Michael Lister and Emily Pia
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748633418
- eISBN:
- 9780748671977
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748633418.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book seeks to analyse the impact of globalisation, European integration, mass migration, changing patterns of political participation and welfare state provision upon citizenship in Europe. ...
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This book seeks to analyse the impact of globalisation, European integration, mass migration, changing patterns of political participation and welfare state provision upon citizenship in Europe. Uniting theory with empirical examples, the central theme of the book is that how we view such changes is dependent upon how we view citizenship theoretically. The authors analyse the three main theoretical approaches to citizenship: [1] classical positions (liberal, communitarian, and republican), primarily concerned with questions of rights and responsibilities; [2] multiculturalist and feminist theories, concerned with the question of difference; and [3] postnational or cosmopolitan theories which emphasise how citizen rights and behaviours are increasingly located beyond the nation state. Using these theoretical perspectives, the second section of the book assesses four key social, economic and political developments which pose challenges for citizenship in Europe: migration, political participation, the welfare state and European integration. These, it is argued, represent the most significant challenges to and for citizenship in contemporary Europe.Less
This book seeks to analyse the impact of globalisation, European integration, mass migration, changing patterns of political participation and welfare state provision upon citizenship in Europe. Uniting theory with empirical examples, the central theme of the book is that how we view such changes is dependent upon how we view citizenship theoretically. The authors analyse the three main theoretical approaches to citizenship: [1] classical positions (liberal, communitarian, and republican), primarily concerned with questions of rights and responsibilities; [2] multiculturalist and feminist theories, concerned with the question of difference; and [3] postnational or cosmopolitan theories which emphasise how citizen rights and behaviours are increasingly located beyond the nation state. Using these theoretical perspectives, the second section of the book assesses four key social, economic and political developments which pose challenges for citizenship in Europe: migration, political participation, the welfare state and European integration. These, it is argued, represent the most significant challenges to and for citizenship in contemporary Europe.
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199545957
- eISBN:
- 9780191719967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199545957.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
There are many constitutional options available short of independence but none of them quite fit Scotland's position as a nation within an asymmetrical union. Elements of federal and confederal ...
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There are many constitutional options available short of independence but none of them quite fit Scotland's position as a nation within an asymmetrical union. Elements of federal and confederal theory could be used to entrench Scotland's institutions. Although there is a broad middle ground favouring more self-government short of independence, there is a division between neo-nationalists, who see Scotland as a self-determining nation with the United Kingdom as an external support system, and neo-unionists who want to retain a strong form of common British political and social citizenship.Less
There are many constitutional options available short of independence but none of them quite fit Scotland's position as a nation within an asymmetrical union. Elements of federal and confederal theory could be used to entrench Scotland's institutions. Although there is a broad middle ground favouring more self-government short of independence, there is a division between neo-nationalists, who see Scotland as a self-determining nation with the United Kingdom as an external support system, and neo-unionists who want to retain a strong form of common British political and social citizenship.
Jason Edward Black
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628461961
- eISBN:
- 9781626744899
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628461961.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The conclusion considers the exchanges of governmental and American Indian discourses in the first third of the twentieth century in a colonizing context. Here, the passage of the Indian Citizenship ...
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The conclusion considers the exchanges of governmental and American Indian discourses in the first third of the twentieth century in a colonizing context. Here, the passage of the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924 and the Indian New Deal of 1934 culminated from a merging of governmental and indigenous voices, thereby exhibiting a hybridity present in the residues of their nineteenth century exchanges. Both of the outwardly emancipating acts were symbolic of the decolonizing power of Native agency over the course of the removal and allotment eras. Seemingly, integrationist American Indians would achieve the U.S. citizenship they had striven for throughout the allotment era through the Indian Citizenship Act. Likewise, separatist Natives would attain independence through the Indian New Deal, which allowed for tribal restructuring. However, the acts also pointed to the ways that the U.S. government retained its colonial control over American Indians by reifying the identity duality of U.S. nationalism. That is, the acts granted American Indian communities a controlled citizenship and a controlled sovereignty. In the end, both U.S. governmental and American Indian voices were blended into the resulting twin legislation that capped the cultural exchanges extant in nineteenth century U.S.-Native relations.Less
The conclusion considers the exchanges of governmental and American Indian discourses in the first third of the twentieth century in a colonizing context. Here, the passage of the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924 and the Indian New Deal of 1934 culminated from a merging of governmental and indigenous voices, thereby exhibiting a hybridity present in the residues of their nineteenth century exchanges. Both of the outwardly emancipating acts were symbolic of the decolonizing power of Native agency over the course of the removal and allotment eras. Seemingly, integrationist American Indians would achieve the U.S. citizenship they had striven for throughout the allotment era through the Indian Citizenship Act. Likewise, separatist Natives would attain independence through the Indian New Deal, which allowed for tribal restructuring. However, the acts also pointed to the ways that the U.S. government retained its colonial control over American Indians by reifying the identity duality of U.S. nationalism. That is, the acts granted American Indian communities a controlled citizenship and a controlled sovereignty. In the end, both U.S. governmental and American Indian voices were blended into the resulting twin legislation that capped the cultural exchanges extant in nineteenth century U.S.-Native relations.
