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The China Institute in America: Advocating for China through Educational Exchange, 1926–1937

Madeline Y. Hsu

in The Good Immigrants: How the Yellow Peril Became the Model Minority

This chapter examines the institutionalization of Sino-American collaboration through the China Institute in America. Meng Zhi (1901–1990) directed this organization for thirty-seven years and helped ... More

This chapter examines the institutionalization of Sino-American collaboration through the China Institute in America. Meng Zhi (1901–1990) directed this organization for thirty-seven years and helped the Chinese government gain greater influence over the selection and training of Chinese students in the United States. In so doing, he became a valued participant in the development of America's international education establishment as spearheaded by the Institute for International Education (IIE) under the leadership of Stephen Duggan. Meng effectively advocated on behalf of Nationalist Chinese agendas and Chinese students to claim growing levels of support and accommodation from entities such as the IIE and later the Department of State. This shifting balance resulted partly from rising tides of Chinese nationalism, as well as rising hostilities with Japan.Less

The Chinese Nationalist Government and the Shanghai Jewish Refugees

Gao Bei

in Shanghai Sanctuary: Chinese and Japanese Policy toward European Jewish Refugees during World War II

This chapter details how Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist government entertained three plans to settle European Jewish refugees on Chinese soil during the war against Japan. In early 1939, Sun Ke, ... More

This chapter details how Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist government entertained three plans to settle European Jewish refugees on Chinese soil during the war against Japan. In early 1939, Sun Ke, president of the Legislative Yuan, formulated a plan to settle European Jewish refugees in southwest China. At the same time, the German Jewish businessman Jakob Berglas and the politically active American Jewish dentist Maurice William presented plans to both the Nationalist and U.S. governments to transplant European Jews to China. The Nationalists have been harshly criticized for not confronting the invading Japanese with enough determination. However, their Jewish policy demonstrates that the Chinese Nationalists were determined not only to fight the war but also to use every possible tool, domestic and international, to win. It also illuminates how the “Jewish issue” complicated the relationships between China, Japan, Germany, and the United States before and during World War II.Less

The Communist Powers Appease the United States

Gareth Porter

in Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam

This chapter demonstrates how the Soviet and Chinese governments adjusted their policy to their weakness relative to the United States by acquiescing to the U.S. assertion of its interest in keeping ... More

This chapter demonstrates how the Soviet and Chinese governments adjusted their policy to their weakness relative to the United States by acquiescing to the U.S. assertion of its interest in keeping South Vietnam in the American sphere. The Communist powers pursued a conscious policy of appeasement of the United States on Vietnam. Soviet and Chinese diplomacy at Geneva was a prelude to a much longer period of appeasing the United States on Vietnam in the hope of averting direct military conflict with the dominant power. The sharp change in Soviet policy during the first six months after Nikita Khrushchev's ouster marked the transition in global politics from an ostensibly bipolar structure that hid actual triangular dynamics to a fully articulated triangular structure. The Soviet–Chinese strategy of placating the United States achieved the desired objective of eliminating the threat of a potentially uncontrollable conflict over Vietnam.Less

Passages to the Post-Colonial State

Ma Ngok

in Political Development in Hong Kong: State, Political Society, and Civil Society

Hong Kong's political landscape underwent a major change after the start of the political transition in 1984. Aside from how the Chinese government attempted to build its post-1997 ruling elites ... More

Hong Kong's political landscape underwent a major change after the start of the political transition in 1984. Aside from how the Chinese government attempted to build its post-1997 ruling elites corps through a united-front strategy, representatives and political groups utilized competitive elections to achieve public power because of gradual democratization. In response to such efforts, the business elites entered a conservative partnership with China's government so that their position would be retained. Socioeconomic changes have also initiated the less interventionist state's regulatory role, which resulted in the administrative state gaining several governmental or quasi-governmental bodies. The quasi-governmental bodies that resulted from the public sector reform created alternative decision-making loci. This chapter examines how these competing forces determined the post-colonial state.Less

