STEPHEN R. MacKINNON
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520254459
- eISBN:
- 9780520934603
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520254459.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter offers a narrative history of the long and bloody battle for Xuzhou and the siege of Wuhan. It notes how military events produced shared governance of Wuhan, with key commanders in the ...
More
This chapter offers a narrative history of the long and bloody battle for Xuzhou and the siege of Wuhan. It notes how military events produced shared governance of Wuhan, with key commanders in the field sharing power with Generalissimo Chiang Kaishek. The battle for control of the central Yangzi region lasted ten months, from January to October 1938. In terms of geography and order of battle, the initiative lay with the Japanese because of their superior firepower and maneuverability on land and in the air. On the Chinese side, the human cost of the battle for Xuzhou was great, deeply shaking the confidence of the man most in charge, Li Zongren. Apparently haunted by the ghosts of those lost in the defense of Xuzhou, Li was hospitalized for mysterious reasons—for depression as much as for physical ailments. Bai Chongxi took over the Fifth War Zone duties.Less
This chapter offers a narrative history of the long and bloody battle for Xuzhou and the siege of Wuhan. It notes how military events produced shared governance of Wuhan, with key commanders in the field sharing power with Generalissimo Chiang Kaishek. The battle for control of the central Yangzi region lasted ten months, from January to October 1938. In terms of geography and order of battle, the initiative lay with the Japanese because of their superior firepower and maneuverability on land and in the air. On the Chinese side, the human cost of the battle for Xuzhou was great, deeply shaking the confidence of the man most in charge, Li Zongren. Apparently haunted by the ghosts of those lost in the defense of Xuzhou, Li was hospitalized for mysterious reasons—for depression as much as for physical ailments. Bai Chongxi took over the Fifth War Zone duties.
Wu Sufeng
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804789660
- eISBN:
- 9780804793117
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804789660.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Wu Sufeng demonstrates that the policy of the Nationalists toward post-war Japan was based on the principle of ‘repaying aggression with kindness’, in stark contrast to US and British approaches. Wu ...
More
Wu Sufeng demonstrates that the policy of the Nationalists toward post-war Japan was based on the principle of ‘repaying aggression with kindness’, in stark contrast to US and British approaches. Wu argues that in pursuit of this policy, Chiang Kaishek encountered many setbacks and had to put up with dismissive attitudes of his two major Allies which resulted in China’s exclusion from major Allied conferences in the last year of WWII. Chiang Kaishek even had to plead for the inclusion of China as one of the three countries demanding Japan’s unconditional surrender in the Potsdam declaration. However, on such key issues as the position of the Japanese emperor and wartime reparations, Chiang’s views were nonetheless influential. His careful manouevering also ensured that China did emerge out of WWII as one of the victorious Allies.Less
Wu Sufeng demonstrates that the policy of the Nationalists toward post-war Japan was based on the principle of ‘repaying aggression with kindness’, in stark contrast to US and British approaches. Wu argues that in pursuit of this policy, Chiang Kaishek encountered many setbacks and had to put up with dismissive attitudes of his two major Allies which resulted in China’s exclusion from major Allied conferences in the last year of WWII. Chiang Kaishek even had to plead for the inclusion of China as one of the three countries demanding Japan’s unconditional surrender in the Potsdam declaration. However, on such key issues as the position of the Japanese emperor and wartime reparations, Chiang’s views were nonetheless influential. His careful manouevering also ensured that China did emerge out of WWII as one of the victorious Allies.
Jedidiah J. Kroncke
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190233525
- eISBN:
- 9780190233549
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190233525.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 7 traces the intensification of America’s interest in China’s legal and political development during the 1930s and 1940s alongside the continued secularization of legal export work. The ...
More
Chapter 7 traces the intensification of America’s interest in China’s legal and political development during the 1930s and 1940s alongside the continued secularization of legal export work. The naturalization of the missionary framework in Sino-American relations allowed China’s modernizing dictator Chiang Kaishek to use legal reform and his Christian conversion to manipulate American perceptions of Chinese political developments even while operating an otherwise openly authoritarian regime. Herein Chiang showed how formal allegiance to American law could deflect criticism of anti-democratic and anti-liberal policies based on the presumed catalytic power of legal transplantation. Though World War II clearly demonstrated the false expectations of America’s hope for China’s Americanization under Chiang, the American foreign policy establishment was unable to detach itself from its missionary aspirations and it failed to develop a critical position on Chinese politics.Less
Chapter 7 traces the intensification of America’s interest in China’s legal and political development during the 1930s and 1940s alongside the continued secularization of legal export work. The naturalization of the missionary framework in Sino-American relations allowed China’s modernizing dictator Chiang Kaishek to use legal reform and his Christian conversion to manipulate American perceptions of Chinese political developments even while operating an otherwise openly authoritarian regime. Herein Chiang showed how formal allegiance to American law could deflect criticism of anti-democratic and anti-liberal policies based on the presumed catalytic power of legal transplantation. Though World War II clearly demonstrated the false expectations of America’s hope for China’s Americanization under Chiang, the American foreign policy establishment was unable to detach itself from its missionary aspirations and it failed to develop a critical position on Chinese politics.
