The Independent International Commission on Kosovo
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243093.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This section is the text of an address delivered by Nelson Mandela to the Kosovo Commission's final seminar. It focuses on Africa's need for international attention and assistance to fight gross ...
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This section is the text of an address delivered by Nelson Mandela to the Kosovo Commission's final seminar. It focuses on Africa's need for international attention and assistance to fight gross violations of human rights and promote economic development in places of former and on‐going conflict such as Burundi.Less
This section is the text of an address delivered by Nelson Mandela to the Kosovo Commission's final seminar. It focuses on Africa's need for international attention and assistance to fight gross violations of human rights and promote economic development in places of former and on‐going conflict such as Burundi.
Matthias Basedau
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296454
- eISBN:
- 9780191600036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296452.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Burundi follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, ...
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This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Burundi follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions (not in force since the coup d’état of 1996), and a comment on the electoral statistics (no official data are available). The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1961–1993 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1961–1993 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1981–1992 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (not held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1961–1993 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1961–1993; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1984 and 1993 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1961–1998.Less
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Burundi follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions (not in force since the coup d’état of 1996), and a comment on the electoral statistics (no official data are available). The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1961–1993 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1961–1993 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1981–1992 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (not held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1961–1993 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1961–1993; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1984 and 1993 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1961–1998.
Michael Banton
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280613
- eISBN:
- 9780191598760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280610.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The collection of census data on the ethnic origin of the population poses political problems for many black African states. The discrimination that led towards genocide in Rwanda and Burundi was of ...
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The collection of census data on the ethnic origin of the population poses political problems for many black African states. The discrimination that led towards genocide in Rwanda and Burundi was of particular concern from 1989. South Africa had not ratified the ICERD at the time of writing.Less
The collection of census data on the ethnic origin of the population poses political problems for many black African states. The discrimination that led towards genocide in Rwanda and Burundi was of particular concern from 1989. South Africa had not ratified the ICERD at the time of writing.
COLIN NEWBURY
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257812
- eISBN:
- 9780191717864
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257812.003.08
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
The kingdoms of East-Central Africa provide examples of patrimonial states utilized for the purposes of European over-rule. In societies where political clientage was ubiquitous, the Kingdom of ...
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The kingdoms of East-Central Africa provide examples of patrimonial states utilized for the purposes of European over-rule. In societies where political clientage was ubiquitous, the Kingdom of Buganda became the archetype for a chiefly oligarchy with guaranteed status and lands, as well as a surrogate agency for administering segmentary clans in the region. It became difficult later to preserve this legacy of British administration within a unitary state, as Uganda moved towards an elected government in the 1950s. But the Kabaka of Buganda reinforced the patrimonial system of allocating offices and resources; and he became Chief of State, until his kingdom was dismantled by President Obote in 1966. Similar policies of using royal lineages to administer a subordinate peasantry were applied by German and Belgian officials in Rwanda and Burundi. The exacerbation of traditional patron client divisions by administrative patronage had disastrous consequences for relations between Tutsi and Hutu at decolonization in 1962.Less
The kingdoms of East-Central Africa provide examples of patrimonial states utilized for the purposes of European over-rule. In societies where political clientage was ubiquitous, the Kingdom of Buganda became the archetype for a chiefly oligarchy with guaranteed status and lands, as well as a surrogate agency for administering segmentary clans in the region. It became difficult later to preserve this legacy of British administration within a unitary state, as Uganda moved towards an elected government in the 1950s. But the Kabaka of Buganda reinforced the patrimonial system of allocating offices and resources; and he became Chief of State, until his kingdom was dismantled by President Obote in 1966. Similar policies of using royal lineages to administer a subordinate peasantry were applied by German and Belgian officials in Rwanda and Burundi. The exacerbation of traditional patron client divisions by administrative patronage had disastrous consequences for relations between Tutsi and Hutu at decolonization in 1962.
Graciana del Castillo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199237739
- eISBN:
- 9780191717239
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237739.003.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental, International
Iraq and Afghanistan are hardly alone in having to face failure in their transition to peace. Since the end of the Cold War, countries at low levels of development — ranging from Haiti to ...
