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This introduction asks two questions that are central to this book. First, how did Progressive Era conservation become post–World War II environmentalism? And second, how did Franklin Roosevelt forge and maintain his liberal New Deal coalition? One answer to both questions, the introduction argues, is the New Deal's unique brand of conservation. The introduction then describes the differences between conservation and environmentalism, explaining that while progressive conservation involved elites interested in the efficient use of natural resources, postwar environmentalism represented a more grassroots phenomenon concerned with more human-centered and non-utilitarian issues including wilderness preservation, ecological balance, and health through outdoor recreation. This introduction also explains the peculiar politics of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal coalition, which brought together an unlikely alliance of eastern intellectuals and western farmers, urban immigrants and rural native-born Americans, the American working class and a particular type of industrial capitalist. The introduction concludes by suggesting that New Deal conservation in general, and the CCC in particular, helped transform progressive conservation into postwar environmentalism while simultaneously aiding Franklin Roosevelt in overcoming various divisions within this New Deal coalition.

Chapter One examines the ideological origins of New Deal conservation and the CCC. It begins by showing how the idea for the Corps originated both from Roosevelt's early experiences with the Progressive conservation movement, and, more surprisingly, from his lifelong involvement with the Boy Scouts. Similar to many progressive reform efforts such as the city beautiful, playground, and urban parks movements, the Boy Scouts promoted the notion that social behavior could be shaped by manipulating one's physical surroundings or environment. Chapter One illustrates how this philosophy not only influenced Roosevelt's decision to create the Corps, which like the Boy Scouts took young men from diseased urban settings and placed them in healthful environments in nature, but also greatly influenced early New Deal politics. The creation of work relief programs that put urban men to work in rural areas, Roosevelt knew from experiences as governor of New York, significantly raised his political capital. Creating the Corps, this chapter concludes, not only introduced the Boy Scout philosophy to the conservation movement but also helped the new president jump-start the New Deal.

Chapter Two analyzes CCC conservation projects on a national scale, and links the landscape changes caused by such work to both a broadening of conservationist concerns and to Franklin Roosevelt's desire for political support from rural America. It argues that although Corps conservation work appeared haphazard and static, it actually evolved over time and involved two types of labor on a trio of rural landscapes. While the Corps began its work in forests, primarily in the far West, the Dust Bowl of 1934 forced CCC enrollees onto the nation's farms as well, both on the Great Plains and in the soil-eroded South. This first type of conservation work involving both reforestation and soil conservation not only embodied the goals of Progressive era conservationists, who advocated the efficient use of natural resources, but also popularized the New Deal throughout these rural regions. During the late-1930s the Corps expanded its work projects yet again, this time into the country's state and national parks where CCC enrollees built hiking trails, campgrounds, motor roads, and visitor centers to increase public access to outdoor recreation. This second type of Corps work, which echoed the Boy Scouts' desire to rejuvenate Americans through healthful contact with nature, represented a broadening of conservationist ideology beyond the wise use of natural resources to include concern for public health. Chapter Two concludes that the dueling progressive philosophies that influenced Franklin Roosevelt's creation of the CCC—those of the conservation movement and of the Boy Scouts—became physically realized across the New Deal landscape.

Chapter Three examines the everyday experiences of the more than three million working-class male youths who enrolled in the CCC between 1933 and 1942. It illustrates how Corps conservation work altered the American landscape while transforming CCC enrollees physically through weight gain, muscle development, and an increase in overall bodily health. This chapter links these corporeal changes, which helped convert many working-class enrollees to the conservationist cause, to an expansion of the movement's composition beyond progressive elites. It also argues that these same bodily changes broadened the conservationist philosophy to include a new concern for “human resources,” in this case young, American men. These same physical transformations also influenced New Deal politics in two important ways. First, the rejuvenation of young, poor men from America's cities helped raise political support for Roosevelt among the nation's urban working class. As important, at a time when New Deal opponents blamed immigrants for causing and exacerbating the Great Depression, Chapter Three argues that the CCC's promotion of work in nature as having an Americanizing influence also appealed to foreign-born urbanites. By rebuilding enrollee bodies, this chapter concludes, the CCC transformed the conservation movement while raising political support, particularly in urban America, for the New Deal.

This part of the book investigates how the Corps and its conservation work transformed local communities situated near the more than five thousand CCC camps scattered across the country. To do this, Chapter Four focuses on two local communities in particular and their relationship with nearby Corps camps. In Coon Valley, Wisconsin, residents embraced both conservation and the New Deal as agricultural production rose on local farms cooperating with the Corps' soil conservation camps. Residents from a second community, located near CCC camps developing Great Smoky Mountains National Park for outdoor recreation, also welcomed Corps conservation and the New Deal but for very different reasons. In the Smokies locals supported the CCC not because it increased natural resource production, as in Coon Valley, but rather because CCC projects such as the building of hiking trails, visitor centers, and motor roads promised increased tourism to the nearby national park. While the CCC helped popularize this alternative form of conservation based outdoor recreation throughout the country, during the mid-1930s a vocal minority in each of these communities began criticizing the Corps in particular, and the New Deal by association, for being environmentally unsound. Chapter Four concludes by introducing the leaders of this critique, Aldo Leopold in Coon Valley and Robert Marshall in the Great Smokies, and suggests that this local opposition by two of the most important figures in modern environmentalism would greatly shape both the conservation movement and the New Deal during the later Great Depression period.