Tracy B. Strong
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226623191
- eISBN:
- 9780226623368
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226623368.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
‘Learning Our Native Tongue’: Citizenship, Contestation and Conflict in America explores the American conceptions of citizenship from colonial times to present-day social media and terrorism. The ...
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‘Learning Our Native Tongue’: Citizenship, Contestation and Conflict in America explores the American conceptions of citizenship from colonial times to present-day social media and terrorism. The question of American citizenship should or can cast the question of citizenship of Americans not as a “right” (though it is that) but politically. The question of being or becoming a citizen as requiring that individuals can publicly and successfully claim to meet certain criteria that are taken to define (at that time, at that place, for this particular set of reasons) what “being a citizen” entails and requires, and that they have that claim acknowledged. Being a citizen thus entails more than simply suffrage, although it most often does entail that. These criteria change over time in and as response to historical developments; as important, they are thus always the subject matter for political controversy and conflict. (One has only to think of voting rights for women or for blacks). I pay attention to what difference each change makes and what each particular “winning” conception entails socially and politically. As the criteria change, some qualities are lost, others are gained. The nature and value of these losses and gains are the subject of this bookLess
‘Learning Our Native Tongue’: Citizenship, Contestation and Conflict in America explores the American conceptions of citizenship from colonial times to present-day social media and terrorism. The question of American citizenship should or can cast the question of citizenship of Americans not as a “right” (though it is that) but politically. The question of being or becoming a citizen as requiring that individuals can publicly and successfully claim to meet certain criteria that are taken to define (at that time, at that place, for this particular set of reasons) what “being a citizen” entails and requires, and that they have that claim acknowledged. Being a citizen thus entails more than simply suffrage, although it most often does entail that. These criteria change over time in and as response to historical developments; as important, they are thus always the subject matter for political controversy and conflict. (One has only to think of voting rights for women or for blacks). I pay attention to what difference each change makes and what each particular “winning” conception entails socially and politically. As the criteria change, some qualities are lost, others are gained. The nature and value of these losses and gains are the subject of this book
Spencer Dew
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226647968
- eISBN:
- 9780226648156
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226648156.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Noble Drew Ali, leader of the Moorish Science Temple of America movement in the early twentieth-century, taught that "citizenship is salvation." This book examines the legacy of Ali's thoughts on ...
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Noble Drew Ali, leader of the Moorish Science Temple of America movement in the early twentieth-century, taught that "citizenship is salvation." This book examines the legacy of Ali's thoughts on citizenship, law, and race in the MSTA and two other Aliite religions, the Washitaw de Dugdahmoundyah and the Nuwaubian Yamassee movement. In all three African American religious movements, members insist on an identity other than "negro, black, or colored" as a way of insisting upon full citizenship as a status. Thinkers within these religions also reiterate Ali's claims about citizenship as a process, a work of "sacred duty" wherein, through activity ranging from voting to pro se legal performance, citizens contribute to the perfection of the world. Such claims not only respond to American racism in creative ways, they also advance an understanding of "law" as an eternal, metaphysical reality, divine, aligned with justice and truth. The work of citizenship, then, is aimed at aligning the unjust and oppressive legal system of the state with that of True Law.Less
Noble Drew Ali, leader of the Moorish Science Temple of America movement in the early twentieth-century, taught that "citizenship is salvation." This book examines the legacy of Ali's thoughts on citizenship, law, and race in the MSTA and two other Aliite religions, the Washitaw de Dugdahmoundyah and the Nuwaubian Yamassee movement. In all three African American religious movements, members insist on an identity other than "negro, black, or colored" as a way of insisting upon full citizenship as a status. Thinkers within these religions also reiterate Ali's claims about citizenship as a process, a work of "sacred duty" wherein, through activity ranging from voting to pro se legal performance, citizens contribute to the perfection of the world. Such claims not only respond to American racism in creative ways, they also advance an understanding of "law" as an eternal, metaphysical reality, divine, aligned with justice and truth. The work of citizenship, then, is aimed at aligning the unjust and oppressive legal system of the state with that of True Law.
Christopher Bryan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195183344
- eISBN:
- 9780199835584
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195183347.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies
Paul writes within the biblical tradition, regarding the state as God’s minister for God’s purposes: therefore the state’s authority is legitimate but open to prophetic challenge. Paul urges ...
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Paul writes within the biblical tradition, regarding the state as God’s minister for God’s purposes: therefore the state’s authority is legitimate but open to prophetic challenge. Paul urges Christians to pay tax and respect the state’s right to execute “wrath.” Probably he also urges wealthy Christians to benefaction, thereby seeking the good of the city. All this is with a view to the new age that Paul believes is dawning in Christ. Much rhetoric of Pauline proclamation—Jesus as “lord” and “son of God”—resonates with Roman imperial rhetoric: such resonance does not necessarily imply confrontation and may imply approval. Suggestions that Christians’ claims to heavenly “citizenship” were denials of their Roman citizenship involve a failure to understand metaphor. Mere constraints of language obliged Paul to use at times the same vocabulary to speak of the divine as did others. Paul writes only once directly of the Roman state (Rom 13.1–7), and there he is generally positive.Less
Paul writes within the biblical tradition, regarding the state as God’s minister for God’s purposes: therefore the state’s authority is legitimate but open to prophetic challenge. Paul urges Christians to pay tax and respect the state’s right to execute “wrath.” Probably he also urges wealthy Christians to benefaction, thereby seeking the good of the city. All this is with a view to the new age that Paul believes is dawning in Christ. Much rhetoric of Pauline proclamation—Jesus as “lord” and “son of God”—resonates with Roman imperial rhetoric: such resonance does not necessarily imply confrontation and may imply approval. Suggestions that Christians’ claims to heavenly “citizenship” were denials of their Roman citizenship involve a failure to understand metaphor. Mere constraints of language obliged Paul to use at times the same vocabulary to speak of the divine as did others. Paul writes only once directly of the Roman state (Rom 13.1–7), and there he is generally positive.