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Iraq and Afghanistan are hardly alone in having to face failure in their transition to peace. Since the end of the Cold War, countries at low levels of development — ranging from Haiti to Timor-Leste, to Liberia, Sierra Leone, Burundi, and others in Africa, and several in the Balkans — have emerged from civil conflict to establish a fragile peace. Others, such as Colombia, the Palestinian territories, and Sudan, it is hoped, will begin such a transition soon. The purpose of the book is to integrate theoretical and practical issues related to post-conflict economic reconstruction in a methodical, comprehensive, consistent, and rigorous way to facilitate effective reconstruction and national reconciliation and to ensure that conflict will not recur. The book is based on personal experience but in addition provides a comprehensive review of the literature.Less
Iraq and Afghanistan are hardly alone in having to face failure in their transition to peace. Since the end of the Cold War, countries at low levels of development — ranging from Haiti to Timor-Leste, to Liberia, Sierra Leone, Burundi, and others in Africa, and several in the Balkans — have emerged from civil conflict to establish a fragile peace. Others, such as Colombia, the Palestinian territories, and Sudan, it is hoped, will begin such a transition soon. The purpose of the book is to integrate theoretical and practical issues related to post-conflict economic reconstruction in a methodical, comprehensive, consistent, and rigorous way to facilitate effective reconstruction and national reconciliation and to ensure that conflict will not recur. The book is based on personal experience but in addition provides a comprehensive review of the literature.
E. Wayne Nafziger, Frances Stewart, and Raimo Väyrynen (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198297406
- eISBN:
- 9780191685330
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297406.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Since the end of the Cold War, the number of civil wars in developing countries has escalated to the point where they are the most significant source of human suffering in the world today. Although ...
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Since the end of the Cold War, the number of civil wars in developing countries has escalated to the point where they are the most significant source of human suffering in the world today. Although there are many political analyses of these emergencies, this two-volume work is the first comprehensive study of the economic, social, and political roots of humanitarian emergencies, identifying early measures to prevent such disasters. The authors draw on a wide range of specialists on the political economy of war and on major conflicts to show the causes of conflict. This second volume provides detailed case studies of thirteen conflicts (including Rwanda, Burundi, the Congo, Afghanistan, and the Caucasus) that originated in the weakness of the state or where economic factors predominated. The volumes emphasize the significance of protracted economic stagnation and decline, high and increasing inequality, government exclusion of distinct social groups, state failure, and predatory rule. They debunk beliefs recurrent in the literature that emergencies are the result of deteriorating environmental conditions, structural adjustment, and deep-seated ethnic animosity. By analysing the causes and prevention of war and humanitarian emergencies in developing countries, this work outlines a less costly alternative to the present strategy of the world community of spending millions of dollars annually to provide mediation, relief, and rehabilitation after the conflict occurs.Less
Since the end of the Cold War, the number of civil wars in developing countries has escalated to the point where they are the most significant source of human suffering in the world today. Although there are many political analyses of these emergencies, this two-volume work is the first comprehensive study of the economic, social, and political roots of humanitarian emergencies, identifying early measures to prevent such disasters. The authors draw on a wide range of specialists on the political economy of war and on major conflicts to show the causes of conflict. This second volume provides detailed case studies of thirteen conflicts (including Rwanda, Burundi, the Congo, Afghanistan, and the Caucasus) that originated in the weakness of the state or where economic factors predominated. The volumes emphasize the significance of protracted economic stagnation and decline, high and increasing inequality, government exclusion of distinct social groups, state failure, and predatory rule. They debunk beliefs recurrent in the literature that emergencies are the result of deteriorating environmental conditions, structural adjustment, and deep-seated ethnic animosity. By analysing the causes and prevention of war and humanitarian emergencies in developing countries, this work outlines a less costly alternative to the present strategy of the world community of spending millions of dollars annually to provide mediation, relief, and rehabilitation after the conflict occurs.
