Anthony James Joes
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813126142
- eISBN:
- 9780813135588
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813126142.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Insurgencies, especially in the form of guerrilla warfare, continue to erupt across many parts of the globe. Most of these rebellions fail, but this book analyzes four twentieth-century conflicts in ...
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Insurgencies, especially in the form of guerrilla warfare, continue to erupt across many parts of the globe. Most of these rebellions fail, but this book analyzes four twentieth-century conflicts in which the success of the insurgents permanently altered the global political arena: the Maoists in China against Chiang Kai-shek and the Japanese in the 1930s and 1940s; the Viet Minh in French Indochina from 1945 to 1954; Castro's followers against Batista in Cuba from 1956 to 1959; and the mujahideen in Soviet Afghanistan from 1980 to 1989. The book illuminates patterns of failed counterinsurgencies that include serious but avoidable political and military blunders and makes clear the critical and often decisive influence of the international setting.Less
Insurgencies, especially in the form of guerrilla warfare, continue to erupt across many parts of the globe. Most of these rebellions fail, but this book analyzes four twentieth-century conflicts in which the success of the insurgents permanently altered the global political arena: the Maoists in China against Chiang Kai-shek and the Japanese in the 1930s and 1940s; the Viet Minh in French Indochina from 1945 to 1954; Castro's followers against Batista in Cuba from 1956 to 1959; and the mujahideen in Soviet Afghanistan from 1980 to 1989. The book illuminates patterns of failed counterinsurgencies that include serious but avoidable political and military blunders and makes clear the critical and often decisive influence of the international setting.
Jason C. Parker
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195332025
- eISBN:
- 9780199868179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195332025.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Describes the ill-starred career of the West Indies Federation, beginning its life crosscut with conflicts among its members and mired in the dispute with Washington over Chaguaramas. The chapter ...
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Describes the ill-starred career of the West Indies Federation, beginning its life crosscut with conflicts among its members and mired in the dispute with Washington over Chaguaramas. The chapter examines the change in policy on the American side, reflecting the late-Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations' fear that anti-Americanism and Castroite revolution might spread. Contextualizes the West Indies Federation in two important areas: first, as part of the U.S. response to “Castroism,” and second, as part of the “global race-revolution” manifest in the cresting wave of Third World decolonization and of First World minorities' struggle for equality. Follows the story to the eve of the Jamaican referendum on continued membership in the Federation, a union on which U.S., British, and West Indian policy was predicated.Less
Describes the ill-starred career of the West Indies Federation, beginning its life crosscut with conflicts among its members and mired in the dispute with Washington over Chaguaramas. The chapter examines the change in policy on the American side, reflecting the late-Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations' fear that anti-Americanism and Castroite revolution might spread. Contextualizes the West Indies Federation in two important areas: first, as part of the U.S. response to “Castroism,” and second, as part of the “global race-revolution” manifest in the cresting wave of Third World decolonization and of First World minorities' struggle for equality. Follows the story to the eve of the Jamaican referendum on continued membership in the Federation, a union on which U.S., British, and West Indian policy was predicated.
Janson C. Parker
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195332025
- eISBN:
- 9780199868179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195332025.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Describes the optimism that accompanied the settlement of the Chaguaramas dispute, which formed part of the Kennedy administration's anti-Castro hemispheric diplomacy. Along with the Alliance for ...
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Describes the optimism that accompanied the settlement of the Chaguaramas dispute, which formed part of the Kennedy administration's anti-Castro hemispheric diplomacy. Along with the Alliance for Progress and other initiatives, the now-solidified West Indies Federation was as crucial a part of American designs as of British and West Indian plans. The September 1961 Jamaican referendum, on that island's continued participation in the federation, was expected to return an affirmative answer. When it did not, all parties were forced to improvise. Jamaica's exit doomed the union, and the federation joined others around the postwar globe in fracturing along insular lines. The United States retooled its regional policy around the “twin pillars” of Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, both of which achieved their independence in 1962.Less
Describes the optimism that accompanied the settlement of the Chaguaramas dispute, which formed part of the Kennedy administration's anti-Castro hemispheric diplomacy. Along with the Alliance for Progress and other initiatives, the now-solidified West Indies Federation was as crucial a part of American designs as of British and West Indian plans. The September 1961 Jamaican referendum, on that island's continued participation in the federation, was expected to return an affirmative answer. When it did not, all parties were forced to improvise. Jamaica's exit doomed the union, and the federation joined others around the postwar globe in fracturing along insular lines. The United States retooled its regional policy around the “twin pillars” of Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, both of which achieved their independence in 1962.
Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813035406
- eISBN:
- 9780813038377
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813035406.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
This chapter focuses on the shipwreck that happened to Baltasar de Castro and others on a ship from Spain bound for Hispaniola with a cargo of mares. It states that of the seventy-nine persons on ...
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This chapter focuses on the shipwreck that happened to Baltasar de Castro and others on a ship from Spain bound for Hispaniola with a cargo of mares. It states that of the seventy-nine persons on board, forty-six were drowned and thirty-three were miraculously saved. Amador de los Ríos notes that in both the autograph manuscript and the sixteenth-century copy from which he was working, the texts of Chapters XI–XIX were missing, as well as the first part of Chapter XX. Fortunately, Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés's general index to the third part has the initial chapter summaries, which at least give an idea of the missing contents. None of these summaries are dated.Less
This chapter focuses on the shipwreck that happened to Baltasar de Castro and others on a ship from Spain bound for Hispaniola with a cargo of mares. It states that of the seventy-nine persons on board, forty-six were drowned and thirty-three were miraculously saved. Amador de los Ríos notes that in both the autograph manuscript and the sixteenth-century copy from which he was working, the texts of Chapters XI–XIX were missing, as well as the first part of Chapter XX. Fortunately, Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés's general index to the third part has the initial chapter summaries, which at least give an idea of the missing contents. None of these summaries are dated.
Jane Black
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199565290
- eISBN:
- 9780191721861
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199565290.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
Chapter Four turns to the solutions offered by lawyers to the problem of absolute power in Milan. Paolo da Castro considered Visconti's claims solidly based on Giangaleazzo's investiture of 1396. But ...
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Chapter Four turns to the solutions offered by lawyers to the problem of absolute power in Milan. Paolo da Castro considered Visconti's claims solidly based on Giangaleazzo's investiture of 1396. But with the denial of imperial recognition to Francesco Sforza, a new ideology had to be fashioned. Radical solutions were put forward by Andrea Barbazza, Alexander Tartagni, and Francesco Corte il vecchio declaring that the duchy of Milan was an independent entity and the duke a sovereign ruler. Ludovico il Moro's imperial diploma, finally granted in 1494, proved a mixed blessing, undermining the newly established notion of Milanese independence. A legitimate foundation for plenitude of power in Milan was achieved by melding earlier theories to create the idea that the rulers of Milan had an intrinsic and independent right to their powers.Less
Chapter Four turns to the solutions offered by lawyers to the problem of absolute power in Milan. Paolo da Castro considered Visconti's claims solidly based on Giangaleazzo's investiture of 1396. But with the denial of imperial recognition to Francesco Sforza, a new ideology had to be fashioned. Radical solutions were put forward by Andrea Barbazza, Alexander Tartagni, and Francesco Corte il vecchio declaring that the duchy of Milan was an independent entity and the duke a sovereign ruler. Ludovico il Moro's imperial diploma, finally granted in 1494, proved a mixed blessing, undermining the newly established notion of Milanese independence. A legitimate foundation for plenitude of power in Milan was achieved by melding earlier theories to create the idea that the rulers of Milan had an intrinsic and independent right to their powers.
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Today they stand as enemies, but in the 1950s, few countries were as closely intertwined as Cuba and the United States. Thousands of Americans (including Ernest Hemingway and Errol Flynn) lived on ...
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Today they stand as enemies, but in the 1950s, few countries were as closely intertwined as Cuba and the United States. Thousands of Americans (including Ernest Hemingway and Errol Flynn) lived on the island, and, in the United States, dancehalls swayed to the mambo beat. The strong-arm Batista regime depended on Washington's support, and it invited American gangsters like Meyer Lansky to build fancy casinos for U.S. tourists. Major league scouts searched for Cuban talent: The New York Giants even offered a contract to a young pitcher named Fidel Castro. In 1955, Castro did come to the United States, but not for baseball: He toured the country to raise money for a revolution. This book tells the story of the love-hate relationship that has grown between Cuba and the USA, from Castro's early fund-raising tours in the USA to support his revolution to Eisenhower's failed efforts to maintain support for Batista.Less
Today they stand as enemies, but in the 1950s, few countries were as closely intertwined as Cuba and the United States. Thousands of Americans (including Ernest Hemingway and Errol Flynn) lived on the island, and, in the United States, dancehalls swayed to the mambo beat. The strong-arm Batista regime depended on Washington's support, and it invited American gangsters like Meyer Lansky to build fancy casinos for U.S. tourists. Major league scouts searched for Cuban talent: The New York Giants even offered a contract to a young pitcher named Fidel Castro. In 1955, Castro did come to the United States, but not for baseball: He toured the country to raise money for a revolution. This book tells the story of the love-hate relationship that has grown between Cuba and the USA, from Castro's early fund-raising tours in the USA to support his revolution to Eisenhower's failed efforts to maintain support for Batista.
SUSAN KIRKPATRICK
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198158868
- eISBN:
- 9780191673399
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198158868.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
To find an intervention in 19th-century Spanish discourse about women's reading that confronts the subordinating effects of all types of fiction on women, we must turn to the fiction of Pilar ...
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To find an intervention in 19th-century Spanish discourse about women's reading that confronts the subordinating effects of all types of fiction on women, we must turn to the fiction of Pilar Sinués's contemporary Rosalía de Castro. Castro sidesteps the question of morality and explores in her novels the connected issues of fiction, female fantasy, and women's oppression. What Jessica Benjamin has termed ‘the intricate relationship between woman's desire and women's submission’ becomes the implicit problem posed in the narratives that Castro situates within or in relation to the genre of romance fiction, or popular Romantic melodrama. This chapter discusses at length Rosalía de Castro's engagement with this problem in her fourth novel, El caballero de las botas azules [The Knight of the Blue Boots]. The chapter first considers Castro's treatment of seduction in her first novel, La hija del mar [Daughter of the Sea].Less
To find an intervention in 19th-century Spanish discourse about women's reading that confronts the subordinating effects of all types of fiction on women, we must turn to the fiction of Pilar Sinués's contemporary Rosalía de Castro. Castro sidesteps the question of morality and explores in her novels the connected issues of fiction, female fantasy, and women's oppression. What Jessica Benjamin has termed ‘the intricate relationship between woman's desire and women's submission’ becomes the implicit problem posed in the narratives that Castro situates within or in relation to the genre of romance fiction, or popular Romantic melodrama. This chapter discusses at length Rosalía de Castro's engagement with this problem in her fourth novel, El caballero de las botas azules [The Knight of the Blue Boots]. The chapter first considers Castro's treatment of seduction in her first novel, La hija del mar [Daughter of the Sea].
Roger Chartier
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641819
- eISBN:
- 9780191749025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641819.003.0017
- Subject:
- Literature, 16th-century and Renaissance Literature, Shakespeare Studies
This chapter is devoted to the Spanish and French plays that adapted the story of Cardenio for the stage and coped with the same difficulties faced by Fletcher and Shakespeare (if they are the ...
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This chapter is devoted to the Spanish and French plays that adapted the story of Cardenio for the stage and coped with the same difficulties faced by Fletcher and Shakespeare (if they are the authors of the play performed at the English Court in 1613): i.e., how to transform the narrative structure of the fortunes and misfortunes of the four Cervantes lovers into a dramatic plot, and to decide if Don Quixote and Sancho must or must not be present in a tragicomedy devoted to Cardenio, Luscinda, Fernando, and Dorotea. The chapter analyses Guillén de Castro and Pichou’s answers to these challenges focussing on specific scenes, especially the embarrassing scene of the marriage between Luscinda and Fernando, both already engaged and married elsewhere by an exchange of vows.Less
This chapter is devoted to the Spanish and French plays that adapted the story of Cardenio for the stage and coped with the same difficulties faced by Fletcher and Shakespeare (if they are the authors of the play performed at the English Court in 1613): i.e., how to transform the narrative structure of the fortunes and misfortunes of the four Cervantes lovers into a dramatic plot, and to decide if Don Quixote and Sancho must or must not be present in a tragicomedy devoted to Cardenio, Luscinda, Fernando, and Dorotea. The chapter analyses Guillén de Castro and Pichou’s answers to these challenges focussing on specific scenes, especially the embarrassing scene of the marriage between Luscinda and Fernando, both already engaged and married elsewhere by an exchange of vows.
Devyn Spence Benson
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469626727
- eISBN:
- 9781469626741
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626727.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
Analyzing the ideology and rhetoric around race on the island and in south Florida during the early years of the Cuban revolution, Devyn Spence Benson argues that ideas, stereotypes, and ...
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Analyzing the ideology and rhetoric around race on the island and in south Florida during the early years of the Cuban revolution, Devyn Spence Benson argues that ideas, stereotypes, and discriminatory practices relating to racial difference persisted despite major state efforts to generate social equality. Drawing on Cuban and U.S. archival materials and face-to-face interviews, Benson examines 1960s government programs and campaigns against discrimination, showing how such programs frequently negated their efforts by reproducing racist images and idioms in revolutionary propaganda, cartoons, and school materials. Building on nineteenth-century discourses that imagined Cuba as a raceless space--“not blacks, not whites, only Cubans”--revolutionary leaders embraced a narrow definition of blackness, often seeming to suggest that Afro-Cubans had to discard their blackness to join the revolution. This was and remains a false dichotomy for many Cubans of color, Benson demonstrates. While some Afro-Cubans agreed with the revolution’s raceless sentiments, others found ways to use state rhetoric to demand additional reforms. Still others, finding a revolution that disavowed blackness unsettling and paternalistic, fought to insert black history and African culture into revolutionary nationalisms. Despite such efforts by Afro-Cubans and radical government-sponsored integration programs, racism has persisted throughout the revolution in subtle but lasting ways.Less
Analyzing the ideology and rhetoric around race on the island and in south Florida during the early years of the Cuban revolution, Devyn Spence Benson argues that ideas, stereotypes, and discriminatory practices relating to racial difference persisted despite major state efforts to generate social equality. Drawing on Cuban and U.S. archival materials and face-to-face interviews, Benson examines 1960s government programs and campaigns against discrimination, showing how such programs frequently negated their efforts by reproducing racist images and idioms in revolutionary propaganda, cartoons, and school materials. Building on nineteenth-century discourses that imagined Cuba as a raceless space--“not blacks, not whites, only Cubans”--revolutionary leaders embraced a narrow definition of blackness, often seeming to suggest that Afro-Cubans had to discard their blackness to join the revolution. This was and remains a false dichotomy for many Cubans of color, Benson demonstrates. While some Afro-Cubans agreed with the revolution’s raceless sentiments, others found ways to use state rhetoric to demand additional reforms. Still others, finding a revolution that disavowed blackness unsettling and paternalistic, fought to insert black history and African culture into revolutionary nationalisms. Despite such efforts by Afro-Cubans and radical government-sponsored integration programs, racism has persisted throughout the revolution in subtle but lasting ways.
Richard H. Popkin
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198227366
- eISBN:
- 9780191678684
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198227366.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas, History of Religion
This chapter examines an important source of anti-Christian ideas on the circulation of Jewish polemics against Christianity during the early nineteenth century. Christian intellectuals generally ...
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This chapter examines an important source of anti-Christian ideas on the circulation of Jewish polemics against Christianity during the early nineteenth century. Christian intellectuals generally believed that the Last Judgement should be preceded by the conversion of the Jews. This led to the circulation of Jewish religious polemics, which their enemies believed they should be familiar with in order to refute them. The discussion explains the stages by which the writings of authors such as Saul Levi Mortera and Isaac Orobio de Castro entered general circulation in manuscript and in print. Jewish texts were not only the open anti-Christian treatises in circulation during the Enlightenment. There were also various subversive compilations such as the Theophrastus redivivus and the Traité des trois imposteurs.Less
This chapter examines an important source of anti-Christian ideas on the circulation of Jewish polemics against Christianity during the early nineteenth century. Christian intellectuals generally believed that the Last Judgement should be preceded by the conversion of the Jews. This led to the circulation of Jewish religious polemics, which their enemies believed they should be familiar with in order to refute them. The discussion explains the stages by which the writings of authors such as Saul Levi Mortera and Isaac Orobio de Castro entered general circulation in manuscript and in print. Jewish texts were not only the open anti-Christian treatises in circulation during the Enlightenment. There were also various subversive compilations such as the Theophrastus redivivus and the Traité des trois imposteurs.
A. Javier Treviño
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469633107
- eISBN:
- 9781469633121
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469633107.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
In C. Wright Mills and the Cuban Revolution, A. Javier Treviño reconsiders the opinions, perspectives, and insights of the Cubans that sociologist C. Wright Mills interviewed during his visit to the ...
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In C. Wright Mills and the Cuban Revolution, A. Javier Treviño reconsiders the opinions, perspectives, and insights of the Cubans that sociologist C. Wright Mills interviewed during his visit to the island in 1960. On returning to the United States, the esteemed and controversial sociologist wrote a small paperback on much of what he had heard and seen, which he published as Listen, Yankee: The Revolution in Cuba. Those interviews--now transcribed and translated--are interwoven here with extensive annotations to explain and contextualize their content. Readers will be able to “hear” Mills as an expert interviewer and ascertain how he used what he learned from his informants. Treviño also recounts the experiences of four central figures whose lives became inextricably intertwined during that fateful summer of 1960: C. Wright Mills, Fidel Castro, Juan Arcocha, and Jean-Paul Sartre. The singular event that compelled their biographies to intersect at a decisive moment in the history of Cold War geopolitics--with its attendant animosities and intrigues--was the Cuban Revolution.Less
In C. Wright Mills and the Cuban Revolution, A. Javier Treviño reconsiders the opinions, perspectives, and insights of the Cubans that sociologist C. Wright Mills interviewed during his visit to the island in 1960. On returning to the United States, the esteemed and controversial sociologist wrote a small paperback on much of what he had heard and seen, which he published as Listen, Yankee: The Revolution in Cuba. Those interviews--now transcribed and translated--are interwoven here with extensive annotations to explain and contextualize their content. Readers will be able to “hear” Mills as an expert interviewer and ascertain how he used what he learned from his informants. Treviño also recounts the experiences of four central figures whose lives became inextricably intertwined during that fateful summer of 1960: C. Wright Mills, Fidel Castro, Juan Arcocha, and Jean-Paul Sartre. The singular event that compelled their biographies to intersect at a decisive moment in the history of Cold War geopolitics--with its attendant animosities and intrigues--was the Cuban Revolution.
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The Barbudos remained in the mountain ranges and the Batista troops faltered to track them. The 26th of July Movement guerrillas slowly increased their “Free Territory” in the Oriente Province, ...
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The Barbudos remained in the mountain ranges and the Batista troops faltered to track them. The 26th of July Movement guerrillas slowly increased their “Free Territory” in the Oriente Province, obtaining recruits and arms. With triangular shoulder patches to identify them as part of the rebel troop, Castro forces patiently developed the support of local guajiros (peasants), who provided them food, shelter, and their young sons as messengers and lookouts. Rebel sympathizers in America sent smuggled arms to Cuba by hiding bullets, machine guns, and pistols in cars shipped via the ferry boat from Key West to the Havana car agency. Female activists travelled from Miami to Cuba with small guns hidden under their skirts.Less
The Barbudos remained in the mountain ranges and the Batista troops faltered to track them. The 26th of July Movement guerrillas slowly increased their “Free Territory” in the Oriente Province, obtaining recruits and arms. With triangular shoulder patches to identify them as part of the rebel troop, Castro forces patiently developed the support of local guajiros (peasants), who provided them food, shelter, and their young sons as messengers and lookouts. Rebel sympathizers in America sent smuggled arms to Cuba by hiding bullets, machine guns, and pistols in cars shipped via the ferry boat from Key West to the Havana car agency. Female activists travelled from Miami to Cuba with small guns hidden under their skirts.
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Batista's response to the increasing tension was to get even tougher. He closed all the public secondary schools and discouraged an effort by Roman Catholic bishops in Cuba to create a national unity ...
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Batista's response to the increasing tension was to get even tougher. He closed all the public secondary schools and discouraged an effort by Roman Catholic bishops in Cuba to create a national unity in government. This effort at national unity died when Castro declined the offer. Stiff-arming the U.S. request to punish police officers and military officials known for severe brutalities, Castro instated a new chief of police and a new SIM chief. Looking for methods to influence Batista to lessen regime violence and to silence the furor due to Castro's rebellion, the State Department decided to enforce the disregarded terms of the 1952 Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement.Less
Batista's response to the increasing tension was to get even tougher. He closed all the public secondary schools and discouraged an effort by Roman Catholic bishops in Cuba to create a national unity in government. This effort at national unity died when Castro declined the offer. Stiff-arming the U.S. request to punish police officers and military officials known for severe brutalities, Castro instated a new chief of police and a new SIM chief. Looking for methods to influence Batista to lessen regime violence and to silence the furor due to Castro's rebellion, the State Department decided to enforce the disregarded terms of the 1952 Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement.
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Tensions increased in Cuba in late March and early April of that year; everybody prepared themselves for a violent showdown. Larger numbers of Latin American, European, and U.S. reporters roamed ...
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Tensions increased in Cuba in late March and early April of that year; everybody prepared themselves for a violent showdown. Larger numbers of Latin American, European, and U.S. reporters roamed around the island, witnessing first hand police and rebel violence. Batista prepared his troops for a rebel-developed general strike. His troops chased dissidents of types, killing M-26-7 suspects on the spot. Rebel units also destroyed Oriente Province, battling with Cuban forces, stopping traffic. The U.S. Embassy initiated the early phases of evacuation plan for its citizens.Less
Tensions increased in Cuba in late March and early April of that year; everybody prepared themselves for a violent showdown. Larger numbers of Latin American, European, and U.S. reporters roamed around the island, witnessing first hand police and rebel violence. Batista prepared his troops for a rebel-developed general strike. His troops chased dissidents of types, killing M-26-7 suspects on the spot. Rebel units also destroyed Oriente Province, battling with Cuban forces, stopping traffic. The U.S. Embassy initiated the early phases of evacuation plan for its citizens.
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
“It is nearly impossible not to intervene in a country as closely associated as with us as Cuba,” Earl E. T. Smith stated a few years after being ambassador. Smith intervened to save the Batista ...
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“It is nearly impossible not to intervene in a country as closely associated as with us as Cuba,” Earl E. T. Smith stated a few years after being ambassador. Smith intervened to save the Batista regime and to avoid the victory of Castro and his rebels; he failed. He and the Eisenhower administration failed because Batista's cruel behavior alienated the Cuban citizens and because U.S. intervention actions and decisions ignited hostility among anti-Batista groups. President Eisenhower seemed detached from the key decisions in this issue. He left the deciding factor to his allies, comfortable with a style that kept him unaware of details and that presented him with conflicts only when they were to reach a point of severity.Less
“It is nearly impossible not to intervene in a country as closely associated as with us as Cuba,” Earl E. T. Smith stated a few years after being ambassador. Smith intervened to save the Batista regime and to avoid the victory of Castro and his rebels; he failed. He and the Eisenhower administration failed because Batista's cruel behavior alienated the Cuban citizens and because U.S. intervention actions and decisions ignited hostility among anti-Batista groups. President Eisenhower seemed detached from the key decisions in this issue. He left the deciding factor to his allies, comfortable with a style that kept him unaware of details and that presented him with conflicts only when they were to reach a point of severity.
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
On June 26, Raul Castro's Second Front rebels infiltrated the Moa Bay Mining Company, a division of the U.S.-owned Freeport Sukphur Company. Rebels overpowered guards and abducted ten American and ...
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On June 26, Raul Castro's Second Front rebels infiltrated the Moa Bay Mining Company, a division of the U.S.-owned Freeport Sukphur Company. Rebels overpowered guards and abducted ten American and two Canadian engineers. Several rebels and soldiers died in this encounter. An American employee of the company hid in a vessel in the harbor and communicated news to the company's U.S. office in New Orleans, which in turn informed its New York office, and called the office in Havana. Around forty miles south of Moa Bay, rebels also captured another American, Desmond Elmore of the Ermita sugar factory. In Wahsington, Terrance Leonhardy decided to publicize the incident in the press to incite violent opinions to convince the rebels to release abducted workers.Less
On June 26, Raul Castro's Second Front rebels infiltrated the Moa Bay Mining Company, a division of the U.S.-owned Freeport Sukphur Company. Rebels overpowered guards and abducted ten American and two Canadian engineers. Several rebels and soldiers died in this encounter. An American employee of the company hid in a vessel in the harbor and communicated news to the company's U.S. office in New Orleans, which in turn informed its New York office, and called the office in Havana. Around forty miles south of Moa Bay, rebels also captured another American, Desmond Elmore of the Ermita sugar factory. In Wahsington, Terrance Leonhardy decided to publicize the incident in the press to incite violent opinions to convince the rebels to release abducted workers.
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.003.0019
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
William D. Pawley had no hesitation about how to stop Fidel Castro's run. He went directly to President Eisenhower to make his case. This Florida businessman, who had investments in Cuba, opposed the ...