Christopher Bryan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195183344
- eISBN:
- 9780199835584
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195183347.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies
Luke’s primary purpose is theological, but he is also interested in preparing his readers for persecution, whatever its source, and he is concerned with “legitimation”: the process whereby those who ...
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Luke’s primary purpose is theological, but he is also interested in preparing his readers for persecution, whatever its source, and he is concerned with “legitimation”: the process whereby those who become members of a new order need to have it explained and justified, especially if they have commitments that bind them to the old. Luke portrays some Roman officials negatively; he portrays many more positively. As Luke’s narrative begins, Mary’s obedience to Caesar is God’s instrument, bringing her to the place where she may fulfill God’s purpose; as it ends, Paul’s Roman citizenship is God’s instrument, protecting him and bringing him to proclaim the gospel in Rome. 1 Peter tells believers to “honor” the Emperor, though they are to “fear” no one but God. The seer of Revelation attacks Rome for what he sees as its idolatry (worship of emperor and empire), but even he does not counsel resistance to Rome or rebellion.Less
Luke’s primary purpose is theological, but he is also interested in preparing his readers for persecution, whatever its source, and he is concerned with “legitimation”: the process whereby those who become members of a new order need to have it explained and justified, especially if they have commitments that bind them to the old. Luke portrays some Roman officials negatively; he portrays many more positively. As Luke’s narrative begins, Mary’s obedience to Caesar is God’s instrument, bringing her to the place where she may fulfill God’s purpose; as it ends, Paul’s Roman citizenship is God’s instrument, protecting him and bringing him to proclaim the gospel in Rome. 1 Peter tells believers to “honor” the Emperor, though they are to “fear” no one but God. The seer of Revelation attacks Rome for what he sees as its idolatry (worship of emperor and empire), but even he does not counsel resistance to Rome or rebellion.
Ljubica Spaskovska
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781526106315
- eISBN:
- 9781526124210
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526106315.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
The book examines the role of the elite representatives of ‘the last Yugoslav generation’ from the spheres of media, art, culture and politics in rearticulating and redefining Yugoslav socialism and ...
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The book examines the role of the elite representatives of ‘the last Yugoslav generation’ from the spheres of media, art, culture and politics in rearticulating and redefining Yugoslav socialism and the youth’s link to the state. It argues that the Yugoslav youth elite of the 1980s essentially strove to decouple Yugoslavism and dogmatic socialism as the country faced a multi-level crisis where old and established practices and doctrines began to lose credibility. Hailed as ‘a new political generation’, they sought to reinvent institutional youth activism, to reform and democratise the youth organisation and hence open up new spaces for cultural and political expression. One line of argumentation targeted the ruling elite, exposed its responsibility for the poor implementation of socialist self-management and the necessity to thoroughly revise the socialist model without abandoning its basic principles; and a later trend in which experimentation with liberal concepts and values became dominant. The first type of critique - reform socialism - was almost completely abandoned during the very last years of the decade, as more and more dominant players in the youth sphere started to turn away from socialism and came to appropriate the discourse of human rights, pluralism, free market and European integration. The book maintains that this generation embodied a particular sense of citizenship and framed its generational identity and activism within the confines of what the author refers to as ‘layered Yugoslavism’, where one’s ethno-national and Yugoslav sense of belonging were perceived as complementary, rather than mutually exclusive.Less
The book examines the role of the elite representatives of ‘the last Yugoslav generation’ from the spheres of media, art, culture and politics in rearticulating and redefining Yugoslav socialism and the youth’s link to the state. It argues that the Yugoslav youth elite of the 1980s essentially strove to decouple Yugoslavism and dogmatic socialism as the country faced a multi-level crisis where old and established practices and doctrines began to lose credibility. Hailed as ‘a new political generation’, they sought to reinvent institutional youth activism, to reform and democratise the youth organisation and hence open up new spaces for cultural and political expression. One line of argumentation targeted the ruling elite, exposed its responsibility for the poor implementation of socialist self-management and the necessity to thoroughly revise the socialist model without abandoning its basic principles; and a later trend in which experimentation with liberal concepts and values became dominant. The first type of critique - reform socialism - was almost completely abandoned during the very last years of the decade, as more and more dominant players in the youth sphere started to turn away from socialism and came to appropriate the discourse of human rights, pluralism, free market and European integration. The book maintains that this generation embodied a particular sense of citizenship and framed its generational identity and activism within the confines of what the author refers to as ‘layered Yugoslavism’, where one’s ethno-national and Yugoslav sense of belonging were perceived as complementary, rather than mutually exclusive.
