Peter Dunbar and Mike Haridopolos
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813066127
- eISBN:
- 9780813058337
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813066127.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The Modern Republican Party in Florida chronicles the emergence of the modern Republican Party in Florida. It provides the historic political foundation for the modern political era in Florida; it ...
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The Modern Republican Party in Florida chronicles the emergence of the modern Republican Party in Florida. It provides the historic political foundation for the modern political era in Florida; it identifies the key elements of Republican Party organizations and structures that became the foundation for the current Republican network; and it contrasts the current political environment to the one-party era of the Democratic Pork Chop Gang. The narrative of the book describes the successes in the state-wide campaigns for governor and for positions on the Florida Cabinet. It provides an overview of the role of both Florida Republicans in national, presidential politics and Floridians serving in the United States House and Senate. It describes the decennial redistricting struggles and other obstacles that Republicans overcame as they became the majority in both Houses of the state Legislature, and it discusses the opportunities for women and minorities that accompanied this Republican emergence. Within the narrative are descriptions of the changes in state government made by Republicans or with their bipartisan cooperation. The book also provides an overview of the Republican influence on the state policies for public education and school choice; criminal justice and prison reform; taxation and business incentives; and consumer protection and environment preservation, including the protection of the Florida Everglades. The book identifies the officeholders, volunteers, and party officials who contributed to, and became part of, the Republican network. It also discusses the ever-changing elements of the Florida political arena, which includes voters with no party affiliation, soft money committees, and independent campaign consultants.Less
The Modern Republican Party in Florida chronicles the emergence of the modern Republican Party in Florida. It provides the historic political foundation for the modern political era in Florida; it identifies the key elements of Republican Party organizations and structures that became the foundation for the current Republican network; and it contrasts the current political environment to the one-party era of the Democratic Pork Chop Gang. The narrative of the book describes the successes in the state-wide campaigns for governor and for positions on the Florida Cabinet. It provides an overview of the role of both Florida Republicans in national, presidential politics and Floridians serving in the United States House and Senate. It describes the decennial redistricting struggles and other obstacles that Republicans overcame as they became the majority in both Houses of the state Legislature, and it discusses the opportunities for women and minorities that accompanied this Republican emergence. Within the narrative are descriptions of the changes in state government made by Republicans or with their bipartisan cooperation. The book also provides an overview of the Republican influence on the state policies for public education and school choice; criminal justice and prison reform; taxation and business incentives; and consumer protection and environment preservation, including the protection of the Florida Everglades. The book identifies the officeholders, volunteers, and party officials who contributed to, and became part of, the Republican network. It also discusses the ever-changing elements of the Florida political arena, which includes voters with no party affiliation, soft money committees, and independent campaign consultants.
Arthur J. Marder
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201502
- eISBN:
- 9780191674907
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201502.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, Military History
The first section of this chapter describes the final War Cabinet of Imperial Japan. It examines the political difficulties of the Koiso–Yonai govemment, the impact of the Emperor and Marquis Kido, ...
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The first section of this chapter describes the final War Cabinet of Imperial Japan. It examines the political difficulties of the Koiso–Yonai govemment, the impact of the Emperor and Marquis Kido, Admiral Baton Suzuki's opinions and position, the collapse of Germany and the Soviet option, and the true position of Japan. The second section describes the Gunreibu plans for the decisive battle for the homeland, the vulnerability of Japan to air attack, and the choice of the IGHQ not to defend the civilian population. The last section examines the Imperial Conference's reaffirmation to fight for victory, the weakness of the pro-peace faction, and the fears of Army coup, civil war, and social collapse.Less
The first section of this chapter describes the final War Cabinet of Imperial Japan. It examines the political difficulties of the Koiso–Yonai govemment, the impact of the Emperor and Marquis Kido, Admiral Baton Suzuki's opinions and position, the collapse of Germany and the Soviet option, and the true position of Japan. The second section describes the Gunreibu plans for the decisive battle for the homeland, the vulnerability of Japan to air attack, and the choice of the IGHQ not to defend the civilian population. The last section examines the Imperial Conference's reaffirmation to fight for victory, the weakness of the pro-peace faction, and the fears of Army coup, civil war, and social collapse.