Tsuchida Akio
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804789660
- eISBN:
- 9780804793117
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804789660.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
China declared war on Japan only after Pearl Harbor, while Japan never followed suit. Tsuchido Akio demonstrates that contrary to generally held opinion, China did not decline to declare war on Japan ...
More
China declared war on Japan only after Pearl Harbor, while Japan never followed suit. Tsuchido Akio demonstrates that contrary to generally held opinion, China did not decline to declare war on Japan after 1937 because it feared triggering the provisions of the USA’s neutrality laws. Domestic political factors were far more important. By discussing the debates about this contentious issue within Chinese politics, ‘Declaring War’ provides important insight into the making of Nationalist foreign policy, demonstrating that Chiang Kaishek regularly listened and accepted the advice of his foreign policy advisors and Chinese diplomats.Less
China declared war on Japan only after Pearl Harbor, while Japan never followed suit. Tsuchido Akio demonstrates that contrary to generally held opinion, China did not decline to declare war on Japan after 1937 because it feared triggering the provisions of the USA’s neutrality laws. Domestic political factors were far more important. By discussing the debates about this contentious issue within Chinese politics, ‘Declaring War’ provides important insight into the making of Nationalist foreign policy, demonstrating that Chiang Kaishek regularly listened and accepted the advice of his foreign policy advisors and Chinese diplomats.
Hans van de Ven, Diana Lary, and Stephen MacKinnon (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804789660
- eISBN:
- 9780804793117
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804789660.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Before WWII, China mattered little in international relations. Afterwards, it was recognized as one of the victorious allies, it secured a permanent seat in the UN’s Securty Council, and it had ...
More
Before WWII, China mattered little in international relations. Afterwards, it was recognized as one of the victorious allies, it secured a permanent seat in the UN’s Securty Council, and it had become a central player in East Asian Affairs. Negotiating China’s Destiny examines this transformation in China’s international position, which occurred despite its military weakness. The book examines the end of Western imperialism in China, the efforts of the Nationalists to engage with its wartime Allies, the UK, the USSR, and the USA, its dealings with surrounding states and peripheral areas, including India, Tibet, Vietnam, and Korea, and its approach to Japan in defeat. Written by scholars from China, Japan, Europe, and the USA, it adopts a genuinely global perspective on a key shift in international relations whose repercussions have become truly into focus only now with China’s rise as a world power.Less
Before WWII, China mattered little in international relations. Afterwards, it was recognized as one of the victorious allies, it secured a permanent seat in the UN’s Securty Council, and it had become a central player in East Asian Affairs. Negotiating China’s Destiny examines this transformation in China’s international position, which occurred despite its military weakness. The book examines the end of Western imperialism in China, the efforts of the Nationalists to engage with its wartime Allies, the UK, the USSR, and the USA, its dealings with surrounding states and peripheral areas, including India, Tibet, Vietnam, and Korea, and its approach to Japan in defeat. Written by scholars from China, Japan, Europe, and the USA, it adopts a genuinely global perspective on a key shift in international relations whose repercussions have become truly into focus only now with China’s rise as a world power.
Yang Weizhen
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804789660
- eISBN:
- 9780804793117
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804789660.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Yang Weizhen’s examination of Sino-French negotiations about Vietnam complement Bastid-Bruguiere’s account of the fading French influence in East Asian international relations. After Japan’s ...
More
Yang Weizhen’s examination of Sino-French negotiations about Vietnam complement Bastid-Bruguiere’s account of the fading French influence in East Asian international relations. After Japan’s surrender, Chinese troops entered Vietnam; Japanese commanders handed over to Chinese officials. However, the Chinese retreated quickly from Vietnam, in part because they did not have the forces to occupy Vietnam and were already overextended. Conflicts between the central government and local powerholders in south China meant that it was in the interest of the central government to halt China’s engagement in Vietnamese affairs. Moreover, the Chinese Foreign Ministry had maintained good relations from 1944 with the Free French of Charles de Gaulle, whom Chiang Kaishek had assured that China had no interests in Vietnam. Chiang needed his collaboration in securing the ending of French privileges in China. And so, France ended the war in Vietnam, although Ho Chi Minh had already achieved major succeses.Less
Yang Weizhen’s examination of Sino-French negotiations about Vietnam complement Bastid-Bruguiere’s account of the fading French influence in East Asian international relations. After Japan’s surrender, Chinese troops entered Vietnam; Japanese commanders handed over to Chinese officials. However, the Chinese retreated quickly from Vietnam, in part because they did not have the forces to occupy Vietnam and were already overextended. Conflicts between the central government and local powerholders in south China meant that it was in the interest of the central government to halt China’s engagement in Vietnamese affairs. Moreover, the Chinese Foreign Ministry had maintained good relations from 1944 with the Free French of Charles de Gaulle, whom Chiang Kaishek had assured that China had no interests in Vietnam. Chiang needed his collaboration in securing the ending of French privileges in China. And so, France ended the war in Vietnam, although Ho Chi Minh had already achieved major succeses.