Joe Earle, Cahal Moral, and Zach Ward-Perkins
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781526110121
- eISBN:
- 9781526120748
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526110121.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, History of Economic Thought
One hundred years ago the idea of ‘the economy’ didn’t exist. Now, improving ‘the economy’ has come to be seen as one of the most important tasks facing modern societies. Politics and policymaking ...
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One hundred years ago the idea of ‘the economy’ didn’t exist. Now, improving ‘the economy’ has come to be seen as one of the most important tasks facing modern societies. Politics and policymaking are increasingly conducted in the language of economics and economic logic increasingly frames how political problems are defined and addressed. The result is that crucial societal functions are outsourced to economic experts. The econocracy is about how this particular way of thinking about economies and economics has come to dominate many modern societies and its damaging consequences. We have put experts in charge but those experts are not fit for purpose.
A growing movement is arguing that we should redefine the relationship between society and economics. Across the world, students, the economists of the future, are rebelling against their education. From three members of this movement comes a book that tries to open up the black box of economic decision making to public scrutiny. We show how a particular form of economics has come to dominate in universities across the UK and has thus shaped our understanding of the economy. We document the weaknesses of this form of economics and how it has failed to address many important issues such as financial stability, environmental sustainability and inequality; and we set out a vision for how we can bring economic discussion and decision making back into the public sphere to ensure the societies of the future can flourish.Less
One hundred years ago the idea of ‘the economy’ didn’t exist. Now, improving ‘the economy’ has come to be seen as one of the most important tasks facing modern societies. Politics and policymaking are increasingly conducted in the language of economics and economic logic increasingly frames how political problems are defined and addressed. The result is that crucial societal functions are outsourced to economic experts. The econocracy is about how this particular way of thinking about economies and economics has come to dominate many modern societies and its damaging consequences. We have put experts in charge but those experts are not fit for purpose.
A growing movement is arguing that we should redefine the relationship between society and economics. Across the world, students, the economists of the future, are rebelling against their education. From three members of this movement comes a book that tries to open up the black box of economic decision making to public scrutiny. We show how a particular form of economics has come to dominate in universities across the UK and has thus shaped our understanding of the economy. We document the weaknesses of this form of economics and how it has failed to address many important issues such as financial stability, environmental sustainability and inequality; and we set out a vision for how we can bring economic discussion and decision making back into the public sphere to ensure the societies of the future can flourish.
Michael Lister
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748633418
- eISBN:
- 9780748671977
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748633418.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The relationship between individuals and the political community has been conceptualised in a number of different ways. This chapter will consider three different classical conceptions of ...
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The relationship between individuals and the political community has been conceptualised in a number of different ways. This chapter will consider three different classical conceptions of citizenship. The first is the liberal conception, which, unsurprisingly, takes the individual as the main focus. A liberal theory of citizenship emphasises the equality of rights which each citizen holds, and how these rights enable the individual to pursue their aims and goals. The second theory, communitarianism, is critical of this position. For communitarians, the individual does not exist prior to the community. As such, it argues that the liberal theory fails to consider duty or loyalty to the community, ignores the social nature of individuals and, in emphasising rights, ignores responsibilities and duties owed to the community. A third theory of citizenship is the republican tradition. It emphasises participation in government as the foundation for the promotion of the civic good. It is critical of both the liberal perspective, which it sees as too fragmentary, and also, the communitarian view, as it is wary of local identities being placed above wider civic goals.Less
The relationship between individuals and the political community has been conceptualised in a number of different ways. This chapter will consider three different classical conceptions of citizenship. The first is the liberal conception, which, unsurprisingly, takes the individual as the main focus. A liberal theory of citizenship emphasises the equality of rights which each citizen holds, and how these rights enable the individual to pursue their aims and goals. The second theory, communitarianism, is critical of this position. For communitarians, the individual does not exist prior to the community. As such, it argues that the liberal theory fails to consider duty or loyalty to the community, ignores the social nature of individuals and, in emphasising rights, ignores responsibilities and duties owed to the community. A third theory of citizenship is the republican tradition. It emphasises participation in government as the foundation for the promotion of the civic good. It is critical of both the liberal perspective, which it sees as too fragmentary, and also, the communitarian view, as it is wary of local identities being placed above wider civic goals.
Ben Herzog
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814760383
- eISBN:
- 9780814770962
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814760383.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
The conclusion connects the arguments discussed throughout the book with claims regarding the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and birthright citizenship. Up to the middle of the ...
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The conclusion connects the arguments discussed throughout the book with claims regarding the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and birthright citizenship. Up to the middle of the twentieth century, the idea of citizenship itself constructed a national world order that demanded exclusive political membership and thus favored expatriation of those who acquired dual citizenship; to a certain extent this is true even today. Following Pierre Bourdieu, the key claim of this study is that the loss of citizenship is not determined by its location within the field of citizenship but derives from the fact that the game is played. The policy of expatriation results from the uncontested assumption that the world is divided into sovereign political entities and that rights are dispensed accordingly.Less
The conclusion connects the arguments discussed throughout the book with claims regarding the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and birthright citizenship. Up to the middle of the twentieth century, the idea of citizenship itself constructed a national world order that demanded exclusive political membership and thus favored expatriation of those who acquired dual citizenship; to a certain extent this is true even today. Following Pierre Bourdieu, the key claim of this study is that the loss of citizenship is not determined by its location within the field of citizenship but derives from the fact that the game is played. The policy of expatriation results from the uncontested assumption that the world is divided into sovereign political entities and that rights are dispensed accordingly.
Carol Vincent
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781447351955
- eISBN:
- 9781447351993
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447351955.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
What are ‘British values’? Is a shared commitment to a particular set of values possible within a diverse nation? Is such a commitment necessary? If so, what should those values be and how do we pass ...
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What are ‘British values’? Is a shared commitment to a particular set of values possible within a diverse nation? Is such a commitment necessary? If so, what should those values be and how do we pass them on to children? This book investigates the government’s recent requirement that teachers in English schools promote the ‘fundamental British values’ of democracy, rule of law, individual liberty, mutual respect and tolerance of those of different faiths and beliefs. This requirement is part of national counter-extremism policies that now encompass schools and teachers. Drawing on lesson observations and interviews with teachers and other education professionals, in a range of primary and secondary schools, the book explores the different ways in which teachers have reacted to this requirement, and the wider social and political climate in which they do so. The discussion includes themes of nationalism, cohesion, belonging, multiculturalism, and citizenship, how teachers respond to diversity and how they teach values and education for future citizenship. The book investigates the contexts in which the teachers work, their priorities and the constraints upon them, as well as the marginalisation of citizenship education in favour of individual character education. The issues the book addresses around nation, cohesion, diversity and the role of schools in educating future citizens retain a fundamental importance within the current context of global population mobilities, and the growth of populism around the world.Less
What are ‘British values’? Is a shared commitment to a particular set of values possible within a diverse nation? Is such a commitment necessary? If so, what should those values be and how do we pass them on to children? This book investigates the government’s recent requirement that teachers in English schools promote the ‘fundamental British values’ of democracy, rule of law, individual liberty, mutual respect and tolerance of those of different faiths and beliefs. This requirement is part of national counter-extremism policies that now encompass schools and teachers. Drawing on lesson observations and interviews with teachers and other education professionals, in a range of primary and secondary schools, the book explores the different ways in which teachers have reacted to this requirement, and the wider social and political climate in which they do so. The discussion includes themes of nationalism, cohesion, belonging, multiculturalism, and citizenship, how teachers respond to diversity and how they teach values and education for future citizenship. The book investigates the contexts in which the teachers work, their priorities and the constraints upon them, as well as the marginalisation of citizenship education in favour of individual character education. The issues the book addresses around nation, cohesion, diversity and the role of schools in educating future citizens retain a fundamental importance within the current context of global population mobilities, and the growth of populism around the world.
Andrew Dilts
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780823262410
- eISBN:
- 9780823268986
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823262410.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Punishment and Inclusion: Race, Membership, and the Limits of American Liberalism, gives a theoretical and historical account of the pernicious practice of felon disenfranchisement, drawing widely on ...
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Punishment and Inclusion: Race, Membership, and the Limits of American Liberalism, gives a theoretical and historical account of the pernicious practice of felon disenfranchisement, drawing widely on early modern political philosophy, continental and post-colonial political thought, critical race theory, feminist philosophy, disability theory, critical legal studies, and archival research into 19th and 20th state constitutional conventions. It demonstrates that the history of felon disenfranchisement, rooted in post-slavery restrictions on suffrage and the contemporaneous emergence of the modern “American” penal system, shows the deep connections between two political institutions often thought to be separate: punishment and citizenship. It reveals the work of membership done by the criminal punishment system, and at the same time, the work of punishment done by the electoral franchise. Felon disenfranchisement is shown to be a symptomatic marker of the deep tension and interdependence that persists in democratic politics between who is considered a member of the polity and how that polity punishes persons who violate its laws. While these connections are seldom deployed openly in current debates about suffrage or criminal justice, the book shows how white supremacy, a perniciously quiet yet deeply violent political system, continues to operate through contemporary regimes of punishment and governance.Less
Punishment and Inclusion: Race, Membership, and the Limits of American Liberalism, gives a theoretical and historical account of the pernicious practice of felon disenfranchisement, drawing widely on early modern political philosophy, continental and post-colonial political thought, critical race theory, feminist philosophy, disability theory, critical legal studies, and archival research into 19th and 20th state constitutional conventions. It demonstrates that the history of felon disenfranchisement, rooted in post-slavery restrictions on suffrage and the contemporaneous emergence of the modern “American” penal system, shows the deep connections between two political institutions often thought to be separate: punishment and citizenship. It reveals the work of membership done by the criminal punishment system, and at the same time, the work of punishment done by the electoral franchise. Felon disenfranchisement is shown to be a symptomatic marker of the deep tension and interdependence that persists in democratic politics between who is considered a member of the polity and how that polity punishes persons who violate its laws. While these connections are seldom deployed openly in current debates about suffrage or criminal justice, the book shows how white supremacy, a perniciously quiet yet deeply violent political system, continues to operate through contemporary regimes of punishment and governance.