Anthony Seldon
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263198
- eISBN:
- 9780191734755
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263198.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines how the Cabinet system in Great Britain changed between 1900 and 2000. It investigates how the system operated and what it meant in 1900, and describes the changes in the system ...
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This chapter examines how the Cabinet system in Great Britain changed between 1900 and 2000. It investigates how the system operated and what it meant in 1900, and describes the changes in the system at twenty-year intervals from 1920 to 2000. The chapter explains that the Cabinet has changed from being the sole, to the principal, decision-taking body, and then to a personal system. It also discusses why the Cabinet system changed.Less
This chapter examines how the Cabinet system in Great Britain changed between 1900 and 2000. It investigates how the system operated and what it meant in 1900, and describes the changes in the system at twenty-year intervals from 1920 to 2000. The chapter explains that the Cabinet has changed from being the sole, to the principal, decision-taking body, and then to a personal system. It also discusses why the Cabinet system changed.
KEITH JEFFERY
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199239672
- eISBN:
- 9780191719493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239672.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Military History
The novel experience of ‘total war’, which had such important domestic ramifications, was accompanied on an international level by a closer wartime alliance than Britain had ever had in the past. ...
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The novel experience of ‘total war’, which had such important domestic ramifications, was accompanied on an international level by a closer wartime alliance than Britain had ever had in the past. Rather like the domestic situation, Britain's relationship with its allies, above all France, steadily moved from haphazard improvisation to increasingly formal and permanent arrangements. At the top level, Anglo-French coordination began with individual visits, such as Lord Kitchener's to Paris in September 1914 and his French counterpart Alexandre Millerand's to London in January 1915. The first formal conference between the British and French governments did not take place until July 1915 at Calais, nearly a year into World War I. This chapter discusses the British-French coalition in the war, the role of Henry Wilson in coordinating the Allied efforts, politics in the British army, and the British War Cabinet.Less
The novel experience of ‘total war’, which had such important domestic ramifications, was accompanied on an international level by a closer wartime alliance than Britain had ever had in the past. Rather like the domestic situation, Britain's relationship with its allies, above all France, steadily moved from haphazard improvisation to increasingly formal and permanent arrangements. At the top level, Anglo-French coordination began with individual visits, such as Lord Kitchener's to Paris in September 1914 and his French counterpart Alexandre Millerand's to London in January 1915. The first formal conference between the British and French governments did not take place until July 1915 at Calais, nearly a year into World War I. This chapter discusses the British-French coalition in the war, the role of Henry Wilson in coordinating the Allied efforts, politics in the British army, and the British War Cabinet.
KEITH JEFFERY
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199239672
- eISBN:
- 9780191719493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239672.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Military History
At the War Cabinet, David Lloyd George outlined what he regarded as the four alternative policies for Britain with respect to World War I. First was concentration of the entire British forces on the ...
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At the War Cabinet, David Lloyd George outlined what he regarded as the four alternative policies for Britain with respect to World War I. First was concentration of the entire British forces on the Western Front; second was to concentrate mainly on the Western Front, but utilise the forces now in the various overseas theatres as actively as possible; the third option was essentially a holding operation until Russia recovered and the United States was supplying enough troops to ensure superiority; and the final one consisted of ‘knocking the props from under Germany’ by military and diplomatic operations against enemy allies such as Turkey and Bulgaria. The Prime Minister preferred for some combination of the second and last options. With this in mind, John French and Henry Wilson were to report on the current state of the war and the future prospects and future action to be taken.Less
At the War Cabinet, David Lloyd George outlined what he regarded as the four alternative policies for Britain with respect to World War I. First was concentration of the entire British forces on the Western Front; second was to concentrate mainly on the Western Front, but utilise the forces now in the various overseas theatres as actively as possible; the third option was essentially a holding operation until Russia recovered and the United States was supplying enough troops to ensure superiority; and the final one consisted of ‘knocking the props from under Germany’ by military and diplomatic operations against enemy allies such as Turkey and Bulgaria. The Prime Minister preferred for some combination of the second and last options. With this in mind, John French and Henry Wilson were to report on the current state of the war and the future prospects and future action to be taken.
Colin Thain and Maurice Wright
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198277842
- eISBN:
- 9780191684203
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277842.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Political Economy
There was very little priority for the total or composition of public expenditure prior to 1992 as the July Cabinet was mainly concerned with the balance of macroeconomic policy, and this act of ...
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There was very little priority for the total or composition of public expenditure prior to 1992 as the July Cabinet was mainly concerned with the balance of macroeconomic policy, and this act of providing less priority on programs about public spending can be attributed to different ideological commitments of the respective parties. Another explanation is that Prime Ministers have different styles and methods of operating which affect public spending. Two Cabinet Committees are scrutinized in this chapter looking at their origins, purpose, and operation including an assessment of the degree to which the Cabinet acts in making decisions on public expenditure. The ‘Star Chamber’ is an ad hoc committee of the Cabinet formally set up in 1981 to adjudicate bids for increased expenditure that is still unresolved through the bilateral process. To further develop the Public Expenditure Survey, a successor to the ‘Star Chamberߣ was created known as ߢEDX’ or the Expenditure Committee of the Cabinet.Less
There was very little priority for the total or composition of public expenditure prior to 1992 as the July Cabinet was mainly concerned with the balance of macroeconomic policy, and this act of providing less priority on programs about public spending can be attributed to different ideological commitments of the respective parties. Another explanation is that Prime Ministers have different styles and methods of operating which affect public spending. Two Cabinet Committees are scrutinized in this chapter looking at their origins, purpose, and operation including an assessment of the degree to which the Cabinet acts in making decisions on public expenditure. The ‘Star Chamber’ is an ad hoc committee of the Cabinet formally set up in 1981 to adjudicate bids for increased expenditure that is still unresolved through the bilateral process. To further develop the Public Expenditure Survey, a successor to the ‘Star Chamberߣ was created known as ߢEDX’ or the Expenditure Committee of the Cabinet.
Geoffrey Marshall
- Published in print:
- 1987
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198762027
- eISBN:
- 9780191695179
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198762027.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
In Britain and other commonwealth countries, it is convention rather than law that determines many crucial questions of government behavior. This timely volume examines these major conventions and ...
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In Britain and other commonwealth countries, it is convention rather than law that determines many crucial questions of government behavior. This timely volume examines these major conventions and practices, including rules governing the activities of the Cabinet, the Prime Minister, and the Crown; the doctrines of collective and individual responsibilities of ministers and to Parliament; and the principles of accountability applicable to public servants. The theory of convention since Dicey is explored in the first chapter. The uses of the Queen, the practice of dissolution, and the doctrine of Ministerial responsibility are the main concerns of chapters two, three, and four. Chapters five, six, and seven focus on the principles of ombudsmanship, the morality of public office, and the politics of justice and security. The status of the police, duties of the army, and the rules of the Commonwealth are then assessed in the next chapters. The last four chapters of this book concentrate on the problems of patriation, limitation of sovereignty, character of convention, and the recent developments on the conventions of accountability.Less
In Britain and other commonwealth countries, it is convention rather than law that determines many crucial questions of government behavior. This timely volume examines these major conventions and practices, including rules governing the activities of the Cabinet, the Prime Minister, and the Crown; the doctrines of collective and individual responsibilities of ministers and to Parliament; and the principles of accountability applicable to public servants. The theory of convention since Dicey is explored in the first chapter. The uses of the Queen, the practice of dissolution, and the doctrine of Ministerial responsibility are the main concerns of chapters two, three, and four. Chapters five, six, and seven focus on the principles of ombudsmanship, the morality of public office, and the politics of justice and security. The status of the police, duties of the army, and the rules of the Commonwealth are then assessed in the next chapters. The last four chapters of this book concentrate on the problems of patriation, limitation of sovereignty, character of convention, and the recent developments on the conventions of accountability.