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William D. Pawley had no hesitation about how to stop Fidel Castro's run. He went directly to President Eisenhower to make his case. This Florida businessman, who had investments in Cuba, opposed the arms shipment suspension to the Batista administration. He warned the president in private Washington meetings that Castro would strangle Cuba with communism. Now Pawley, whose passion was on salesmanship and adventure, pushed a strong plan to avoid the success of Fidel Castro.Less
William D. Pawley had no hesitation about how to stop Fidel Castro's run. He went directly to President Eisenhower to make his case. This Florida businessman, who had investments in Cuba, opposed the arms shipment suspension to the Batista administration. He warned the president in private Washington meetings that Castro would strangle Cuba with communism. Now Pawley, whose passion was on salesmanship and adventure, pushed a strong plan to avoid the success of Fidel Castro.
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Word spread like bushfire about a series of schemes to block the 26th of July Movement's road to glory. For instance, senior military officials led by Batista loyalist General Francisco Tabernilla ...
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Word spread like bushfire about a series of schemes to block the 26th of July Movement's road to glory. For instance, senior military officials led by Batista loyalist General Francisco Tabernilla approached one of Castro's underground leaders in Havana. They offered to replace Batista with a civil-military junta comprising of commander of army groups in Santiago. Colonel Florentino Rosell, Tabernilla's emissary, stated that the U.S. would quickly recognize the new government. Rebel intermediary Pepe Echemendia told Castro that he was informed that the proposal was tackled with the “the North American Embassy.” Echemendia also stated he knew about other anti-Batista schemes.Less
Word spread like bushfire about a series of schemes to block the 26th of July Movement's road to glory. For instance, senior military officials led by Batista loyalist General Francisco Tabernilla approached one of Castro's underground leaders in Havana. They offered to replace Batista with a civil-military junta comprising of commander of army groups in Santiago. Colonel Florentino Rosell, Tabernilla's emissary, stated that the U.S. would quickly recognize the new government. Rebel intermediary Pepe Echemendia told Castro that he was informed that the proposal was tackled with the “the North American Embassy.” Echemendia also stated he knew about other anti-Batista schemes.
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.003.0022
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The U.S. Embassy stated in January 1959: “Fidel Castro clearly established himself as the dominant military and political figure in the revolution.” As U.S. government officials are pondering what ...
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The U.S. Embassy stated in January 1959: “Fidel Castro clearly established himself as the dominant military and political figure in the revolution.” As U.S. government officials are pondering what Fidel Castro would do next, normal hegemonic assumptions guided their observations. U.S. dignitaries observed Castro being restless, headstrong, opportunistic, and motivated by an “undeviating urge for fame and political power.” Embassy diplomat Daniel Braddock stated: “Castro has taken Cuba by storm.”Less
The U.S. Embassy stated in January 1959: “Fidel Castro clearly established himself as the dominant military and political figure in the revolution.” As U.S. government officials are pondering what Fidel Castro would do next, normal hegemonic assumptions guided their observations. U.S. dignitaries observed Castro being restless, headstrong, opportunistic, and motivated by an “undeviating urge for fame and political power.” Embassy diplomat Daniel Braddock stated: “Castro has taken Cuba by storm.”
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.003.0023
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Washington became convinced that Fidel Castro threatened U.S. security and its economic plans as well as core values that he had to be stripped down to the government of Cuba. The regime's execution ...
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Washington became convinced that Fidel Castro threatened U.S. security and its economic plans as well as core values that he had to be stripped down to the government of Cuba. The regime's execution of bastianos, postponement of elections, calls for revolution in the whole of Latin America widened the gap between Havana and Washington. Castro stated: “What do Americans know about... a tyrant's atrocities except in the novels and movies?” When Castro visited the United States in April 1959 under the sponsorship of the American Society of Newspaper Editors, Eisenhower deliberately ignored him by leaving to play golf.Less
Washington became convinced that Fidel Castro threatened U.S. security and its economic plans as well as core values that he had to be stripped down to the government of Cuba. The regime's execution of bastianos, postponement of elections, calls for revolution in the whole of Latin America widened the gap between Havana and Washington. Castro stated: “What do Americans know about... a tyrant's atrocities except in the novels and movies?” When Castro visited the United States in April 1959 under the sponsorship of the American Society of Newspaper Editors, Eisenhower deliberately ignored him by leaving to play golf.