Laura Harris
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780823279784
- eISBN:
- 9780823281480
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823279784.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Comparing the radical aesthetic and social experiments undertaken by two exile intellectuals, James and Oiticica, Harris chart a desire in their work to formulate alternative theories of citizenship, ...
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Comparing the radical aesthetic and social experiments undertaken by two exile intellectuals, James and Oiticica, Harris chart a desire in their work to formulate alternative theories of citizenship, wherein common reception of popular cultural forms is linked to a potentially expanded, non-exclusive polity. By carefully analyzing the materiality of the multiply-lined, multiply voiced writing of the “undocuments” that record these social experiments and relay their prophetic descriptions of and instructions for the new social worlds they wished to forge and inhabit, however, Harris argue that their projects ultimately challenge rather than seek to rehabilitate normative conceptions of citizens and polities as well as authors and artworks. James and Oiticica’s experiments recall the insurgent sociality of “the motley crew” historians Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker describe in The Many-Headed Hydra, their study of the trans-Atlantic, cross-gendered, multi-racial working class of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Reading James’s and Oiticica’s projects against the grain of Linebaugh and Rediker’s inability to find evidence of that sociality’s persistence or futurity, Harris show how James and Oiticica gravitate toward and seek to relay the ongoing renewal of dissident, dissonant social forms, which are for them always also aesthetic forms, in the barrack-yards of Port-of-Spain and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, the assembly lines of Detroit and the streets of the New York. The formal openness and performative multiplicity that manifests itself at the place where writing and organizing converge invokes that sociality and provokes its ongoing re-invention. Their writing extends a radical, collective Afro-diasporic intellectuality, an aesthetic sociality of blackness, where blackness is understood not as the eclipse, but the ongoing transformative conservation of the motley crew’s multi-raciality. Blackness is further instantiated in the interracial and queer sexual relations, and in a new sexual metaphorics of production and reproduction, whose disruption and reconfiguration of gender structures the collaborations from which James’s and Oiticica’s undocuments emerge, orienting them towards new forms of social, aesthetic and intellectual life.Less
Comparing the radical aesthetic and social experiments undertaken by two exile intellectuals, James and Oiticica, Harris chart a desire in their work to formulate alternative theories of citizenship, wherein common reception of popular cultural forms is linked to a potentially expanded, non-exclusive polity. By carefully analyzing the materiality of the multiply-lined, multiply voiced writing of the “undocuments” that record these social experiments and relay their prophetic descriptions of and instructions for the new social worlds they wished to forge and inhabit, however, Harris argue that their projects ultimately challenge rather than seek to rehabilitate normative conceptions of citizens and polities as well as authors and artworks. James and Oiticica’s experiments recall the insurgent sociality of “the motley crew” historians Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker describe in The Many-Headed Hydra, their study of the trans-Atlantic, cross-gendered, multi-racial working class of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Reading James’s and Oiticica’s projects against the grain of Linebaugh and Rediker’s inability to find evidence of that sociality’s persistence or futurity, Harris show how James and Oiticica gravitate toward and seek to relay the ongoing renewal of dissident, dissonant social forms, which are for them always also aesthetic forms, in the barrack-yards of Port-of-Spain and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, the assembly lines of Detroit and the streets of the New York. The formal openness and performative multiplicity that manifests itself at the place where writing and organizing converge invokes that sociality and provokes its ongoing re-invention. Their writing extends a radical, collective Afro-diasporic intellectuality, an aesthetic sociality of blackness, where blackness is understood not as the eclipse, but the ongoing transformative conservation of the motley crew’s multi-raciality. Blackness is further instantiated in the interracial and queer sexual relations, and in a new sexual metaphorics of production and reproduction, whose disruption and reconfiguration of gender structures the collaborations from which James’s and Oiticica’s undocuments emerge, orienting them towards new forms of social, aesthetic and intellectual life.
Stephen Chiu and Siu Lun Wong (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789888083497
- eISBN:
- 9789882209107
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888083497.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
The relationship between government and society in Hong Kong has become an intensely debated topic as the complexities of governance grow and the old strategies of consensus building without genuine ...
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The relationship between government and society in Hong Kong has become an intensely debated topic as the complexities of governance grow and the old strategies of consensus building without genuine public participation fail to satisfy. Lacking democratic credentials, the Hong Kong SAR government finds itself more and more limited in its capacity to implement policies and less able to rely on traditional allies. A society dissatisfied with old forms of governance has become ever more ready to mobilize itself outside of the formal political structures. This collection by leading scholars examines the Hong Kong government's efforts to reposition itself in the economy and society under the pressures of globalization, economic and political restructuring and the rise of civil society. Drawing on changing theoretical conceptions of state, market and citizenship, Repositioning the Hong Kong Government offers new interpretations of the problems of governance in Hong Kong and puts forward positive suggestions for resolving them.Less
The relationship between government and society in Hong Kong has become an intensely debated topic as the complexities of governance grow and the old strategies of consensus building without genuine public participation fail to satisfy. Lacking democratic credentials, the Hong Kong SAR government finds itself more and more limited in its capacity to implement policies and less able to rely on traditional allies. A society dissatisfied with old forms of governance has become ever more ready to mobilize itself outside of the formal political structures. This collection by leading scholars examines the Hong Kong government's efforts to reposition itself in the economy and society under the pressures of globalization, economic and political restructuring and the rise of civil society. Drawing on changing theoretical conceptions of state, market and citizenship, Repositioning the Hong Kong Government offers new interpretations of the problems of governance in Hong Kong and puts forward positive suggestions for resolving them.