Asa Briggs
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780192129567
- eISBN:
- 9780191670022
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780192129567.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Cultural History
This chapter focuses on the conflict of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) with the Ministry of Information and the Cabinet. It discusses Minister of Information Frank Pick's proposal for a ...
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This chapter focuses on the conflict of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) with the Ministry of Information and the Cabinet. It discusses Minister of Information Frank Pick's proposal for a government takeover of the BBC. When this proposal was not accepted, Pick appointed two new advisers to the BBC to deal with home affairs and local affairs. This chapter describes BBC General-Director General Frederick Ogilvie's reaction to the appointment and his eventual resignation in February 1942.Less
This chapter focuses on the conflict of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) with the Ministry of Information and the Cabinet. It discusses Minister of Information Frank Pick's proposal for a government takeover of the BBC. When this proposal was not accepted, Pick appointed two new advisers to the BBC to deal with home affairs and local affairs. This chapter describes BBC General-Director General Frederick Ogilvie's reaction to the appointment and his eventual resignation in February 1942.
John W. Young
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198203674
- eISBN:
- 9780191675942
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203674.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses mainly the crisis experienced by the Cabinet, which was caused by the Molotov telegram. This was only resolved when Eden recommended studying the Soviet's declaration on ...
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This chapter discusses mainly the crisis experienced by the Cabinet, which was caused by the Molotov telegram. This was only resolved when Eden recommended studying the Soviet's declaration on Geneva. It also discusses Churchill's hope for a Summit, the Geneva conference, and Churchill's visit to Washington.Less
This chapter discusses mainly the crisis experienced by the Cabinet, which was caused by the Molotov telegram. This was only resolved when Eden recommended studying the Soviet's declaration on Geneva. It also discusses Churchill's hope for a Summit, the Geneva conference, and Churchill's visit to Washington.
Leah Wright Rigueur
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159010
- eISBN:
- 9781400852437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159010.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter discusses how the growing frustrations and shifting votes of African Americans were not representative of a larger ideological realignment. Over the next three decades, the black ...
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This chapter discusses how the growing frustrations and shifting votes of African Americans were not representative of a larger ideological realignment. Over the next three decades, the black electorate would be substantially divided as African Americans were in no way a “monolithic Democratic voting bloc.” Despite Franklin Roosevelt's Black Cabinet, the Democratic Party during and immediately after the New Deal offered few bold civil rights initiatives. The programs and agencies of the New Deal were rife with discrimination; in this sense, the Republican and Democratic parties of this era did not display clear-cut differences in their civil rights policies. The result, then, was a surge in Democratic support among the black electorate but not the total liquidation of Republican backing.Less
This chapter discusses how the growing frustrations and shifting votes of African Americans were not representative of a larger ideological realignment. Over the next three decades, the black electorate would be substantially divided as African Americans were in no way a “monolithic Democratic voting bloc.” Despite Franklin Roosevelt's Black Cabinet, the Democratic Party during and immediately after the New Deal offered few bold civil rights initiatives. The programs and agencies of the New Deal were rife with discrimination; in this sense, the Republican and Democratic parties of this era did not display clear-cut differences in their civil rights policies. The result, then, was a surge in Democratic support among the black electorate but not the total liquidation of Republican backing.
Douglas Wass
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199534746
- eISBN:
- 9780191715884
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199534746.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter describes the evolution of economic policy in the face of a deteriorating situation. It shows how early in 1975 the Treasury came to recognize that a significant shift of policy was ...
