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This chapter focuses on the massive resistance against desegregation in Little Rock, Arkansas. It begins with a description of the efforts of organizations such as the Mother's League of Central High and the Capital Citizens' Council to oppose desegregation. It then discusses how in Arkansas, the rhetoric on race, resistance, and violence first emerged in the small northeastern town of Hoxie, where school officials announced the integration of schools in 1955. The chapter then considers how massive resistance in Little Rock differed from those in other parts of the South.

This chapter examines the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v. Board of Education, which struck down state-mandated segregation in public education, and its implications for southern authoritarian enclaves. With the Brown shock, Mississippi's rulers faced their first major black insurgency in decades. A standoff between the state's governors and the White Citizens' Council (WCC) forces led to a stalemate over the development of an effective coercive apparatus, with negative consequences for managing the desegregation crisis at the University of Mississippi. The chapter first considers the state of black education prior to Brown before discussing the crisis, triggered by the university's refusal to admit James Meredith—who was black— and Mississippi's resistance to the decision. It shows how a combination of intraelite dissensus and weak party–state capacities help explain the enclave's navigation of the desegregation crisis at the University of Mississippi.

This chapter explores the thinking that accompanied change within the host organisation of the Citizens Council of the British National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE). It traces the discursive work of reframing in the face of real and imagined forms of stakeholder interrogation and challenge, and the ways in which different stakeholders intervened to assess the value of the Council. The chapter discusses the different directions from which queries could emerge and the multiple ways in which deliberation itself could be construed as a contested and contestable practice.

This chapter discusses the first meeting of the Citizens Council of the British National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE). It explores what occurred as the Citizens Council migrated from an in-house organisational plan to an actual embodied event based on transcripts of video records of the events, ethnographic observations, and quantitative analyses. The chapter describes the balance of activities that made up the Salford meeting and discusses the process of becoming informed.

This chapter examines the setting up of the Citizens Council of the British National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE). It describes the NICE at the point where the Citizens Council idea began to develop, linking understandings of the organisation with the challenge of putting words on paper about the precise shape of the Council, and discusses the recruitment of citizens' councillors. The chapter also offers a preliminary assessment of some of the features of the design choices that were made about the Council and some hints about how consequential these choices were to become in relation to deliberative participation in healthcare decision making.

This chapter evaluates the impact of changing design on the Citizens Council of the British National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE). It explores the concrete case of the NICE Citizens Council to discover more about the micro-level conditions that impede and facilitate deliberative performances. The chapter describes the main alterations in the meeting format made by NICE and the facilitators, and identifies the changes that seemed to work. It also shows how a finer-grained analysis of practice can deepen understanding of the practices that go to make up deliberation and challenge aspects of the model of ideal deliberation.

This chapter examines the overt attempts by dominant groups to control the agenda and subtle effects of hegemonic discourse at the meetings of the Citizens Council of the British National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE). It describes the ways by which the voices of minority-ethnic-group members of the Council were included in it and the discursive styles deployed by members of the Council to deal with the new context they found themselves in. The chapter also discusses the issues of citizen identity and a new conceptualisation of deliberation as a dialogic discursive practice.

This chapter aims to set out and develop an understanding of citizen deliberation that is more in tune with the way in which citizens think, which works with issues of power, and which accommodates contextual features in a nuanced way. It summarises key findings from the observation of deliberation in meetings of the Citizens Council of the British National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE) and proposes an alternative theoretical framework for deliberation. The chapter argues for an expanded understanding of deliberation as practice and a move away from the particular forms of political-science theorising that have so far dominated debates for citizen participation.

This chapter examines how Joe T. Patterson worked with more thoroughly committed segregationists to face the challenges to the Jim Crow hierarchy in the white South. It first considers the formation of two groups by segregationists in response to the US Supreme Court's 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education: the Citizens' Council and the State Sovereignty Commission. It then discusses Patterson's involvement in racist politics as both an early member of the Citizens' Council and one of the original leaders of the Sovereignty Commission, along with his defense of segregation. It also explains how Patterson and Mississippi Governor James P. Coleman used practical segregation to recast the debate away from an effort to preserve white supremacy at all costs and utilized subtle language to claim that they were looking to protect their own freedom. Finally, it explores Patterson's stand regarding the desegration of the Veterans Administration hospitals.