Kathleen M. German
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496812353
- eISBN:
- 9781496812391
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496812353.001.0001
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
Considering their historically marginalized place in American democracy, one wonders why African Americans bothered to fight in any American conflict. This conundrum is especially perplexing in World ...
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Considering their historically marginalized place in American democracy, one wonders why African Americans bothered to fight in any American conflict. This conundrum is especially perplexing in World War II, a war to free millions from tyranny. Scholars have neglected to ask the fundamental question; why did the African American community send thousands of men to fight for a democratic way of life in which they could not fully participate? The answers to this question, and there are undoubtedly multiple responses, may shed light on contemporary quandaries–situations that involve military mobilization for the good, not of the whole society, but of narrow constituencies. This is the central question of this book. The chapters explore the cultural context where citizenship for African Americans was negotiated through military service.Less
Considering their historically marginalized place in American democracy, one wonders why African Americans bothered to fight in any American conflict. This conundrum is especially perplexing in World War II, a war to free millions from tyranny. Scholars have neglected to ask the fundamental question; why did the African American community send thousands of men to fight for a democratic way of life in which they could not fully participate? The answers to this question, and there are undoubtedly multiple responses, may shed light on contemporary quandaries–situations that involve military mobilization for the good, not of the whole society, but of narrow constituencies. This is the central question of this book. The chapters explore the cultural context where citizenship for African Americans was negotiated through military service.
Caroline Melly
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226488875
- eISBN:
- 9780226489063
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226489063.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, African Studies
Drawing on long-term ethnographic research, this book examines the emergence of mobility as an enduring and elusive collective value in contemporary Dakar, Senegal. It takes the concept of ...
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Drawing on long-term ethnographic research, this book examines the emergence of mobility as an enduring and elusive collective value in contemporary Dakar, Senegal. It takes the concept of embouteillage (bottleneck)—a term used primarily to describe the city’s proliferating traffic jams, but also frustrated migration itineraries, tedious bureaucratic lags, overcrowded residential neighborhoods, overburdened infrastructures, the trickle of investment funds, and the scarcity of foreign visas—as both a concrete point of departure and as a theoretical lens for making sense of everyday life and policy in urban Africa and beyond. This book argues that it was in navigating through and engaging with bottlenecks of all sorts that residents grappled most urgently and intimately with the changing nature of citizenship and governance in the capital city. Moreover, the book asserts that the bottleneck, broadly construed, is not peculiar to Dakar but is instead the defining feature of citizen-state relations throughout the Global South. In this way, the book contributes to scholarly literatures on economic policy and practice after structural adjustment; citizenship and governance in a transnational era; urban space and infrastructure in the Global South; and migration and mobility.Less
Drawing on long-term ethnographic research, this book examines the emergence of mobility as an enduring and elusive collective value in contemporary Dakar, Senegal. It takes the concept of embouteillage (bottleneck)—a term used primarily to describe the city’s proliferating traffic jams, but also frustrated migration itineraries, tedious bureaucratic lags, overcrowded residential neighborhoods, overburdened infrastructures, the trickle of investment funds, and the scarcity of foreign visas—as both a concrete point of departure and as a theoretical lens for making sense of everyday life and policy in urban Africa and beyond. This book argues that it was in navigating through and engaging with bottlenecks of all sorts that residents grappled most urgently and intimately with the changing nature of citizenship and governance in the capital city. Moreover, the book asserts that the bottleneck, broadly construed, is not peculiar to Dakar but is instead the defining feature of citizen-state relations throughout the Global South. In this way, the book contributes to scholarly literatures on economic policy and practice after structural adjustment; citizenship and governance in a transnational era; urban space and infrastructure in the Global South; and migration and mobility.
Kari Karppinen
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780823245123
- eISBN:
- 9780823268979
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823245123.001.0001
- Subject:
- Information Science, Communications
In this book, the author argues that media pluralism needs to be rescued from its depoliticized uses and re-imagined more broadly as a normative value that refers to the distribution of communicative ...