The Chinese Nationalist Party and the Overseas Chinese

Taomo Zhou

in Migration in the Time of Revolution: China, Indonesia, and the Cold War

This chapter discusses the connections between the Chinese communities in Indonesia and the Chinese Nationalist government as well as the evolving structure of international relations in the ... More

This chapter discusses the connections between the Chinese communities in Indonesia and the Chinese Nationalist government as well as the evolving structure of international relations in the Asia-Pacific after World War II. It argues that the Chinese Nationalist government's lack of sympathy for Indonesia's struggle for independence and its insistence on exercising jurisdiction over the Chinese in Indonesia aggravated ethnic conflicts. Claimed as citizens by both the ROC and the Republic of Indonesia but protected by neither, the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia exercised their own agency by organizing self-defense forces in collaboration with the Dutch or turning to support the Indonesian nationalists. While the Chinese Nationalists could rely on formal institutions in Indonesia, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) established its support base through an informal web of personal connections centered on left-leaning writers, teachers, and journalists who migrated from Mainland China. These left-wing intellectuals inspired a generation of ethnic Chinese youth and motivated them to engage in politics.Less

Change of Career:: The Chinese Customs

Isidore Cyril Cannon

in Public Success, Private Sorrow: The Life and Times of Charles Henry Brewitt-Taylor (1857-1938), China Customs Commissioner and Pioneer Translator

After the death of his wife, Brewitt-Taylor (B-T) pursued a career change that he had already been considering as it appeared to offer better prospects. He joined the Imperial Chinese Maritime ... More

After the death of his wife, Brewitt-Taylor (B-T) pursued a career change that he had already been considering as it appeared to offer better prospects. He joined the Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs on November 1, 1891. This was initiated by the Chinese government who were offering foreign help. It was here that he was to spend the next thirty years of his stay in China since it was this institution that aided in financing his appointment in Foochow. The Custom Service brought about many fundamental contributions to diplomacy in China as it had to interact with the Consular Services, merchants, and foreign governments. This chapter looks into the origins, the scope, and other aspects of this Western-run Chinese body, and how this was managed by a powerful yet controversial personality for about 50 years.Less

The Garden Road incident on May 22, 1967

Gary Ka-wai Cheung

in Hong Kong's Watershed: The 1967 Riots

On May 22, 1967, thousands of leftists marched up the Garden Road to the government house. These protesters offered insults and abuse, and then physical violence. The police stood their ground ... More

On May 22, 1967, thousands of leftists marched up the Garden Road to the government house. These protesters offered insults and abuse, and then physical violence. The police stood their ground without retaliation but were forced to use their batons and make arrests when one of them was brutally assaulted. This protest resulted in bloodshed. The Chinese government announced on the same day the closure of the office of the British diplomat in Shanghai and ordered British diplomat Peter Hewitt to leave Shanghai in 48 hours. The Chinese government still showed support for the leftists in the Hong Kong public. Stoppages were staged by the leftist camp on May 23. However, the effects of these small-scale stoppages on their respective services were negligible. The British government then decided to withdraw from Hong Kong since the Chinese People's Government intended to go for all-out confrontation.Less

People's Daily editorial on June 3 and the general strikes

Gary Ka-wai Cheung

in Hong Kong's Watershed: The 1967 Riots

This chapter discusses the propaganda warfare against British authorities in Hong Kong. The June 3 People's Daily editorial was a call on the left wing to prepare to “answer the call of the ... More

This chapter discusses the propaganda warfare against British authorities in Hong Kong. The June 3 People's Daily editorial was a call on the left wing to prepare to “answer the call of the motherland” and smash the reactionary regime of British imperialism. Many leftist sympathizers believed that the editorial was an indication of the Chinese government's intention of “liberating” Hong Kong. The Hong Kong government continued to clamp down on the left wing, removing any inflammatory posters, and anyone found guilty of being connected with these inflammatory materials might be fined or imprisoned. Economic means were employed by the colonial government to force media organizations to take sides. On May 18, thirty leading businessmen in Hong Kong set up the Police Education Fund for the higher education of the children of police officers. The government earned public support for its crackdown on the disturbances.Less