PATRICK D. GAFFNEY
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198297406
- eISBN:
- 9780191685330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297406.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Burundi's crisis started back on October 21, 1993, by reason of a failed coup d'etat – an attack made by the military officers on the newly elected officials of the government. Due to this violence ...
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Burundi's crisis started back on October 21, 1993, by reason of a failed coup d'etat – an attack made by the military officers on the newly elected officials of the government. Due to this violence in the capital, news regarding the coup reached the different parts of the country, which resulted in nation-wide interethnic killing. Since then, Burundi has been held in a unceasing humanitarian emergency that made the small nation an armed camp; however, a divided, internationally devastated and an ungovernable one. The military leadership caused institutionalized bias, together with ethnic and regional lines, and later on developing widespread discrimination selective development, as well as genocidal slaughter both on local and national levels. While different agencies have offered assistance to resolve the conflict over the past years, they have failed due to the labels of Tutsi and Hutu: ethnic groups behind the hostility.Less
Burundi's crisis started back on October 21, 1993, by reason of a failed coup d'etat – an attack made by the military officers on the newly elected officials of the government. Due to this violence in the capital, news regarding the coup reached the different parts of the country, which resulted in nation-wide interethnic killing. Since then, Burundi has been held in a unceasing humanitarian emergency that made the small nation an armed camp; however, a divided, internationally devastated and an ungovernable one. The military leadership caused institutionalized bias, together with ethnic and regional lines, and later on developing widespread discrimination selective development, as well as genocidal slaughter both on local and national levels. While different agencies have offered assistance to resolve the conflict over the past years, they have failed due to the labels of Tutsi and Hutu: ethnic groups behind the hostility.
Christine Bell
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199226832
- eISBN:
- 9780191710261
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226832.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter sets out a common substance to contemporary framework peace agreements. The centre-piece of peace agreements is the provision they make for the holding and exercising of political power. ...
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This chapter sets out a common substance to contemporary framework peace agreements. The centre-piece of peace agreements is the provision they make for the holding and exercising of political power. Peace agreements across conflicts evidence strikingly similar arrangements and devices for accommodating the competing demands of the conflict's protagonists. An analytical conceptualization of the common peace agreement framework with respect to how power is to be held and exercised, is provided. In general terms, peace agreements attempt conflict resolution by (i) redefining the state; (ii) disaggregating power; and (iii) dislocating power. The chapter illustrates the analytical framework with reference to a varied range of conflict types rather boldly suggesting that virtually all peace agreements reaching the framework stage — and many more proposals for resolution — exhibit this common framework, completely or in substantial part.Less
This chapter sets out a common substance to contemporary framework peace agreements. The centre-piece of peace agreements is the provision they make for the holding and exercising of political power. Peace agreements across conflicts evidence strikingly similar arrangements and devices for accommodating the competing demands of the conflict's protagonists. An analytical conceptualization of the common peace agreement framework with respect to how power is to be held and exercised, is provided. In general terms, peace agreements attempt conflict resolution by (i) redefining the state; (ii) disaggregating power; and (iii) dislocating power. The chapter illustrates the analytical framework with reference to a varied range of conflict types rather boldly suggesting that virtually all peace agreements reaching the framework stage — and many more proposals for resolution — exhibit this common framework, completely or in substantial part.
Richard Ponzio
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199760114
- eISBN:
- 9780199949991
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199760114.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the new UN peacebuilding architecture—the Peacebuilding Commission, Peacebuilding Fund, and Peacebuilding Support Office—in relation to the challenges faced by the termination ...