Rana Mitter
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520221116
- eISBN:
- 9780520923881
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520221116.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
In the early phase of the Japanese occupation of the Northeast, the majority of the members of resistance groups were not motivated by nationalism in the sense understood by the intellectuals in ...
More
In the early phase of the Japanese occupation of the Northeast, the majority of the members of resistance groups were not motivated by nationalism in the sense understood by the intellectuals in exile in Beiping. After September 18, 1931, the resistance was offered patronage by nationalist groups of exiled northeastern intellectuals opposed to Chiang Kaishek's nonresistance policy, the NNSS in particular. The resistance armies benefited from the attention of these groups, although the behavior of their troops showed that they still used many of the methods of the bandits who comprised so much of their membership. Ma Zhanshan also profited financially from the attention of these groups but still refused to cut himself off from the Japanese. He turned his attention instead to the region's alternative patrons, the Japanese, when he became disappointed with the limited commitment of the nationalists to him.Less
In the early phase of the Japanese occupation of the Northeast, the majority of the members of resistance groups were not motivated by nationalism in the sense understood by the intellectuals in exile in Beiping. After September 18, 1931, the resistance was offered patronage by nationalist groups of exiled northeastern intellectuals opposed to Chiang Kaishek's nonresistance policy, the NNSS in particular. The resistance armies benefited from the attention of these groups, although the behavior of their troops showed that they still used many of the methods of the bandits who comprised so much of their membership. Ma Zhanshan also profited financially from the attention of these groups but still refused to cut himself off from the Japanese. He turned his attention instead to the region's alternative patrons, the Japanese, when he became disappointed with the limited commitment of the nationalists to him.
Hans van de Ven
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804789660
- eISBN:
- 9780804793117
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804789660.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Van de Ven argues that the 1952 Peace Treaty between the Republic of China and Japan was less a peace treaty than one of a series of US-inspired treaties to contain communism in East Asia. It was ...
More
Van de Ven argues that the 1952 Peace Treaty between the Republic of China and Japan was less a peace treaty than one of a series of US-inspired treaties to contain communism in East Asia. It was important because it meant that the Nationalists would be regarded as one of the victorious allies; because it turned Japan away from concluding an agreement with the PRC and steered it toward Taiwan and other states in South and Southeast Asia; and, finally, because it would form a cornerstone of a political order in East Asia which remaind in place today. Van de Ven demonstrates that many issues that bedevil interstate relations in East Asia, such as the status of Taiwan, have their origins in the negotations leading up to this treaty.Less
Van de Ven argues that the 1952 Peace Treaty between the Republic of China and Japan was less a peace treaty than one of a series of US-inspired treaties to contain communism in East Asia. It was important because it meant that the Nationalists would be regarded as one of the victorious allies; because it turned Japan away from concluding an agreement with the PRC and steered it toward Taiwan and other states in South and Southeast Asia; and, finally, because it would form a cornerstone of a political order in East Asia which remaind in place today. Van de Ven demonstrates that many issues that bedevil interstate relations in East Asia, such as the status of Taiwan, have their origins in the negotations leading up to this treaty.
Xiaoyuan Liu
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804789660
- eISBN:
- 9780804793117
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804789660.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Most historians of the Sino-US relationship have focused on such issues as the Stilwell Incident, the Dixie Mission, and Lend-Lease. Liu Xiaoyuan demonstrates that in US foreign policy to China, ...
More
Most historians of the Sino-US relationship have focused on such issues as the Stilwell Incident, the Dixie Mission, and Lend-Lease. Liu Xiaoyuan demonstrates that in US foreign policy to China, China’s ethnic frontiers was an important issue, just as much as the future of China’s former dependencies or tributary states. He also shows that the future of China as a multinational and unified country was important US State Department concern. He thus shows that US strategy was far more sophisticated and comprehensive than earlier analyses have allowed us to conclude.Less
Most historians of the Sino-US relationship have focused on such issues as the Stilwell Incident, the Dixie Mission, and Lend-Lease. Liu Xiaoyuan demonstrates that in US foreign policy to China, China’s ethnic frontiers was an important issue, just as much as the future of China’s former dependencies or tributary states. He also shows that the future of China as a multinational and unified country was important US State Department concern. He thus shows that US strategy was far more sophisticated and comprehensive than earlier analyses have allowed us to conclude.