The Return of the Missionaries

Michael Keevak

in The Story of a Stele: China's Nestorian Monument and Its Reception in the West, 1625-1916

This chapter begins in the middle of the nineteenth century, a period of greater Western presence in China than ever before. Five treaty ports had been opened to Western trade and to Western ... More

This chapter begins in the middle of the nineteenth century, a period of greater Western presence in China than ever before. Five treaty ports had been opened to Western trade and to Western diplomats following the first Opium War in 1842, and two more were ceded by 1860. For the first time in Chinese history, the empire was home to increasingly demanding foreign settlements, and by mid-century Western missionaries were allowed to travel anywhere throughout the country. By 1879, the Xi'an area had suffered even greater devastation and the brick enclosure was gone. The Chinese government took away the monument and placed it in their most important museum of stone tablets—an appropriate end, one might imagine. Scholarly study of the stone, both in the East and the West, had reached a new age of breadth and maturity, and it was only fringe voices that continued to raise any suspicions about authenticity.Less

Economic Policy

Wilson Wong and Sabrina Luk

in Contemporary Hong Kong Politics: Governance in the Post-1997 Era

This chapter first approaches economic policy from a macro perspective to examine the public finance system of Hong Kong, including its monetary policy and fiscal policy, the revenue, and expenditure ... More

This chapter first approaches economic policy from a macro perspective to examine the public finance system of Hong Kong, including its monetary policy and fiscal policy, the revenue, and expenditure systems. Attention is drawn to how, and the extent to which, its public finance system is structured and constrained by the power distribution through which political inequality is often translated into fiscal inequity. The chapter then moves to the economic policy from a more micro perspective to explore the policies of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government targeting specific industries and the political difficulties it has faced in restructuring the economy to keep Hong Kong competitive in the global economy. It specifically emphasizes the interaction between politics and economics in which political concerns and factors have exerted a major influence in moulding the economic policy of Hong Kong as well as constraining the pace, content, and extent to which reforms can be taken. It is often argued by both the HKSAR government and the Chinese central government that Hong Kong should be an economic city, not a political city, focusing mainly on economic development in lieu of political development.Less

Health policy

Chak Kwan Chan, King Lun Ngok, and David Phillips

in Social policy in China: Development and well-being

This chapter explores the key features and structure of the Chinese healthcare system in 1978. It also examines China's healthcare initiatives after 1978, including change in the nature of hospital ... More

This chapter explores the key features and structure of the Chinese healthcare system in 1978. It also examines China's healthcare initiatives after 1978, including change in the nature of hospital management and ownership, the introduction of the medical insurance scheme for urban workers and the building of a New Rural Cooperative Medical Scheme. Furthermore, the impact of Chinese government medical reforms on the well-being of patients is considered. The present health services in China have become hospital-oriented, and the link between clinics and hospitals is now relatively weak. It is noted that the development of health services was shaped by the Chinese government's approach to the privatisation and decentralisation of social policy. The Chinese government is also taking a more active role in correcting the deficiencies of market forces and making more investments in public health.Less

Education policy

Chak Kwan Chan, King Lun Ngok, and David Phillips

in Social policy in China: Development and well-being

This chapter presents the objectives and content of China's education before the economic reforms. It also covers the development of China's post-reform education policies in terms of basic ... More

This chapter presents the objectives and content of China's education before the economic reforms. It also covers the development of China's post-reform education policies in terms of basic education, vocational education and higher education, and the development of private education. In addition, the impact of China's education reforms on the well-being of students and their families is reported. China has achieved great strides in educational development. Since the late 1990s, a new education policy orientation has been fostered by the government to counter the culture of examination-centred education. To some extent, the development of China's education system has damaged education equality, just as China's economic prosperity has been achieved at the expense of social equity and environmental quality. The introduction of fees and the adoption of multiple channels of funding have diminished central and local governments' responsibilities for education financing and have increased school autonomy.Less

Beijing, Taipei, and the Emerging Suharto Regime

Taomo Zhou

in Migration in the Time of Revolution: China, Indonesia, and the Cold War

This chapter studies how the 1965 regime change in Indonesia gave rise to a new round of Red-versus-Blue competition. As Suharto's authoritarian rule replaced the Sukarno-PKI alliance, the ... More

This chapter studies how the 1965 regime change in Indonesia gave rise to a new round of Red-versus-Blue competition. As Suharto's authoritarian rule replaced the Sukarno-PKI alliance, the cross–Taiwan Strait politics between the two Chinas became intertwined with the anti-Communist campaign and mass violence in Indonesia. The suspension of Sino-Indonesian relations reflected the paralysis of PRC diplomacy and greatly contributed to the growing sociopolitical mobilization during the early stages of the Cultural Revolution. The popular misperception in Indonesia that the PRC had sponsored a Communist coup was bolstered by the violent clashes between the PRC's Indonesian diplomatic mission and right-wing youth; the Red Guards' retaliatory attacks on the Indonesian diplomatic compound in China; the inflammatory broadcasts of Radio Peking; and the fiery tirades in the People's Daily against Suharto. Meanwhile, the Chinese Nationalist government in Taiwan capitalized on the golden opportunity provided by the anti-Communist fervor in Indonesia, which had been fueled by the fall of Sukarno, the demise of the Indonesian Communists, and the country's turn toward the capitalist West. Ultimately, the political turmoil in Indonesia between 1965 and 1967 gave rise to a period of insecurity for most of the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia.Less

Social policy in the context of economic reforms

Chak Kwan Chan, King Lun Ngok, and David Phillips

in Social policy in China: Development and well-being

This chapter provides an account of China's welfare changes over three decades in the context of economic reforms. In particular, it explores the welfare functions of communes and work units before ... More

This chapter provides an account of China's welfare changes over three decades in the context of economic reforms. In particular, it explores the welfare functions of communes and work units before China's economic reforms. The new economic ideologies and practices during the first stage of reforms and the key economic ideologies and measures in the second reform stage after 1993 and their impact on the employment and benefits of workers are also investigated. Furthermore, the chapter evaluates the main welfare initiatives adopted by the Chinese government during the two stages of economic reforms. Welfare reforms in China mainly resulted from its new economic policies. The Chinese government had to establish a new welfare system compatible with the operation of a market economy. There is a gap between economic development and social development in China; economic growth has been pursued at the expense of the well-being of deprived groups.Less

Labour policy

Chak Kwan Chan, King Lun Ngok, and David Phillips

in Social policy in China: Development and well-being

This chapter first provides a brief review of Chinese labour policy prior to the economic reforms. This is followed by an overview of labour policy changes in the reform era. The chapter then ... More

This chapter first provides a brief review of Chinese labour policy prior to the economic reforms. This is followed by an overview of labour policy changes in the reform era. The chapter then describes unemployment problems in the context of market transition and the Chinese government's policy responses. Moreover, the chapter explores the influence of the labour policy reforms, in particular the government's unemployment measures, from a well-being perspective. Changes in Chinese labour policies took place in the economic reform era. Unemployment rose to becoming a nightmare facing many Chinese workers, especially state workers. It is noted that the active employment policy mainly targeted laid-off and unemployed state-owned enterprise (SOE) workers. The labour market developed, and a more flexible employment system was established. While labour mobility increased, job security was reduced.Less

Introduction: A Framework for Analyzing the Evolution of China's Nonproliferation Behavior

in Reluctant Restraint: The Evolution of China's Nonproliferation Policies and Practices, 1980-2004

This book explores the evolution of China's policies and practices on the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The changes in Chinese behavior have evolved along three dimensions: ... More

This book explores the evolution of China's policies and practices on the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The changes in Chinese behavior have evolved along three dimensions: China's official policy, China's exports of WMD and related goods and technologies, and developments within the Chinese government. In the period from 1980 to 2004, China has followed a variety of nonproliferation commitments. The evolution in Chinese policies and practices resulted to the wider sources of change in Chinese foreign policy. The U.S. policy intervention, the degree of China's acceptance of nonproliferation norms, China's foreign policy priorities, and China's institutional capacity have affected the nonproliferation policies and practices of China. Finally, an overview of the chapters included in this book is given.Less

From Nationalism to Collaboration

Margherita Zanasi

in Saving the Nation: Economic Modernity in Republican China

This chapter highlights the deep impact of the intellectual constructs of nation building on the political life of Republican China. It also explores how different visions of nation led to two ... More

This chapter highlights the deep impact of the intellectual constructs of nation building on the political life of Republican China. It also explores how different visions of nation led to two dramatically different defensive strategies after the eruption of full war with Japan. Wang Jingwei was in better position to exploit the needs of the Japanese for a strong and legitimate Chinese government and thus would be able to negotiate a more favorable peace. Preserving China's vitality became Chen Gongbo's main focus when he finally joined Wang in Nanjing shortly after the inauguration of the Reorganized National Government (RNG). Wang and Chen planned to use the Japanese to defeat Jiang and regain leadership over the Nationalist Party and the nation. Their ideas of nation and nationalism became completely discredited in the postwar years, becoming exclusively identified with collaboration and divorced from any memory of their wider prewar political framework.Less

“The Motherland Is a Distant Dream”

Taomo Zhou

in Migration in the Time of Revolution: China, Indonesia, and the Cold War

This concluding chapter describes how the ebb and flow of diplomatic relations affected the lives of ordinary overseas Chinese in three ways. Overall, the Chinese, loathed for their perceived ... More

This concluding chapter describes how the ebb and flow of diplomatic relations affected the lives of ordinary overseas Chinese in three ways. Overall, the Chinese, loathed for their perceived dominance in commerce, became easy targets for violence during times of political instability and economic downturn. First, discord in bilateral relations usually amplified antagonism toward the ethnic Chinese. Second, anti-Chinese riots persisted even when bilateral relations were cordial. Third, diplomatic frictions implicated both Indonesian citizens of Chinese descent and Chinese nationals living in Indonesia. Notwithstanding the changing status of diplomatic relations, there had always been pribumi groups that accused all ethnic Chinese of being pawns of a foreign power irrespective of their citizenship status and ideological inclination. Stemming from long-standing social, economic, and political circumstances in Indonesia, this prejudice was also influenced by the way the Chinese Nationalist and Communist governments conducted diplomacy in Indonesia. Both governments instrumentalized the overseas Chinese to advance their respective foreign policy objectives.Less

First Steps toward Implementing the Seventeen-Point Agreement

Melvyn C. Goldstein

in A History of Modern Tibet, volume 2: The Calm before the Storm: 1951-1955

By the end of October 1951, the Dalai Lama had formally accepted the Seventeen-Point Agreement, and the main PLA force had arrived. This set the stage for the Tibet Work Committee to initiate serious ... More

By the end of October 1951, the Dalai Lama had formally accepted the Seventeen-Point Agreement, and the main PLA force had arrived. This set the stage for the Tibet Work Committee to initiate serious discussions on starting to implement the agreement. The committee's problem, however, was deciding which items to push and how hard. The Chinese leaders in Lhasa clearly understood they should avoid volatile issues such as land reforms and class struggle campaigns, but beyond that, things were murkier. In November and December 1951, the Tibetan and Chinese sides still had completely separate administrative structures, so one of the first issues the Chinese raised was setting up two new joint administrative structures that would be directly under the central government and would include Chinese and Tibetan government officials working side by side.Less