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This chapter examines the new UN peacebuilding architecture—the Peacebuilding Commission, Peacebuilding Fund, and Peacebuilding Support Office—in relation to the challenges faced by the termination of UN peacekeeping operations and the requirements for the maintenance of peace in the period following exit. The PBC was established to facilitate the exit of costly peacekeepers while supporting the transition and reconfiguration of assistance by other parts of the UN and international system that remain involved in postconflict states. This chapter considers how the UN Security Council has used the Peacebuilding Commission, from its outset, to help sustain international attention in postconflict Burundi and Sierra Leone following the drawdown and withdrawal of UN peacekeepers from these two countries. Given the Commission’s infant status, it remains to be seen what its own exit strategy will be for the countries on its agenda.Less
This chapter examines the new UN peacebuilding architecture—the Peacebuilding Commission, Peacebuilding Fund, and Peacebuilding Support Office—in relation to the challenges faced by the termination of UN peacekeeping operations and the requirements for the maintenance of peace in the period following exit. The PBC was established to facilitate the exit of costly peacekeepers while supporting the transition and reconfiguration of assistance by other parts of the UN and international system that remain involved in postconflict states. This chapter considers how the UN Security Council has used the Peacebuilding Commission, from its outset, to help sustain international attention in postconflict Burundi and Sierra Leone following the drawdown and withdrawal of UN peacekeepers from these two countries. Given the Commission’s infant status, it remains to be seen what its own exit strategy will be for the countries on its agenda.
Taylor B. Seybolt, Jay D. Aronson, and Baruch Fischhoff (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199977307
- eISBN:
- 9780199346172
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199977307.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Over the past century and a half, civilians in war have gone from having no particular rights to having legal protections that begin to rival those accorded to states. Counting Civilian Casualties ...
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Over the past century and a half, civilians in war have gone from having no particular rights to having legal protections that begin to rival those accorded to states. Counting Civilian Casualties explores the range of methods of casualty recording and estimation, including direct recording, statistical sampling and estimation, and creating records of individual civilian deaths. The contributors discuss each method’s advantages and disadvantages, relate them to conflict and peacebuilding, and analyze how their results can be used (and misused) by governments, combatants, human rights advocates, war crimes tribunals, and others. The editors conclude the volume with a call for a for an international convention on recording civilian casualties in times of war, to be supported by the scientific and material resources needed to conduct the work with the quality and the dignity that it deserves. These critical expositions are a valuable resource for policymakers, military officials, journalists, human rights activists, courts, and ordinary people who want to be more informed—and skeptical—consumers of casualty counts.Less
Over the past century and a half, civilians in war have gone from having no particular rights to having legal protections that begin to rival those accorded to states. Counting Civilian Casualties explores the range of methods of casualty recording and estimation, including direct recording, statistical sampling and estimation, and creating records of individual civilian deaths. The contributors discuss each method’s advantages and disadvantages, relate them to conflict and peacebuilding, and analyze how their results can be used (and misused) by governments, combatants, human rights advocates, war crimes tribunals, and others. The editors conclude the volume with a call for a for an international convention on recording civilian casualties in times of war, to be supported by the scientific and material resources needed to conduct the work with the quality and the dignity that it deserves. These critical expositions are a valuable resource for policymakers, military officials, journalists, human rights activists, courts, and ordinary people who want to be more informed—and skeptical—consumers of casualty counts.
Philip Verwimp and Olivia D’Aoust
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199664597
- eISBN:
- 9780191749254
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199664597.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Households in developing countries are exposed to a number of risks, including negative shocks to their health, nutrition, or income. These shocks can be related to poor living conditions or ...
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Households in developing countries are exposed to a number of risks, including negative shocks to their health, nutrition, or income. These shocks can be related to poor living conditions or exogenous events such as natural disasters. In conflict-prone environments, political shocks add insecurity to an already volatile economic context. In the absence of functioning insurance and credit markets, these adverse events can trap households into poverty. This chapter presents research performed as part of MICROCON on the risks faced and the security and the coping mechanisms used by households and individuals in Rwanda and Burundi, two conflict-affected countries in central Africa. The authors present insights on poverty dynamics, health, nutrition, and mortality, as well as on social, risk, and time preferences.Less
Households in developing countries are exposed to a number of risks, including negative shocks to their health, nutrition, or income. These shocks can be related to poor living conditions or exogenous events such as natural disasters. In conflict-prone environments, political shocks add insecurity to an already volatile economic context. In the absence of functioning insurance and credit markets, these adverse events can trap households into poverty. This chapter presents research performed as part of MICROCON on the risks faced and the security and the coping mechanisms used by households and individuals in Rwanda and Burundi, two conflict-affected countries in central Africa. The authors present insights on poverty dynamics, health, nutrition, and mortality, as well as on social, risk, and time preferences.