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This chapter describes the evolution of economic policy in the face of a deteriorating situation. It shows how early in 1975 the Treasury came to recognize that a significant shift of policy was required involving a sharp break in hitherto established practice. It describes the important role which financial markets were now playing in the behaviour of the economic variables and shows that what was required was a big improvement in public finances, a determined attack on inflation, and suitable measures to restore equilibrium in the balance of payments. The chapter reveals growing tensions within the Cabinet over the course of policy and its relevance to the economic slump, which was now afflicting the economy. These tensions were acute in the area of policy to deal with wage inflation and the chapter goes into detail how this issue was eventually resolved in a vigorous reinforcement of the Social Contract. Public expenditure continued to be a dominant issue for the Treasury and this concern was reinforced at the end of 1975 when the UK sought a relatively small drawing from the IMF — a step which brought the public finances to the forefront.Less
This chapter describes the evolution of economic policy in the face of a deteriorating situation. It shows how early in 1975 the Treasury came to recognize that a significant shift of policy was required involving a sharp break in hitherto established practice. It describes the important role which financial markets were now playing in the behaviour of the economic variables and shows that what was required was a big improvement in public finances, a determined attack on inflation, and suitable measures to restore equilibrium in the balance of payments. The chapter reveals growing tensions within the Cabinet over the course of policy and its relevance to the economic slump, which was now afflicting the economy. These tensions were acute in the area of policy to deal with wage inflation and the chapter goes into detail how this issue was eventually resolved in a vigorous reinforcement of the Social Contract. Public expenditure continued to be a dominant issue for the Treasury and this concern was reinforced at the end of 1975 when the UK sought a relatively small drawing from the IMF — a step which brought the public finances to the forefront.
Douglas Wass
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199534746
- eISBN:
- 9780191715884
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199534746.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter gives a blow-by-blow account of the negotiations between the Treasury and the IMF team about the economic adjustments required. It also deals extensively with the question of a ‘safety ...
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This chapter gives a blow-by-blow account of the negotiations between the Treasury and the IMF team about the economic adjustments required. It also deals extensively with the question of a ‘safety net’ for sterling, which was pursued separately but not independently and was to involve the participation of the central banks of the Group of Ten countries. The technical and political aspects of the IMF negotiations are examined separately and in detail; the narrative reveals a large intellectual gulf between the Treasury and the IMF, but this was prevented from becoming a breaking point by the agreement of the two parties to focus on the single issue of the size of the adjustment to be made to public sector programmes over the following two years. For ministers in general and the Cabinet in particular, this proved to be a divisive issue and the chapter describes in detail the reasons the opponents of the Fund's terms gave for their position and how the Chancellor was able to persuade them to his point of view. The chapter also describes the convoluted discussions between the Fund and the Treasury about the management of the exchange rate and the terms on which this issue was finally resolved. Finally, it gives the detailed quantitative conditions for the IMF drawing and the performance criteria in the field of domestic credit expansion (DCE) and public sector borrowing laid down as conditions for continuing access to the credit.Less
This chapter gives a blow-by-blow account of the negotiations between the Treasury and the IMF team about the economic adjustments required. It also deals extensively with the question of a ‘safety net’ for sterling, which was pursued separately but not independently and was to involve the participation of the central banks of the Group of Ten countries. The technical and political aspects of the IMF negotiations are examined separately and in detail; the narrative reveals a large intellectual gulf between the Treasury and the IMF, but this was prevented from becoming a breaking point by the agreement of the two parties to focus on the single issue of the size of the adjustment to be made to public sector programmes over the following two years. For ministers in general and the Cabinet in particular, this proved to be a divisive issue and the chapter describes in detail the reasons the opponents of the Fund's terms gave for their position and how the Chancellor was able to persuade them to his point of view. The chapter also describes the convoluted discussions between the Fund and the Treasury about the management of the exchange rate and the terms on which this issue was finally resolved. Finally, it gives the detailed quantitative conditions for the IMF drawing and the performance criteria in the field of domestic credit expansion (DCE) and public sector borrowing laid down as conditions for continuing access to the credit.
Richard Pares
- Published in print:
- 1988
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198811305
- eISBN:
- 9780191695438
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198811305.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the relationship between George III and his ministers during their tenure of office. It also addresses the debate on collective responsibility of the ministers and whether the ...
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This chapter discusses the relationship between George III and his ministers during their tenure of office. It also addresses the debate on collective responsibility of the ministers and whether the king must accept the advice of an individual minister or could act without, or even against that advice. In the reign of George III, the Cabinet was well formed and the question of individual responsibility could not arise in the sphere of policy. However, it frequently came up over appointments, for many of these were the business of the individual minister, not of the Cabinet as a whole.Less
This chapter discusses the relationship between George III and his ministers during their tenure of office. It also addresses the debate on collective responsibility of the ministers and whether the king must accept the advice of an individual minister or could act without, or even against that advice. In the reign of George III, the Cabinet was well formed and the question of individual responsibility could not arise in the sphere of policy. However, it frequently came up over appointments, for many of these were the business of the individual minister, not of the Cabinet as a whole.
A.G. Noorani
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195678291
- eISBN:
- 9780199080588
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195678291.003.0027
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter considers whether the proposal to dissolve the Lok Sabha is the prime minister's sole prerogative, or whether it should be based on a decision by his council of ministers. It describes ...
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This chapter considers whether the proposal to dissolve the Lok Sabha is the prime minister's sole prerogative, or whether it should be based on a decision by his council of ministers. It describes the case of H. D. Deve Gowda who planned to go the polls as caretaker prime minister and attempted to convince about sixty Members of Parliament to defect after he failed to secure a vote of confidence in the Lok Sabha on 11 April 199. The chapter discusses works related to the prime minister's advice for the dissolution of Lok Sabha, including Ivor Jennings' Cabinet Government, Geoffrey Marshall's Constitutional Conventions, and Eugene A. Forsey's The Royal Power of Dissolution of Parliament in the British Commonwealth.Less
This chapter considers whether the proposal to dissolve the Lok Sabha is the prime minister's sole prerogative, or whether it should be based on a decision by his council of ministers. It describes the case of H. D. Deve Gowda who planned to go the polls as caretaker prime minister and attempted to convince about sixty Members of Parliament to defect after he failed to secure a vote of confidence in the Lok Sabha on 11 April 199. The chapter discusses works related to the prime minister's advice for the dissolution of Lok Sabha, including Ivor Jennings' Cabinet Government, Geoffrey Marshall's Constitutional Conventions, and Eugene A. Forsey's The Royal Power of Dissolution of Parliament in the British Commonwealth.
David Fisher
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199599240
- eISBN:
- 9780191725692
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599240.003.0013
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion, Religion and Society
After reflection on the fate of the Ypres cloth hall, the feasibility of abolishing war is assessed. This should be our long‐term aim, but the pressing priority is to make war just and to make only ...
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After reflection on the fate of the Ypres cloth hall, the feasibility of abolishing war is assessed. This should be our long‐term aim, but the pressing priority is to make war just and to make only just war. The concluding chapter considers three challenges to achieving this. These are, first, political—how we can ensure that our politicians and public officials behave justly and that just‐war counsels ring out in Cabinet War rooms; and second, military—how to ensure by better training and education that our military behave justly. There is discussion of whether and when military disobedience is justified and the role of the International Criminal Court in enforcing just behaviour. The final challenge is making society just, since only within a just society will the other goals be achieved. This will require rediscovering the importance of morality and our confidence in our ability to teach it.Less
After reflection on the fate of the Ypres cloth hall, the feasibility of abolishing war is assessed. This should be our long‐term aim, but the pressing priority is to make war just and to make only just war. The concluding chapter considers three challenges to achieving this. These are, first, political—how we can ensure that our politicians and public officials behave justly and that just‐war counsels ring out in Cabinet War rooms; and second, military—how to ensure by better training and education that our military behave justly. There is discussion of whether and when military disobedience is justified and the role of the International Criminal Court in enforcing just behaviour. The final challenge is making society just, since only within a just society will the other goals be achieved. This will require rediscovering the importance of morality and our confidence in our ability to teach it.
David French
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205593
- eISBN:
- 9780191676680
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205593.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
In early June 1917 the War Cabinet established the War Policy Committee to weigh up Britain's strategic options in the light of the crises in France and Russia, Britain's own economic and manpower ...
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In early June 1917 the War Cabinet established the War Policy Committee to weigh up Britain's strategic options in the light of the crises in France and Russia, Britain's own economic and manpower problems, and the military and diplomatic options in the Middle East, the Balkans, and on the Italian and western fronts. The reasons why the War Cabinet's senior naval and military advisers supported an offensive in Flanders were transparent. Haig believed that he could defeat the German army and win the war in 1917. Robertson did not agree, but supported him because he believed that the Flanders offensive would make a major contribution towards his policy of wearing down Germany's ability and willingness to continue fighting. Jellicoe backed the offensive because he wanted to eliminate both the German naval threat to cross-Channel communications and the possibility that after the war the Germans might remain in possession of the Channel coast and permanently threaten Britain.Less
In early June 1917 the War Cabinet established the War Policy Committee to weigh up Britain's strategic options in the light of the crises in France and Russia, Britain's own economic and manpower problems, and the military and diplomatic options in the Middle East, the Balkans, and on the Italian and western fronts. The reasons why the War Cabinet's senior naval and military advisers supported an offensive in Flanders were transparent. Haig believed that he could defeat the German army and win the war in 1917. Robertson did not agree, but supported him because he believed that the Flanders offensive would make a major contribution towards his policy of wearing down Germany's ability and willingness to continue fighting. Jellicoe backed the offensive because he wanted to eliminate both the German naval threat to cross-Channel communications and the possibility that after the war the Germans might remain in possession of the Channel coast and permanently threaten Britain.
David French
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205593
- eISBN:
- 9780191676680
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205593.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
The possibility of Britain negotiating a separate peace with Germany's allies was a chimera. The negotiations of December 1917 and March 1918 demonstrated that the Foreign Office's scepticism was ...
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The possibility of Britain negotiating a separate peace with Germany's allies was a chimera. The negotiations of December 1917 and March 1918 demonstrated that the Foreign Office's scepticism was justified. Only the kind of overwhelming military pressure which the Entente was not in a position to inflict upon them would have made Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, or Turkey willing to accept a negotiated settlement in the winter and spring of 1917/18. The failure of the Smuts–Kerr mission marked the end of serious British negotiations to secure a separate peace with Austria-Hungary or Turkey. The British peace offensive had failed to redress the strategic balance in the Entente's favour. It was now left to the German generals to discover whether they could defeat the armies of the western allies in the field.Less
The possibility of Britain negotiating a separate peace with Germany's allies was a chimera. The negotiations of December 1917 and March 1918 demonstrated that the Foreign Office's scepticism was justified. Only the kind of overwhelming military pressure which the Entente was not in a position to inflict upon them would have made Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, or Turkey willing to accept a negotiated settlement in the winter and spring of 1917/18. The failure of the Smuts–Kerr mission marked the end of serious British negotiations to secure a separate peace with Austria-Hungary or Turkey. The British peace offensive had failed to redress the strategic balance in the Entente's favour. It was now left to the German generals to discover whether they could defeat the armies of the western allies in the field.
David French
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205593
- eISBN:
- 9780191676680
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205593.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
In December 1917, such was the scope of the German victory in Russia, that the War Cabinet had agreed that Britain and its partners would not be able to defeat Germany until 1919. In the ensuing ...
