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This chapter provides a historical overview of the evolution of China-LAC relations from that of third world peers with distinct political and economic interactions in the postwar years to a takeoff in economic ties at the turn of millennium. It focuses on five of the six strategic partners with which China had the strongest bonds: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Peru, excluding Costa Rica because it did not recognize China diplomatically until 2007. The author argues that although China’s rapid ability to become such a significant force within the economies of these countries is due to the sudden boom in commodity prices around 2003, the ties formed were largely an extension and exaggeration of much earlier trends. Thus, the sheer magnitude of the expansion in China–LAC economic relations in the 2000s may have caught policymakers and producers off guard, but the relationship itself was already under way and fairly well defined.

Private and extra-state efforts to shape U.S. China policy are the subjects of this chapter. Personal orientalisms as well as representatives of the Guomindong government swayed citizens like the notorious Alfred Kohlberg to advocate on behalf of the Nationalist cause. This section argues that the so-called “China Lobby” was comprised of many individuals (including Soong Mei-ling and the American China Policy Association) and organizations rather than a monolithic body. It is best understood by the manner in which it turned nostalgic orientalism into a template for activism that rightwing groups emulated well into the 1960s. Such efforts illustrated Free China’s wide political appeal, as well as the ways in which it drew together different types of conservatives who otherwise would have had more difficulty finding common ground.

Chapter 10 describes the American response to the events of Black Friday, which was a violation of international law and could have been considered grounds for breaking diplomatic relations. In the days following the riots there were minor accidents that could have sparked new protests, creating a feeling of panic among many Americans. Back in the United States, Black Friday was regarded as an embarrassment to the White House, thus allowing Democrats to openly criticize Eisenhower's China Policy. Many speculated that the protests may have been pre-orchestrated due to the unannounced military exercise that diverted troops that day, the ROC's manipulation of the press, and the identity of the rioters, who could be traced back to three particular schools. The instigators remain unknown, though many blamed the ROC, IRP, PRC, communist agitators, or even Chiang Kai-shek and his heir. After Black Friday, many questions remained unanswered, and this time the Americans were demanding justice.

This chapter considers concrete measures the United States could undertake to promote Taiwan’s economic growth and security, to consolidate Taiwan’s democracy and human rights, and to facilitate Taiwan’s increasing participation in the international community. These measures would be consistent with the language and aims of the Taiwan Relations Act and the three communiqués. They include re-evaluating the U.S. “One China Policy” expressed by President Bill Clinton, concluding a bilateral trade agreement with Taiwan, encouraging Taiwan’s participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership, promoting Taiwan’s participation in the United Nations and other intergovernmental organizations, and continuing sales of defensive arms. The United States is in the best position to provide the people of Taiwan with the means of ensuring their continued prosperity, security, and democracy.