This chapter details what transpired in Mississippi between the Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954, the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1964, and the Alexander v. Holmes County Board of Education ruling in 1969, as local blacks fought to hold their school districts accountable to the principles of Brown, and whites devised a host of ever-changing ways to delay or impede desegregation efforts. Despite the success of the Citizens' Council in stopping blacks from filing desegregation petitions with their local school boards, many blacks in the South continued to hold onto at least a modicum of optimism that the law of the land would ultimately prevail. In October 1969, the Alexander v. Holmes Board of Education ruling finally forced school districts in Mississippi to end their dual system of segregated schooling.

Urban politics largely focus on a competition for critical resources: along with affordable, quality housing, residents of poor urban neighborhoods need parks, clean streets, safety, quality education, and so on. Poor neighborhoods usually lose out in this competition, finding themselves with substandard housing, few if any green spaces, irregular trash collection, high crime rates, and failing schools. The story of Los Sures and the United Jewish Organizations captures the response of Williamsburg's Latinos and Hasidim to the devastated housing conditions of their neighborhood. The two community-based organizations' (CBOs) unique solutions to that problem involved significant political engagement with the city's housing bureaucracy and other actors in the housing field. This chapter examines the distinctive uses of politics by two CBOs—the Ridgewood–Bushwick Senior Citizens Council and Saint Barbara's Catholic Church—in a second poor Brooklyn neighborhood, Bushwick, which lies just east of Williamsburg.

This chapter presents transcripts of three interviews by Anna Holden: an interview with bus drivers; an interview with Mayor W. A. Gayle on February 10, 1956; and an interview with a prominent local attorney and White Citizens Council leader Sam Englehardt on February 8, 1956.

This chapter dissects the effectiveness of antidelinquency efforts—from national to local levels. In the 1950s, the decade of delinquency, the United States committed fully to curbing juvenile delinquency in a way comparable to the Progressive-era child-saving efforts, which led to the establishment of the juvenile court system. Shifts in youth behaviors dominated popular discourse at midcentury, and youth crime emerged to the forefront. Considering that youth criminality intersected race, class, gender, and region, as confirmed by the United States Senate Subcommittee on Juvenile Delinquency in 1953, many people took interest in prevention efforts. In New York City, various agencies and organizations, both formal and informal, put forth efforts to combat youth crime as they saw fit—some more successfully than others—and they ranged from large institutional endeavors, such as the Harlem YMCA, to on-the-ground organizing by the youths themselves, such as the Harlem Young Citizens Council. Even with all the crime and delinquency prevention efforts that emerged, the number of youths arrested, especially black youths, continued to rise, and although this pointed to a function of policy and practice as opposed to changes in behaviors, it reestablished race as the basis of youth criminality.

This chapter explores the world of proms, cheerleading, band, pep rallies, homecoming court, and student government, where the racial politics of the day had a direct impact on the lives of students. It analyzes how the micropolitics embedded in extracurricular activities both helped and impeded the loftier goal of reducing prejudice through social integration. For years, segregationists had warned about the dire consequences of “race mixing.” Indeed, the Citizens' Council built its campaign to preserve segregated public schools around predictions that integration of schools would bring about interracial friendships, dating, and marriage, thus the end of “racial integrity” and the dominance of the white race. Therefore, as schools began to desegregate in the late 1960s, at the forefront of everyone's minds was the issue of social integration among black and white students.

This chapter examines the implications of James Meredith's attempt to integrate the University of Mississippi in 1962 for the Jim Crow South and the white leadership in Mississippi. The central question arising from the Meredith crisis was how far members of the white hierarchy would be willing to go to maintain segregation in higher education. Ross Barnett and the Citizens' Council forced a reluctant federal government to intervene, resulting in the eruption of violence on the campus. Others, like Joe T. Patterson, were more willing to bend in order to maintain as much power as possible. This chapter first discusses Meredith's fight for admission to Ole Miss that culminated in Meredith v. Fair as well as Patterson's attempt to keep Meredith out of the university. It then considers the US Supreme Court ruling in favor of Meredith and the US Department of Justice's involvement in the case. It also explores Patterson's the behind-the-scenes efforts to finally allow Meredith to enter the campus.