This chapter explores how the debate over Corps conservation work, introduced as a local problem in Chapter Four, spread to the national level during the late 1930s. It begins by illustrating how positive media coverage during the early and mid-1930s made the CCC the New Deal's most popular program, and perhaps more importantly, synonymous with conservation. Yet Chapter Five also examines an increasingly vocal group of Americans who during the late-1930s publicly criticized Corps conservation work, and Roosevelt's New Deal, for threatening American nature. While others like Bob Marshall faulted CCC conservation projects such as the building of roads in national parks for destroying wilderness, biological scientists followed Aldo Leopold's lead by claiming that seemingly benign Corps work such as the planting of trees in national forests actually upset ecological balance. Chapter Five examines how this growing opposition to the CCC sparked a public, national debate about the role of wilderness preservation and ecological balance within the conservation movement. The chapter concludes that while the widespread popularity of the CCC helped make the conservation movement a truly grassroots phenomenon, the public debate over Corps work indicated that the very meaning of conservation was in flux during the Great Depression era.

Chapter Six examines how the popular debate over the very meaning of conservation influenced New Deal planning during the so-called “third New Deal.” It focuses on Franklin Roosevelt's failed attempt, beginning in 1936, to rekindle support for his administration by reorganizing the federal government and creating a Department of Conservation under the Department of the Interior's Harold Ickes. This part of the book argues that the defeat of the conservation department was due less to the weakened power of the Roosevelt administration than to the indefinite status of the conservation movement during the late 1930s. To illustrate this, Chapter Six examines how the national debate over CCC work projects forced Roosevelt to embrace a more holistic, ecological approach to federal planning best exemplified by the National Planning Board, as well as a more cooperative and integrated conservation agenda through programs such as the Tennessee Valley Authority. And while these new notions of “ecological planning” and “total conservation” never became institutionalized in a new Department of Conservation, Chapter Six concludes that the failure of Franklin Roosevelt's reorganization plan forced these two beliefs into the public sphere. The result was a new form of special interest politics expressed in movements such as grassroots environmentalism.

The final chapter traces the CCC's legacy into the post–World War II period. It does so by focusing on the controversy, during the mid-to-late 1940s, surrounding the Bureau of Reclamation's plan to construct a hydroelectric dam in Dinosaur National Monument's Echo Park, which straddles the Utah—Colorado border. While environmental historians have long viewed the defeat of the Echo Park dam as one of the founding moments of the American environmental movement, this chapter argues that this victory by environmentalists was predicated on the Corps and its conservation work during the New Deal period. For instance, during the 1930s the CCC developed Dinosaur National Monument for outdoor recreation, a process that later brought outdoor enthusiasts into the anti-dam camp. Criticism of Corps conservation work during the early 1940s, however, raised public concern about the destruction of wilderness and ecological balance in the region as well. When the federal government announced plans for the Echo Park dam during the late 1940s, these concerns resurfaced and guided environmentalist opposition. This chapter ends by discussing the declining power of the federal government within postwar conservation, and concludes, somewhat ironically, that the strong hand of the New Deal helped make what eventually became environmentalism a more democratic movement.

This chapter analyzes international harmonization of rules relating to tariffs, comprising tariff classification, tariff evaluation and rules of origin. It traces its history in each regulatory area from European initiatives in the mid-19^th century to ongoing harmonization work conducted by the WTO and WCO (World Customs Organization) in the present. A major focus is on efforts to reconcile regulatory differences between Europe and the US and to coordinate the works of the GATT/WTO and the CCC (Customs Cooperation Council)/WCO.

This is the first of the final three chapters of the book, which are concerned with evaluating the presented approach in the context of current cognitive modeling. This chapter re-presents the Core Cognitive Criteria (CCC) from chapter one, discussing and justifying each in more detail. The criteria are broken into three main sections, representational structure, performance concerns, and scientific merit. They cover familiar constraints, such as systematicity, compositionality and productivity, and include less common criteria, such as robustness, scalability, and compactness. Tutorial: How to build a brain – a practical guide

Johnson made food aid a major element of his foreign relations with several countries. He saw it as a tool, an inducement, a reward or a cudgel. As a product of Senate leadership, he knew how important the role of Congress was in approving and funding his many initiatives, and he sought to ensure that he was not viewed as a “dewy-eyed, give-away boy.” He had to be seen as a tough guy even though he was, at heart, quite a benevolent person. Critics of food aid were suggesting that it could do more harm than good when used outside narrowly defined situations requiring emergency relief. Johnson paid them little heed. He fought with Congress over control of food aid, losing several battle and winning others. His liberal stance on domestic human rights issues lost him votes among conservatives in Congress on his desired food aid reforms.

The digital revolution has impacted all aspects of our lives. For governments agencies ICT can improve inter-department business, as well as deepen relationships with businesses and citizens. It can do this by enhancing and streamlining service delivery, creating a more informed and active citizenry and making government more accountable, transparent and effective. This paper explores how the six countries in the Gulf Co-operation Council (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates) have responded to this opportunity and challenges, and how they will need to react to emerging technological trends if they are to maintain the momentum and potential afforded by e-Government. Given the pace of technology-related changes, this chapter encompasses academic literature, industry perspectives, and news reports to tell this emerging story.

The rules governing the customs debt constitute a point at which the practical interests of all those affected by customs duty coincide. For the Union institutions the customs debt represents own resources which it needs to survive. For the Member State the debt is a sum of money which it has a legal obligation to collect. For the trader, the debt represents simply a liability to be paid. No wonder then that the pre-consolidation legislation on customs debt said that: