Archie Brown
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197262948
- eISBN:
- 9780191734762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262948.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The rise of totalitarian regimes in Russia, Germany, and Italy between the two world wars preceded the professionalization of the study of politics. The political experience of recent decades ...
More
The rise of totalitarian regimes in Russia, Germany, and Italy between the two world wars preceded the professionalization of the study of politics. The political experience of recent decades suggests that where authoritarian regimes have given way to democratic systems in which politicians can be held accountable and where a rule of law prevails, there is little likelihood of a return to authoritarianism, least of all in the form of Communism or fascism. It is easier to continue to deny political liberties to people who have never experienced them than to remove freedoms to which citizens have quickly become accustomed. Whether the world’s first Communist state, Russia, will succeed in breaking decisively with its authoritarian past remains one of the most momentous of all the unresolved puzzles. It is one question among many likely to keep British students of politics busy into the twenty-first century.Less
The rise of totalitarian regimes in Russia, Germany, and Italy between the two world wars preceded the professionalization of the study of politics. The political experience of recent decades suggests that where authoritarian regimes have given way to democratic systems in which politicians can be held accountable and where a rule of law prevails, there is little likelihood of a return to authoritarianism, least of all in the form of Communism or fascism. It is easier to continue to deny political liberties to people who have never experienced them than to remove freedoms to which citizens have quickly become accustomed. Whether the world’s first Communist state, Russia, will succeed in breaking decisively with its authoritarian past remains one of the most momentous of all the unresolved puzzles. It is one question among many likely to keep British students of politics busy into the twenty-first century.
Alan Ryan
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197262948
- eISBN:
- 9780191734762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262948.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter focuses on the thought that ‘rational, economic man’ may be a useful figment of the economists’ imagination but is not a useful figment of the social and political theorist’s. After some ...
More
This chapter focuses on the thought that ‘rational, economic man’ may be a useful figment of the economists’ imagination but is not a useful figment of the social and political theorist’s. After some remarks about the strength of individualism in British political thought, the chapter discusses the post-1945 debate over the virtues of ‘methodological individualism’ and its supposed political implications. The argument then begins in earnest with the late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century Idealist critique of the ‘narrow individualism’ that Idealists believed underlay utilitarianism and earlier forms of liberalism. The discussion also cites some British contributions to the Marxist critique of rational economic man, and ends with a very short discussion of communitarianism.Less
This chapter focuses on the thought that ‘rational, economic man’ may be a useful figment of the economists’ imagination but is not a useful figment of the social and political theorist’s. After some remarks about the strength of individualism in British political thought, the chapter discusses the post-1945 debate over the virtues of ‘methodological individualism’ and its supposed political implications. The argument then begins in earnest with the late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century Idealist critique of the ‘narrow individualism’ that Idealists believed underlay utilitarianism and earlier forms of liberalism. The discussion also cites some British contributions to the Marxist critique of rational economic man, and ends with a very short discussion of communitarianism.
Michael Clark
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199562343
- eISBN:
- 9780191721441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562343.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter investigates the actions and attitudes of the first Jewish MPs. It begins by analysing the nature of Jewish MPs as a group and their equivocal connection to the community, before ...
More
This chapter investigates the actions and attitudes of the first Jewish MPs. It begins by analysing the nature of Jewish MPs as a group and their equivocal connection to the community, before proceeding to examine their activity and experience as politicians at party, constituency, national, and international levels — at each stage assessing the influence of their hyphenated identity. The chapter highlights the emergence of a specific Jewish agenda within British politics and details the community's attempts to protect politically aspects of their minority subculture, whilst integrating closely with general British interests and becoming involved in party politics. It also assesses the level of antisemitism the MPs encountered and discusses the contentious nature of Jewishness in the British political context.Less
This chapter investigates the actions and attitudes of the first Jewish MPs. It begins by analysing the nature of Jewish MPs as a group and their equivocal connection to the community, before proceeding to examine their activity and experience as politicians at party, constituency, national, and international levels — at each stage assessing the influence of their hyphenated identity. The chapter highlights the emergence of a specific Jewish agenda within British politics and details the community's attempts to protect politically aspects of their minority subculture, whilst integrating closely with general British interests and becoming involved in party politics. It also assesses the level of antisemitism the MPs encountered and discusses the contentious nature of Jewishness in the British political context.