Meghan Foster Lynch
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199977307
- eISBN:
- 9780199346172
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199977307.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Based on evidence collected during 18 months of fieldwork in rural Burundi, this chapter argues that to obtain accurate information about sensitive issues, ethnography does better than surveys ...
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Based on evidence collected during 18 months of fieldwork in rural Burundi, this chapter argues that to obtain accurate information about sensitive issues, ethnography does better than surveys because it is uniquely equipped to deal with issues of culture, trust, and contradiction. There are strong reasons to believe that even current best practices in survey methods may be missing systematic lies that ethnographic methods can often detect. This chapter shows how respondents answer questions about sensitive topics in unexpected ways and suggests a three-part classification of reasons people may have for modifying their responses. For example, an ethnographer’s interview techniques can produce more narratives about stigmatized behavior that ae more useful than those resulting from standard surveys. Whether the goal is to explain political violence, develop policy prescriptions to prevent and resolve conflict, or prosecute war crimes and crimes against humanity, rigorous ethnography arguably does a better job than surveys.Less
Based on evidence collected during 18 months of fieldwork in rural Burundi, this chapter argues that to obtain accurate information about sensitive issues, ethnography does better than surveys because it is uniquely equipped to deal with issues of culture, trust, and contradiction. There are strong reasons to believe that even current best practices in survey methods may be missing systematic lies that ethnographic methods can often detect. This chapter shows how respondents answer questions about sensitive topics in unexpected ways and suggests a three-part classification of reasons people may have for modifying their responses. For example, an ethnographer’s interview techniques can produce more narratives about stigmatized behavior that ae more useful than those resulting from standard surveys. Whether the goal is to explain political violence, develop policy prescriptions to prevent and resolve conflict, or prosecute war crimes and crimes against humanity, rigorous ethnography arguably does a better job than surveys.
Miriam J. Anderson
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190239534
- eISBN:
- 9780190239558
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190239534.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Economy
This chapter charts the formation of a women’s movement in Burundi following the outbreak of violence in 1993 which sought to end the armed conflict and to participate in the peace negotiations and ...
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This chapter charts the formation of a women’s movement in Burundi following the outbreak of violence in 1993 which sought to end the armed conflict and to participate in the peace negotiations and details how women were able to include women’s rights in the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi. The women sought to forge a gender-based identity by including women who were both Hutu and Tutsi and avoiding contentious issues. Women’s organizations—which were part of a transnational feminist network—at various levels sought to help Burundian women participate in the negotiations including UNIFEM New York. Through their intervention, an all-women’s peace conference was convened where the participants proposed clauses to include in the final peace agreement. The resulting clauses reflect international norms on women due to the links between Burundian civil society and transnational feminist networks, the involvement of representatives of international organizations, and the use of international human rights instruments in constructing the language.Less
This chapter charts the formation of a women’s movement in Burundi following the outbreak of violence in 1993 which sought to end the armed conflict and to participate in the peace negotiations and details how women were able to include women’s rights in the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi. The women sought to forge a gender-based identity by including women who were both Hutu and Tutsi and avoiding contentious issues. Women’s organizations—which were part of a transnational feminist network—at various levels sought to help Burundian women participate in the negotiations including UNIFEM New York. Through their intervention, an all-women’s peace conference was convened where the participants proposed clauses to include in the final peace agreement. The resulting clauses reflect international norms on women due to the links between Burundian civil society and transnational feminist networks, the involvement of representatives of international organizations, and the use of international human rights instruments in constructing the language.
Laura J. Shepherd
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780199982721
- eISBN:
- 9780190699444
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199982721.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter outlines the motivation for undertaking the research presented here, and offers an account of the contexts for the peacebuilding-related activities in which the United Nations is ...
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This chapter outlines the motivation for undertaking the research presented here, and offers an account of the contexts for the peacebuilding-related activities in which the United Nations is involved: Burundi; Central African Republic; Guinea; Guinea-Bissau; Liberia; and Sierra Leone. The research design is explained, with an overview provided of both the theoretical framework supporting the research and the methodological approach taken. The methodology is a form of discourse analysis engaging both documentary and transcribed interview texts, and this chapter explains how the author uses the concepts of gender and space to structure the analysis in the rest of the book. The chapter also presents an analysis of the literature on peacebuilding to which the author seeks to make a contribution with this research.Less
This chapter outlines the motivation for undertaking the research presented here, and offers an account of the contexts for the peacebuilding-related activities in which the United Nations is involved: Burundi; Central African Republic; Guinea; Guinea-Bissau; Liberia; and Sierra Leone. The research design is explained, with an overview provided of both the theoretical framework supporting the research and the methodological approach taken. The methodology is a form of discourse analysis engaging both documentary and transcribed interview texts, and this chapter explains how the author uses the concepts of gender and space to structure the analysis in the rest of the book. The chapter also presents an analysis of the literature on peacebuilding to which the author seeks to make a contribution with this research.
Janvier D. Nkurunziza, Léonce Ndikumana, and Prime Nyamoya
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226315720
- eISBN:
- 9780226315867
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226315867.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
We study the performance of the financial system in Burundi in mobilizing and allocating resources using a blend of methodological approaches drawing from: (1) industrial organization in examining ...
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We study the performance of the financial system in Burundi in mobilizing and allocating resources using a blend of methodological approaches drawing from: (1) industrial organization in examining the banking sector structure, and the behavior and profitability of financial intermediaries; (2) macroeconomic analysis with a focus on the effect of economic performance and policy framework on financial sector performance; and (3) political economy analysis highlighting the role of political governance and political instability, as well as ownership of financial institutions on allocative and distributional inefficiencies. We find that the core of the financial sector that has survived the worst of the economic and political crises of the last decades is highly profitable. Bank profitability hides financial sector weaknesses: a high level of fragmentation; a narrow credit market that favors “insiders” mostly affiliated with the political elites; a shortage of long-term stable resources; inefficient allocation of resources; and weak supervision and regulation. Access to finance remains an important challenge, especially for the “stranded middle” (middle income households and medium size firms) due to the “missing middle credit market”. Recent developments in the financial sector, such as penetration of foreign banks, may boost competition, financial innovation, and access to finance.Less
We study the performance of the financial system in Burundi in mobilizing and allocating resources using a blend of methodological approaches drawing from: (1) industrial organization in examining the banking sector structure, and the behavior and profitability of financial intermediaries; (2) macroeconomic analysis with a focus on the effect of economic performance and policy framework on financial sector performance; and (3) political economy analysis highlighting the role of political governance and political instability, as well as ownership of financial institutions on allocative and distributional inefficiencies. We find that the core of the financial sector that has survived the worst of the economic and political crises of the last decades is highly profitable. Bank profitability hides financial sector weaknesses: a high level of fragmentation; a narrow credit market that favors “insiders” mostly affiliated with the political elites; a shortage of long-term stable resources; inefficient allocation of resources; and weak supervision and regulation. Access to finance remains an important challenge, especially for the “stranded middle” (middle income households and medium size firms) due to the “missing middle credit market”. Recent developments in the financial sector, such as penetration of foreign banks, may boost competition, financial innovation, and access to finance.
Philippe Le Billon
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- December 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199333462
- eISBN:
- 9780190235673
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199333462.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
There is considerable anecdotal evidence that insurgent groups opportunistically use forests as advantageous terrain for guerrilla warfare and as a source of finance, mostly through taxing logging ...
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There is considerable anecdotal evidence that insurgent groups opportunistically use forests as advantageous terrain for guerrilla warfare and as a source of finance, mostly through taxing logging companies. This chapter presents these opportunistic dimensions and the links between forests, rebellions and forest-dwelling populations. Examples from Burundi, Cambodia and Liberia are provided.Less
There is considerable anecdotal evidence that insurgent groups opportunistically use forests as advantageous terrain for guerrilla warfare and as a source of finance, mostly through taxing logging companies. This chapter presents these opportunistic dimensions and the links between forests, rebellions and forest-dwelling populations. Examples from Burundi, Cambodia and Liberia are provided.
James Milner
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198712787
- eISBN:
- 9780191781162
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198712787.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the policy norm of integrated approaches within the UN system. Drawing on the results of fieldwork, the chapter examines efforts to realize integrated UN programs in Burundi and ...
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This chapter examines the policy norm of integrated approaches within the UN system. Drawing on the results of fieldwork, the chapter examines efforts to realize integrated UN programs in Burundi and Tanzania, specifically relating to solutions for Burundian refugees. The chapter argues that integrated approaches to development programming in Tanzania have been constrained by issues of capacity and bureaucratic contestation, while integrated approaches to peacebuilding in Burundi have been enabled due to the interests of key actors and the bureaucratic identity created by senior institutional leaders. These findings highlight the importance of the causal mechanisms outlined by Betts and Orchard in their introduction to this volume, and the potential benefits of additional research to more fully consider the role of individuals and “pilot programs” in the implementation of policy norms.Less
This chapter examines the policy norm of integrated approaches within the UN system. Drawing on the results of fieldwork, the chapter examines efforts to realize integrated UN programs in Burundi and Tanzania, specifically relating to solutions for Burundian refugees. The chapter argues that integrated approaches to development programming in Tanzania have been constrained by issues of capacity and bureaucratic contestation, while integrated approaches to peacebuilding in Burundi have been enabled due to the interests of key actors and the bureaucratic identity created by senior institutional leaders. These findings highlight the importance of the causal mechanisms outlined by Betts and Orchard in their introduction to this volume, and the potential benefits of additional research to more fully consider the role of individuals and “pilot programs” in the implementation of policy norms.
Sonja Fransen and Melissa Siegel
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190211394
- eISBN:
- 9780190270100
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190211394.003.0017
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter compares the diaspora engagement initiatives of Rwanda and Burundi. Both nations recognize the potential of their diasporas, but they are at different stages of diaspora policy ...
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This chapter compares the diaspora engagement initiatives of Rwanda and Burundi. Both nations recognize the potential of their diasporas, but they are at different stages of diaspora policy development. Both are also conflict-affected countries. Results show that Rwanda actively addresses the challenges by reaching out to its diaspora, focusing on diasporic unity and communication between diaspora groups and the Rwandan government, and embedding diaspora policy into long-term development plans. A lack of data, however, prevents an evaluation of the effectiveness of these efforts. By contrast, Burundi still needs to create the institutional environment for diaspora engagement. This chapter shows that for diaspora engagement initiatives to succeed, a high level of cooperation is needed between ministries, international organizations, and the diaspora. In conflict-affected societies such as Burundi and Rwanda, however, the most important condition for success is that the countries’ security situations become increasingly stable in the near future.Less
This chapter compares the diaspora engagement initiatives of Rwanda and Burundi. Both nations recognize the potential of their diasporas, but they are at different stages of diaspora policy development. Both are also conflict-affected countries. Results show that Rwanda actively addresses the challenges by reaching out to its diaspora, focusing on diasporic unity and communication between diaspora groups and the Rwandan government, and embedding diaspora policy into long-term development plans. A lack of data, however, prevents an evaluation of the effectiveness of these efforts. By contrast, Burundi still needs to create the institutional environment for diaspora engagement. This chapter shows that for diaspora engagement initiatives to succeed, a high level of cooperation is needed between ministries, international organizations, and the diaspora. In conflict-affected societies such as Burundi and Rwanda, however, the most important condition for success is that the countries’ security situations become increasingly stable in the near future.
Miriam J. Anderson
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190239534
- eISBN:
- 9780190239558
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190239534.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Economy
This book illustrates how women’s advocacy groups seize peace negotiations to reconfigure their role in the state. Women’s groups overcome many challenges to gain access to peace talks and ensure ...