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In December 1917, such was the scope of the German victory in Russia, that the War Cabinet had agreed that Britain and its partners would not be able to defeat Germany until 1919. In the ensuing months they did what they could to hasten the arrival of effective American military assistance in France, they attempted to recreate an eastern front, and they tried by propaganda and economic warfare to disrupt the cohesion of the Central Powers. The magnitude of the German advance in France between March and July 1918 did not induce ministers to make peace. But it did persuade them that victory would be further postponed.Less
In December 1917, such was the scope of the German victory in Russia, that the War Cabinet had agreed that Britain and its partners would not be able to defeat Germany until 1919. In the ensuing months they did what they could to hasten the arrival of effective American military assistance in France, they attempted to recreate an eastern front, and they tried by propaganda and economic warfare to disrupt the cohesion of the Central Powers. The magnitude of the German advance in France between March and July 1918 did not induce ministers to make peace. But it did persuade them that victory would be further postponed.
Edward C Page and Bill Jenkins
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199280414
- eISBN:
- 9780191700118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199280414.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter shows in four ways that processes within policy bureaucracies are not just mere subordinate acts. Instructions from superiors are rarely specific enough and this delegation issue is the ...
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This chapter shows in four ways that processes within policy bureaucracies are not just mere subordinate acts. Instructions from superiors are rarely specific enough and this delegation issue is the first subject tackled. Policy officials also have to deal with cross-cutting unforeseen issues that may arise. The third perspective examines their ‘detailing’ task which affects the whole shape of the policy. Last to be discussed is that the policy officials' work can emerge into significant strategic policy initiatives. The basis to the United Kingdom's angle on policymaking is shown in this chapter as well as implementations on human rights issues and Europe in general. However, the book does not claim that civil servants shape policy themselves, but instead that they exercise a sense of discretion without necessarily shaping things the way they personally want to.Less
This chapter shows in four ways that processes within policy bureaucracies are not just mere subordinate acts. Instructions from superiors are rarely specific enough and this delegation issue is the first subject tackled. Policy officials also have to deal with cross-cutting unforeseen issues that may arise. The third perspective examines their ‘detailing’ task which affects the whole shape of the policy. Last to be discussed is that the policy officials' work can emerge into significant strategic policy initiatives. The basis to the United Kingdom's angle on policymaking is shown in this chapter as well as implementations on human rights issues and Europe in general. However, the book does not claim that civil servants shape policy themselves, but instead that they exercise a sense of discretion without necessarily shaping things the way they personally want to.
Colin Thain and Maurice Wright
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198277842
- eISBN:
- 9780191684203
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277842.003.0021
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Political Economy
The most significant output of the Public Expenditure Survey (PES) system is the aggregate total of public expenditure planned for the coming financial year. This is measured in terms of the ...
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The most significant output of the Public Expenditure Survey (PES) system is the aggregate total of public expenditure planned for the coming financial year. This is measured in terms of the government's short- and long-term public spending objectives, in the context of its broader politico-economic objectives, and is attributable to the government collectively and to the Treasury as the instrument of its policy. The intermediate outputs of the system of interest are the departmental allocations published formerly in the November Autumn Statement, and from 1993 the Unified Budget. The PES allocations cannot be read as a scorecard of who has won and lost in the process of bidding and negotiating with the Treasury and Cabinet Expenditure Committee. There are problems of definition, measurement, and interpretation.Less
The most significant output of the Public Expenditure Survey (PES) system is the aggregate total of public expenditure planned for the coming financial year. This is measured in terms of the government's short- and long-term public spending objectives, in the context of its broader politico-economic objectives, and is attributable to the government collectively and to the Treasury as the instrument of its policy. The intermediate outputs of the system of interest are the departmental allocations published formerly in the November Autumn Statement, and from 1993 the Unified Budget. The PES allocations cannot be read as a scorecard of who has won and lost in the process of bidding and negotiating with the Treasury and Cabinet Expenditure Committee. There are problems of definition, measurement, and interpretation.