Saurabh Mishra
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198070603
- eISBN:
- 9780199080007
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198070603.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
The last few decades of the nineteenth century heralded a period of intense anti-British Muslim politics in the subcontinent, and Mecca was at the centre of real or perceived insurgent activities. ...
More
The last few decades of the nineteenth century heralded a period of intense anti-British Muslim politics in the subcontinent, and Mecca was at the centre of real or perceived insurgent activities. Subjects such as the pilgrimage to Mecca were discussed extensively and debated intensely, but the veneer of inactivity (in terms of the status quo maintained with regard to actual policies) camouflaged the many seething apprehensions. A close watch was kept on the pilgrimage arrangements, and the situation within ‘Arabia’ in general, but this did not appear to lead to any concrete interventionist measures. As the politics of pan-Islamism intensified, the colonial state appeared almost to be in a state of semi-paralysis as far as deeply religious subjects were concerned. This chapter explores the dynamics of this inactivity and reveals the frenzy that caused this paralysis.Less
The last few decades of the nineteenth century heralded a period of intense anti-British Muslim politics in the subcontinent, and Mecca was at the centre of real or perceived insurgent activities. Subjects such as the pilgrimage to Mecca were discussed extensively and debated intensely, but the veneer of inactivity (in terms of the status quo maintained with regard to actual policies) camouflaged the many seething apprehensions. A close watch was kept on the pilgrimage arrangements, and the situation within ‘Arabia’ in general, but this did not appear to lead to any concrete interventionist measures. As the politics of pan-Islamism intensified, the colonial state appeared almost to be in a state of semi-paralysis as far as deeply religious subjects were concerned. This chapter explores the dynamics of this inactivity and reveals the frenzy that caused this paralysis.
Ross McKibbin
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199584697
- eISBN:
- 9780191702402
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199584697.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book, the sequel to Classes and Cultures, is a historical reinterpretation of British politics in the first decades of universal suffrage. It reveals how the British democratic system developed ...
More
This book, the sequel to Classes and Cultures, is a historical reinterpretation of British politics in the first decades of universal suffrage. It reveals how the British democratic system developed and more importantly, it challenges its success and suggests reasons why it is flawed. The book targets significant questions, such as what it means to be a democratic society and to what extent voters really make up their own minds on politics. Exploring the political culture of these extraordinary years, the author shows that class difference became one of the principal determinants of political behaviour. It argues that the kind of democracy that emerged in Britain was far from inevitable, was as much historical accident as design, and was in many ways highly flawed.Less
This book, the sequel to Classes and Cultures, is a historical reinterpretation of British politics in the first decades of universal suffrage. It reveals how the British democratic system developed and more importantly, it challenges its success and suggests reasons why it is flawed. The book targets significant questions, such as what it means to be a democratic society and to what extent voters really make up their own minds on politics. Exploring the political culture of these extraordinary years, the author shows that class difference became one of the principal determinants of political behaviour. It argues that the kind of democracy that emerged in Britain was far from inevitable, was as much historical accident as design, and was in many ways highly flawed.
John R. Hinnells
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198261933
- eISBN:
- 9780191682247
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198261933.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, World Religions, Religious Studies
This chapter examines Zoroastrians in British politics. Unlike other South Asian groups in Britain, Zoroastrians have never constituted a significant electoral group because of their small number. ...
More
This chapter examines Zoroastrians in British politics. Unlike other South Asian groups in Britain, Zoroastrians have never constituted a significant electoral group because of their small number. However, they have held political office. In national terms, the major figures have been three Parsis who were the first Asians to become MPs at Westminster: Dahabhoy Naoroji, Muncherji Bhownagree, and Shapuri Saklatvala. These people are discussed in the first three sections. The fourth section considers Zerbanoo Gifford, still active, but she has not yet become an MP. She merits consideration because of the work she has already achieved. Although all four of these politicians have taken a public stand on behalf of the people of India, they have also affirmed their community or religious allegiance. The work of each of the politicians in Britain has been neglected by earlier studies of Zoroastrian history and of Indian politics.Less
This chapter examines Zoroastrians in British politics. Unlike other South Asian groups in Britain, Zoroastrians have never constituted a significant electoral group because of their small number. However, they have held political office. In national terms, the major figures have been three Parsis who were the first Asians to become MPs at Westminster: Dahabhoy Naoroji, Muncherji Bhownagree, and Shapuri Saklatvala. These people are discussed in the first three sections. The fourth section considers Zerbanoo Gifford, still active, but she has not yet become an MP. She merits consideration because of the work she has already achieved. Although all four of these politicians have taken a public stand on behalf of the people of India, they have also affirmed their community or religious allegiance. The work of each of the politicians in Britain has been neglected by earlier studies of Zoroastrian history and of Indian politics.
Maarten A. Hajer, David Laws, and Wytske Versteeg
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199281671
- eISBN:
- 9780191713132
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281671.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The British Food Standards Authority (FSA) was established in the aftermath of the bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) crisis as a radical break with the old climate of secrecy in food safety ...
More
The British Food Standards Authority (FSA) was established in the aftermath of the bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) crisis as a radical break with the old climate of secrecy in food safety regulation. This chapter studies in detail how the new organization tries to reinvent openness in a highly technical field by combining different ways of knowing and actively reaching out towards the media and its different publics. The struggle of the FSA shows how seemingly self-evident goals of a deliberative governance, like openness and transparency, can be paradoxical and complicated in practice; similarly its motto of “putting ‘the’ consumer first” turns out to be more complex than it might seem. It provides a case study of how an organization tries to become authoritative giving meaning to democratic accountability and deliberation while complying with a commitment to expert knowledge. It also shows how emotional moments can be key to break through institutional routines and establish a shift in thinking and a joint commitment to a new way of working. It narrates one of the most interesting examples of a deliberative regulation known to date.Less
The British Food Standards Authority (FSA) was established in the aftermath of the bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) crisis as a radical break with the old climate of secrecy in food safety regulation. This chapter studies in detail how the new organization tries to reinvent openness in a highly technical field by combining different ways of knowing and actively reaching out towards the media and its different publics. The struggle of the FSA shows how seemingly self-evident goals of a deliberative governance, like openness and transparency, can be paradoxical and complicated in practice; similarly its motto of “putting ‘the’ consumer first” turns out to be more complex than it might seem. It provides a case study of how an organization tries to become authoritative giving meaning to democratic accountability and deliberation while complying with a commitment to expert knowledge. It also shows how emotional moments can be key to break through institutional routines and establish a shift in thinking and a joint commitment to a new way of working. It narrates one of the most interesting examples of a deliberative regulation known to date.
James Meadowcroft
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206019
- eISBN:
- 9780191676918
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206019.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Ideas
This book is concerned with the way in which the concept of the state was invoked in British political argument between 1880 and 1914. Its central claim is that the decades bracketing the turn of the ...
More
This book is concerned with the way in which the concept of the state was invoked in British political argument between 1880 and 1914. Its central claim is that the decades bracketing the turn of the century witnessed a significant change in the prevailing terms of British political discourse — that the concept of the state, hitherto a relative stranger to British debate, emerged as a key component of the idiom in which critical reflection on politics was cast. The book surveys the ways in which the state was understood in this period, and also presents a detailed analysis of the conceptions of the state in the work of six prominent theorists: Herbert Spencer, Hugh Cecil, Bernard Bosanquet, L. T. Hobhouse, J. A. Hobson, and Ramsay MacDonald.Less
This book is concerned with the way in which the concept of the state was invoked in British political argument between 1880 and 1914. Its central claim is that the decades bracketing the turn of the century witnessed a significant change in the prevailing terms of British political discourse — that the concept of the state, hitherto a relative stranger to British debate, emerged as a key component of the idiom in which critical reflection on politics was cast. The book surveys the ways in which the state was understood in this period, and also presents a detailed analysis of the conceptions of the state in the work of six prominent theorists: Herbert Spencer, Hugh Cecil, Bernard Bosanquet, L. T. Hobhouse, J. A. Hobson, and Ramsay MacDonald.
Jon Lawrence
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199550128
- eISBN:
- 9780191701528
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550128.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This book covers the history of British electioneering from the 18th century right up to the present day. It explores the relationship between British politicians and their public as well as the ...
More
This book covers the history of British electioneering from the 18th century right up to the present day. It explores the relationship between British politicians and their public as well as the important changes that have taken place, especially in the television age. It examines what the current state of electioneering in Britain implies for the future, asking questions as to how the media can shape that future. The book argues that in the past, British politics has been characterized by public rituals, intended to make politicians more legitimate by obliging them to face an often irreverent public. In 18th-century politics and Victorian and Edwardian elections, face-to-face interaction was central. This continued between the wars, despite the emergence of the new mass communication media of radio and cinema. However, the same cannot be said of the post-war era and the rise of television. Today, most politicians are content to offer the semblance of meaningful engagement with the public — hence, meetings are designed to ensure that politicians only come into contact with their party. Where Lloyd George and Churchill relished a tumultuous public meeting, their modern counterparts are more risk-averse. This book questions whether we can persuade our broadcasters that encounters with the public must form a staple of modern politics.Less
This book covers the history of British electioneering from the 18th century right up to the present day. It explores the relationship between British politicians and their public as well as the important changes that have taken place, especially in the television age. It examines what the current state of electioneering in Britain implies for the future, asking questions as to how the media can shape that future. The book argues that in the past, British politics has been characterized by public rituals, intended to make politicians more legitimate by obliging them to face an often irreverent public. In 18th-century politics and Victorian and Edwardian elections, face-to-face interaction was central. This continued between the wars, despite the emergence of the new mass communication media of radio and cinema. However, the same cannot be said of the post-war era and the rise of television. Today, most politicians are content to offer the semblance of meaningful engagement with the public — hence, meetings are designed to ensure that politicians only come into contact with their party. Where Lloyd George and Churchill relished a tumultuous public meeting, their modern counterparts are more risk-averse. This book questions whether we can persuade our broadcasters that encounters with the public must form a staple of modern politics.
Anthony King
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199576982
- eISBN:
- 9780191702235
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199576982.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
In the latter part of the 19th century, Walter Bagehot wrote a classic account of the British constitution as it had developed during Queen Victoria's reign. He argued that the late Victorian ...
More
In the latter part of the 19th century, Walter Bagehot wrote a classic account of the British constitution as it had developed during Queen Victoria's reign. He argued that the late Victorian constitution was not at all what people thought it was. In this book, the author argues that the same is true at the beginning of this century. Most people are aware that a series of major constitutional changes has taken place, but few recognize that their cumulative effect has been to change entirely the nature of Britain's constitutional structure. The old constitution has gone. The author insists that the new constitution is a mess, but one that we should probably try to make the best of. This book is neither a reference book nor a textbook. Like Bagehot's classic, it is written with wit and mordant humour — by someone who is a journalist and political commentator as well as a distinguished academic. Highly charged issues that remain to be settled concern the relations between Scotland and England and the future of the House of Lords. A reformed House of Lords, the author fears, could wind up comprising ‘a miscellaneous assemblage of party hacks, political careerists, clapped-out retired or defeated MPs, has-beens, never-weres and never-could-possibly-bes’. The book is the product of a lifetime's reflection on British politics and essential reading for anyone interested in how the British system has changed and how it is likely to change in future.Less
In the latter part of the 19th century, Walter Bagehot wrote a classic account of the British constitution as it had developed during Queen Victoria's reign. He argued that the late Victorian constitution was not at all what people thought it was. In this book, the author argues that the same is true at the beginning of this century. Most people are aware that a series of major constitutional changes has taken place, but few recognize that their cumulative effect has been to change entirely the nature of Britain's constitutional structure. The old constitution has gone. The author insists that the new constitution is a mess, but one that we should probably try to make the best of. This book is neither a reference book nor a textbook. Like Bagehot's classic, it is written with wit and mordant humour — by someone who is a journalist and political commentator as well as a distinguished academic. Highly charged issues that remain to be settled concern the relations between Scotland and England and the future of the House of Lords. A reformed House of Lords, the author fears, could wind up comprising ‘a miscellaneous assemblage of party hacks, political careerists, clapped-out retired or defeated MPs, has-beens, never-weres and never-could-possibly-bes’. The book is the product of a lifetime's reflection on British politics and essential reading for anyone interested in how the British system has changed and how it is likely to change in future.