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In this book, the author argues that media pluralism needs to be rescued from its depoliticized uses and re-imagined more broadly as a normative value that refers to the distribution of communicative power in the public sphere. It notes that access to a broad range of different political views and cultural expressions is often regarded as a self-evident value in both theoretical and political debates on media and democracy. While this pluralism is commonly accepted as a guiding principle of media policy, the book argues that opinions on the meaning and nature of media pluralism vary widely, and that definitions of it can easily be adjusted to suit different political purposes. It contends that the notions of media pluralism and diversity have been reduced to empty catchphrases or that they have been conflated with consumer choice and market competition. This has left key questions about social and political values, democracy and citizenship unexamined. The book argues that, instead of something that is simply measured through the number of media outlets available, media pluralism should be understood in terms of its ability to challenge inequalities and create a more democratic public sphere.Less
In this book, the author argues that media pluralism needs to be rescued from its depoliticized uses and re-imagined more broadly as a normative value that refers to the distribution of communicative power in the public sphere. It notes that access to a broad range of different political views and cultural expressions is often regarded as a self-evident value in both theoretical and political debates on media and democracy. While this pluralism is commonly accepted as a guiding principle of media policy, the book argues that opinions on the meaning and nature of media pluralism vary widely, and that definitions of it can easily be adjusted to suit different political purposes. It contends that the notions of media pluralism and diversity have been reduced to empty catchphrases or that they have been conflated with consumer choice and market competition. This has left key questions about social and political values, democracy and citizenship unexamined. The book argues that, instead of something that is simply measured through the number of media outlets available, media pluralism should be understood in terms of its ability to challenge inequalities and create a more democratic public sphere.
Fred Dallmayr
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813141916
- eISBN:
- 9780813142364
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813141916.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In Being in the World: Dialogue and Cosmopolis, noted political theorist Fred Dallmayr explores the world’s transition from a traditional Westphalian system of states to today’s interlocking ...
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In Being in the World: Dialogue and Cosmopolis, noted political theorist Fred Dallmayr explores the world’s transition from a traditional Westphalian system of states to today’s interlocking cosmopolis. Drawing upon biblical literature, as well as ancient philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle and current scholars such as Heidegger, Gadamer, and Raimon Panikkar, this manuscript delves into the importance of what Dallmayr calls “ethical-political engagement.” Dallmayr asserts that traditional concepts of individual and national identity, as well as perceived relationships between the self and others, are undergoing profound change. Every town has become a cosmopolis—an international city—affecting the way that nations conceptualize the relationship between general order and political practice. Rather than lamenting current problems, he suggests ways to successfully address them, through civic education and global citizenship. He argues that what is most needed is a politics of the common good, which requires the cultivation of public ethics, open dialogue, and civic responsibility. The book engages varied philosophical traditions in an original conversation about globalization and our world today.Less
In Being in the World: Dialogue and Cosmopolis, noted political theorist Fred Dallmayr explores the world’s transition from a traditional Westphalian system of states to today’s interlocking cosmopolis. Drawing upon biblical literature, as well as ancient philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle and current scholars such as Heidegger, Gadamer, and Raimon Panikkar, this manuscript delves into the importance of what Dallmayr calls “ethical-political engagement.” Dallmayr asserts that traditional concepts of individual and national identity, as well as perceived relationships between the self and others, are undergoing profound change. Every town has become a cosmopolis—an international city—affecting the way that nations conceptualize the relationship between general order and political practice. Rather than lamenting current problems, he suggests ways to successfully address them, through civic education and global citizenship. He argues that what is most needed is a politics of the common good, which requires the cultivation of public ethics, open dialogue, and civic responsibility. The book engages varied philosophical traditions in an original conversation about globalization and our world today.
Sharada Balachandran Orihuela
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469640921
- eISBN:
- 9781469640945
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640921.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 20th Century Literature
In this book, Sharada Balachandran Orihuela examines property ownership and its connections to citizenship, race and slavery, and piracy as seen through the lens of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century ...
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In this book, Sharada Balachandran Orihuela examines property ownership and its connections to citizenship, race and slavery, and piracy as seen through the lens of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century American literature. Balachandran Orihuela defines piracy expansively, from the familiar concept of nautical pirates and robbery in international waters to postrevolutionary counterfeiting, transnational slave escape, and the illegal trade of cotton across the Americas during the Civil War. Weaving together close readings of American, Chicano, and African American literature with political theory, the author shows that piracy, when represented through literature, has imagined more inclusive and democratic communities than were then possible in reality. The author shows that these subjects are not taking part in unlawful acts only for economic gain. Rather, Balachandran Orihuela argues that piracy might, surprisingly, have served as a public good, representing a form of transnational belonging that transcends membership in any one nation-state while also functioning as a surrogate to citizenship through the ownership of property. These transnational and transactional forms of social and economic life allow for a better understanding of the foundational importance of property ownership and its role in the creation of citizenship.Less
In this book, Sharada Balachandran Orihuela examines property ownership and its connections to citizenship, race and slavery, and piracy as seen through the lens of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century American literature. Balachandran Orihuela defines piracy expansively, from the familiar concept of nautical pirates and robbery in international waters to postrevolutionary counterfeiting, transnational slave escape, and the illegal trade of cotton across the Americas during the Civil War. Weaving together close readings of American, Chicano, and African American literature with political theory, the author shows that piracy, when represented through literature, has imagined more inclusive and democratic communities than were then possible in reality. The author shows that these subjects are not taking part in unlawful acts only for economic gain. Rather, Balachandran Orihuela argues that piracy might, surprisingly, have served as a public good, representing a form of transnational belonging that transcends membership in any one nation-state while also functioning as a surrogate to citizenship through the ownership of property. These transnational and transactional forms of social and economic life allow for a better understanding of the foundational importance of property ownership and its role in the creation of citizenship.