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This book illustrates how women’s advocacy groups seize peace negotiations to reconfigure their role in the state. Women’s groups overcome many challenges to gain access to peace talks and ensure women’s rights are included in peace agreements. They do this by forming advocacy groups based on a gender-based identity to transcend the divisions of the conflict, framing the peace negotiations as forums where their interests are at stake, and, when necessary, working with transnational feminist allies. The book offers both a cross-national overview of women’s references in 195 peace agreements signed between 1975 and 2011 as well as an in-depth analysis of the three case studies: Burundi, Macedonia, and Northern Ireland. It finds that the majority of women’s references in peace agreements reflect international norms on women’s rights. The case studies suggest that this convergence across agreements is due to the linkages between local women’s groups and transnational women’s networks, which means that international women’s rights norms are reproduced in peace agreements, making peace negotiations a site for international norm diffusion. The book’s findings demonstrate that despite the “liberal peace” bias inherent in contemporary peacebuilding, women have to exert significant efforts for their voices to be heard in the midst of conflict and political processes. The social rupture caused by armed conflict and peace talks create opportunities for gender-role transformation.Less
This book illustrates how women’s advocacy groups seize peace negotiations to reconfigure their role in the state. Women’s groups overcome many challenges to gain access to peace talks and ensure women’s rights are included in peace agreements. They do this by forming advocacy groups based on a gender-based identity to transcend the divisions of the conflict, framing the peace negotiations as forums where their interests are at stake, and, when necessary, working with transnational feminist allies. The book offers both a cross-national overview of women’s references in 195 peace agreements signed between 1975 and 2011 as well as an in-depth analysis of the three case studies: Burundi, Macedonia, and Northern Ireland. It finds that the majority of women’s references in peace agreements reflect international norms on women’s rights. The case studies suggest that this convergence across agreements is due to the linkages between local women’s groups and transnational women’s networks, which means that international women’s rights norms are reproduced in peace agreements, making peace negotiations a site for international norm diffusion. The book’s findings demonstrate that despite the “liberal peace” bias inherent in contemporary peacebuilding, women have to exert significant efforts for their voices to be heard in the midst of conflict and political processes. The social rupture caused by armed conflict and peace talks create opportunities for gender-role transformation.
Kjell Anderson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198829997
- eISBN:
- 9780191868375
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198829997.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
Individual actors in genocide are often divided up into a trichotomy of perpetrators, victims, and bystanders. Such an approach may be misleading in understanding genocide, where actors often shift ...
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Individual actors in genocide are often divided up into a trichotomy of perpetrators, victims, and bystanders. Such an approach may be misleading in understanding genocide, where actors often shift between roles, or take on multiple roles. This chapter seeks to understand the complexity of individual action in genocide through presenting an alternative framework based on individual positionality (the position of individuals in relation to genocide), and agency (the capacity for individuals to act independently). It argues that positionality and agency interact to form a margin of discretion—the perceived range of choices available to an individual. It draws from the author’s interviews with perpetrators and victims of genocide and mass atrocities in several countries to illuminate the margins of perpetration—where individuals perpetrate while also occupying other roles. Changing roles in genocide often involves risks and rewards, which evolve throughout a genocide, as well as in the post-genocide period.Less
Individual actors in genocide are often divided up into a trichotomy of perpetrators, victims, and bystanders. Such an approach may be misleading in understanding genocide, where actors often shift between roles, or take on multiple roles. This chapter seeks to understand the complexity of individual action in genocide through presenting an alternative framework based on individual positionality (the position of individuals in relation to genocide), and agency (the capacity for individuals to act independently). It argues that positionality and agency interact to form a margin of discretion—the perceived range of choices available to an individual. It draws from the author’s interviews with perpetrators and victims of genocide and mass atrocities in several countries to illuminate the margins of perpetration—where individuals perpetrate while also occupying other roles. Changing roles in genocide often involves risks and rewards, which evolve throughout a genocide, as well as in the post-genocide period.
