House and Senate, they worked with conservative Republican allies to stop the rest. In the end, southern Democrats succeeded in stalling meaningful civil rights legislation. As a result, congressional conservatives emerged from the war more confident in their abilities to prevent change and more determined to use them to defend white supremacy in the postwar era. Yet there was one unexpected legacy of conservative defiance. Incoming young liberal Democrats learned the importance of controlling congressional machinery.Less
Despite the role that Congress would play in the eventual passage of legislation like the Civil Rights Act 1964 and the Voting Rights Act 1965, its role during the war has traditionally been overshadowed by a focus on the steps towards racial equality taken by the Supreme Court and the White House. The war years did not pave the way for those later developments but instead represented a period of conservative retrenchment in Congress. Southern Democrats tightened their grip on the reins of power during the war. Inside key committees, they crushed many nascent efforts at reform; in the House and Senate, they worked with conservative Republican allies to stop the rest. In the end, southern Democrats succeeded in stalling meaningful civil rights legislation. As a result, congressional conservatives emerged from the war more confident in their abilities to prevent change and more determined to use them to defend white supremacy in the postwar era. Yet there was one unexpected legacy of conservative defiance. Incoming young liberal Democrats learned the importance of controlling congressional machinery.
Mary Frances Berry
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049083
- eISBN:
- 9780813046976
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049083.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter describes how the Reagan administration sought to limit key civil rights policies such as the Voting Rights Act, to defeat fair housing legislation, to support segregated private ...
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This chapter describes how the Reagan administration sought to limit key civil rights policies such as the Voting Rights Act, to defeat fair housing legislation, to support segregated private schools, and to appoint controversial judges. In each case, the bipartisan Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) publically opposed the administration. The chapter shows how Reagan attempted to weaken the LCCR and how he evaded the LCCR by appointing conservative judges at all levels of the federal judiciary. Reagan’s judicial appointees slowly narrowed the definition of civil rights, providing Reagan with a lasting conservative legacy.Less
This chapter describes how the Reagan administration sought to limit key civil rights policies such as the Voting Rights Act, to defeat fair housing legislation, to support segregated private schools, and to appoint controversial judges. In each case, the bipartisan Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) publically opposed the administration. The chapter shows how Reagan attempted to weaken the LCCR and how he evaded the LCCR by appointing conservative judges at all levels of the federal judiciary. Reagan’s judicial appointees slowly narrowed the definition of civil rights, providing Reagan with a lasting conservative legacy.
Peter Slade
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195372625
- eISBN:
- 9780199871728
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195372625.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Just as Smith and Emerson describe, there is a reticence within Mission Mississippi to address any issues of systemic injustice. This is the result of the explicit application of the Southern ...
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Just as Smith and Emerson describe, there is a reticence within Mission Mississippi to address any issues of systemic injustice. This is the result of the explicit application of the Southern Presbyterian doctrine of the spirituality of the church. The minister and members of First Presbyterian Church, Jackson (FPC) were very influential in the formation of Mission Mississippi—Lee Paris, its chairman and founder is a deacon at FPC; but less than a year after the first rally there was a backlash against the organization within this congregation. The roots of the protest against Mission Mississippi lie deep in the history of the Southern Presbyterian's opposition to abolitionism, and in FPC's resistance to the Civil Rights Movement. This chapter reveals the connections between this doctrine and the congregation's involvement with the Citizens' Councils, the state's resistance to desegregation, Reformed Theological Seminary, and the foundation of the Presbyterian Church in America.Less
Just as Smith and Emerson describe, there is a reticence within Mission Mississippi to address any issues of systemic injustice. This is the result of the explicit application of the Southern Presbyterian doctrine of the spirituality of the church. The minister and members of First Presbyterian Church, Jackson (FPC) were very influential in the formation of Mission Mississippi—Lee Paris, its chairman and founder is a deacon at FPC; but less than a year after the first rally there was a backlash against the organization within this congregation. The roots of the protest against Mission Mississippi lie deep in the history of the Southern Presbyterian's opposition to abolitionism, and in FPC's resistance to the Civil Rights Movement. This chapter reveals the connections between this doctrine and the congregation's involvement with the Citizens' Councils, the state's resistance to desegregation, Reformed Theological Seminary, and the foundation of the Presbyterian Church in America.
Carolyn M. Jones
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195167979
- eISBN:
- 9780199784981
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019516797X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, World Religions
In a course like African American religion, the classroom is a “contact zone”, a term used by Mary Louise Pratt. To illustrate the difficulties in dealing with the contact zone, this chapter ...
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In a course like African American religion, the classroom is a “contact zone”, a term used by Mary Louise Pratt. To illustrate the difficulties in dealing with the contact zone, this chapter describes an African American Religion course recently taught by the author of this book. It then looks at the issues involved when a classroom becomes a contact zone. The chapter then discusses the use of David Remnick's biography of Muhammed Ali, King of the World, and America in the Civil Rights era for understanding the significance of the Nation of Islam. Finally, building on the spiritual journey of Muhammed Ali, the central issue in teaching religion, transformation, whether it is African American Religion or not, is considered.Less
In a course like African American religion, the classroom is a “contact zone”, a term used by Mary Louise Pratt. To illustrate the difficulties in dealing with the contact zone, this chapter describes an African American Religion course recently taught by the author of this book. It then looks at the issues involved when a classroom becomes a contact zone. The chapter then discusses the use of David Remnick's biography of Muhammed Ali, King of the World, and America in the Civil Rights era for understanding the significance of the Nation of Islam. Finally, building on the spiritual journey of Muhammed Ali, the central issue in teaching religion, transformation, whether it is African American Religion or not, is considered.
Jonathan Bean
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125459
- eISBN:
- 9780813135205
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125459.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Classical liberals faced a dilemma with the Civil Rights Act of 1964, where several provisions struck down state-sponsored discrimination in the South. However, two sections mandated ...
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Classical liberals faced a dilemma with the Civil Rights Act of 1964, where several provisions struck down state-sponsored discrimination in the South. However, two sections mandated non-discrimination in the private sector, forbidding discrimination in hiring or “public accommodations.” To emphasize the colorblindness of the law, sponsors added section 706. The Congress then mandated non-discrimination and opposed preferential treatment for any group. The move toward “group rights” began under Democratic president Lyndon B. Johnson, but solidified under Republican Richard M. Nixon. Nixon's grip for racial preferences provoked debates over the meaning of equality, racial freedom, and group definition. The Democratic Party initially resisted Nixon's departure from color-blind law but soon saw the political benefits of the president's preferences. Classical liberals also offered positive alternatives to racial discrimination including school choice and welfare reform.Less
Classical liberals faced a dilemma with the Civil Rights Act of 1964, where several provisions struck down state-sponsored discrimination in the South. However, two sections mandated non-discrimination in the private sector, forbidding discrimination in hiring or “public accommodations.” To emphasize the colorblindness of the law, sponsors added section 706. The Congress then mandated non-discrimination and opposed preferential treatment for any group. The move toward “group rights” began under Democratic president Lyndon B. Johnson, but solidified under Republican Richard M. Nixon. Nixon's grip for racial preferences provoked debates over the meaning of equality, racial freedom, and group definition. The Democratic Party initially resisted Nixon's departure from color-blind law but soon saw the political benefits of the president's preferences. Classical liberals also offered positive alternatives to racial discrimination including school choice and welfare reform.
Timothy J. Minchin and John A. Salmond
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813129785
- eISBN:
- 9780813135625
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813129785.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Martin Luther King's 1965 address from Montgomery, Alabama, the center of much racial conflict at the time and the location of the well-publicized bus boycott a decade earlier, is often considered by ...
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Martin Luther King's 1965 address from Montgomery, Alabama, the center of much racial conflict at the time and the location of the well-publicized bus boycott a decade earlier, is often considered by historians to be the culmination of the civil rights era in American history. In his momentous speech, King declared that segregation was “on its deathbed” and that the movement had already achieved significant milestones. Although the civil rights movement had won many battles in the struggle for racial equality by the mid-1960s, including legislation to guarantee black voting rights and to desegregate public accommodations, the fight to implement the new laws was just starting. In reality, King's speech in Montgomery represented a new beginning rather than a conclusion to the movement, a fact that King acknowledged in the address. This book begins where many histories of the civil rights movement end, with King's triumphant march from the iconic battleground of Selma to Montgomery. The book focuses on events in the South following the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. It examines the social, economic, and political implications of these laws in the decades following their passage, discussing the empowerment of black southerners, white resistance, accommodation and acceptance, and the nation's political will. The book also provides a fascinating history of the often-overlooked period of race relations during the presidential administrations of Ford, Carter, Reagan, and both George H. W. and George W. Bush.Less
Martin Luther King's 1965 address from Montgomery, Alabama, the center of much racial conflict at the time and the location of the well-publicized bus boycott a decade earlier, is often considered by historians to be the culmination of the civil rights era in American history. In his momentous speech, King declared that segregation was “on its deathbed” and that the movement had already achieved significant milestones. Although the civil rights movement had won many battles in the struggle for racial equality by the mid-1960s, including legislation to guarantee black voting rights and to desegregate public accommodations, the fight to implement the new laws was just starting. In reality, King's speech in Montgomery represented a new beginning rather than a conclusion to the movement, a fact that King acknowledged in the address. This book begins where many histories of the civil rights movement end, with King's triumphant march from the iconic battleground of Selma to Montgomery. The book focuses on events in the South following the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. It examines the social, economic, and political implications of these laws in the decades following their passage, discussing the empowerment of black southerners, white resistance, accommodation and acceptance, and the nation's political will. The book also provides a fascinating history of the often-overlooked period of race relations during the presidential administrations of Ford, Carter, Reagan, and both George H. W. and George W. Bush.
Anders Walker
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195181746
- eISBN:
- 9780199870660
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195181746.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” Martin Luther King, Jr. asserted that “the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, ...
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In “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” Martin Luther King, Jr. asserted that “the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to “order” than to justice.” To date, our understanding of the Civil Rights era has been largely defined by high-profile public events such as the crisis at Little Rock high school, bus boycotts, and sit-ins-incidents that were met with massive resistance and brutality. The resistance of Southern moderates to racial integration was much less public and highly insidious, with far-reaching effects. This book draws long-overdue attention to the moderate tactics that stalled the progress of racial equality in the South. This book explores how three moderate Southern governors formulated masked resistance in the wake of Brown v. Board of Education. J. P. Coleman in Mississippi, Luther Hodges in North Carolina, and LeRoy Collins in Florida each developed workable, lasting strategies to neutralize black political activists and control white extremists. Believing it possible to reinterpret Brown on their own terms, these governors drew on creative legal solutions that allowed them to perpetuate segregation without overtly defying the federal government. Hodges, Collins, and Coleman instituted seemingly neutral criteria-academic, economic, and moral-in place of racial classifications, thereby laying the foundations for a new way of rationalizing racial inequality.Less
In “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” Martin Luther King, Jr. asserted that “the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to “order” than to justice.” To date, our understanding of the Civil Rights era has been largely defined by high-profile public events such as the crisis at Little Rock high school, bus boycotts, and sit-ins-incidents that were met with massive resistance and brutality. The resistance of Southern moderates to racial integration was much less public and highly insidious, with far-reaching effects. This book draws long-overdue attention to the moderate tactics that stalled the progress of racial equality in the South. This book explores how three moderate Southern governors formulated masked resistance in the wake of Brown v. Board of Education. J. P. Coleman in Mississippi, Luther Hodges in North Carolina, and LeRoy Collins in Florida each developed workable, lasting strategies to neutralize black political activists and control white extremists. Believing it possible to reinterpret Brown on their own terms, these governors drew on creative legal solutions that allowed them to perpetuate segregation without overtly defying the federal government. Hodges, Collins, and Coleman instituted seemingly neutral criteria-academic, economic, and moral-in place of racial classifications, thereby laying the foundations for a new way of rationalizing racial inequality.
Timothy J. Minchin and John A. Salmond
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813129785
- eISBN:
- 9780813135625
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813129785.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Journalist Steven A. Holmes suggested that there were “two George Bushes” in terms of civil rights. One was the one who advocated equality and attempted to terminate segregation as he hired the first ...
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Journalist Steven A. Holmes suggested that there were “two George Bushes” in terms of civil rights. One was the one who advocated equality and attempted to terminate segregation as he hired the first black chairman for the Joint Chiefs of Staff and donated to the United Negro College Fund. The other, however, featured racist Willie Horton advertisements, appointed a conservative to the Supreme Court, and constantly made threats towards the Civil Rights Act of 1991. As such, George Bush's presidency was often characterized with a dualism towards civil rights. It is important to note, though, that Bush's term began with high support from the African American community when compared to the support received for other Republican presidents. This chapter explores some of the complexities of Bush's administration in terms of civil rights.Less
Journalist Steven A. Holmes suggested that there were “two George Bushes” in terms of civil rights. One was the one who advocated equality and attempted to terminate segregation as he hired the first black chairman for the Joint Chiefs of Staff and donated to the United Negro College Fund. The other, however, featured racist Willie Horton advertisements, appointed a conservative to the Supreme Court, and constantly made threats towards the Civil Rights Act of 1991. As such, George Bush's presidency was often characterized with a dualism towards civil rights. It is important to note, though, that Bush's term began with high support from the African American community when compared to the support received for other Republican presidents. This chapter explores some of the complexities of Bush's administration in terms of civil rights.