Richard Pares
- Published in print:
- 1988
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198811305
- eISBN:
- 9780191695438
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198811305.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This study of British politics from 1760 to 1832 deals with the reasons why people went into politics, the functions of party and patronage and the balance of power between King, Lords, and Commons. ...
More
This study of British politics from 1760 to 1832 deals with the reasons why people went into politics, the functions of party and patronage and the balance of power between King, Lords, and Commons. George III is the central figure of the work and the author discusses the King's conception of his mission and his struggles with ‘that hydra faction’.Less
This study of British politics from 1760 to 1832 deals with the reasons why people went into politics, the functions of party and patronage and the balance of power between King, Lords, and Commons. George III is the central figure of the work and the author discusses the King's conception of his mission and his struggles with ‘that hydra faction’.
NICHOLAS CANNY
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198200918
- eISBN:
- 9780191718274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198200918.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter demonstrates how the plantation issue remained central to Irish — and indeed British — politics throughout the entire period 1622-41, until differences over plantation policy brought ...
More
This chapter demonstrates how the plantation issue remained central to Irish — and indeed British — politics throughout the entire period 1622-41, until differences over plantation policy brought about the downfall of its most potent advocate, who was destroyed not by the Catholics who would have become the victims of his plantation policy but by Protestants in Ireland who resented Strafford's interference in what they perceived as their exclusive domain.Less
This chapter demonstrates how the plantation issue remained central to Irish — and indeed British — politics throughout the entire period 1622-41, until differences over plantation policy brought about the downfall of its most potent advocate, who was destroyed not by the Catholics who would have become the victims of his plantation policy but by Protestants in Ireland who resented Strafford's interference in what they perceived as their exclusive domain.
Andrew Thorpe
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199272730
- eISBN:
- 9780191709661
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199272730.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This introductory chapter starts by outlining the main contours of British politics in the Second World War, showing the key developments between the late 1930s and the Labour victory at the 1945 ...
More
This introductory chapter starts by outlining the main contours of British politics in the Second World War, showing the key developments between the late 1930s and the Labour victory at the 1945 general election. It discusses the development of the historiography of wartime politics, and controversies over issues such as ‘wartime consensus’. It suggests that a key element that has been missing from this historiography has been the question of party organization, and explains that this book aims to focus on that issue; and that, more broadly, the question of the resilience of ‘party’ needs to be addressed. The book's methodology is discussed, and, in particular, the focus on local party records is explained. The broadly thematic structure of the book is outlined and a brief summary of the chapters is given.Less
This introductory chapter starts by outlining the main contours of British politics in the Second World War, showing the key developments between the late 1930s and the Labour victory at the 1945 general election. It discusses the development of the historiography of wartime politics, and controversies over issues such as ‘wartime consensus’. It suggests that a key element that has been missing from this historiography has been the question of party organization, and explains that this book aims to focus on that issue; and that, more broadly, the question of the resilience of ‘party’ needs to be addressed. The book's methodology is discussed, and, in particular, the focus on local party records is explained. The broadly thematic structure of the book is outlined and a brief summary of the chapters is given.
Peter Burroughs
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205654
- eISBN:
- 9780191676734
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205654.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter provides a discussion on the place of British Empire in British politics. Britain's governance of the British Empire involved dynamic processes, not static structures and inert ...
More
This chapter provides a discussion on the place of British Empire in British politics. Britain's governance of the British Empire involved dynamic processes, not static structures and inert constitutional frameworks, as some earlier imperial historians imagined. Among the various objectives of Imperial policy-makers in managing the Empire's constituent territories, the prime imperative — and major anxiety — remained the preservation of security and loyalty. To deal with awesome global responsibilities, Imperial administrators developed a range of strategies and techniques of management. Political institutions were the most prominent instrument of British rule. Indirect Rule emerged after 1900 as a much-publicized technique of Imperial management. There was nothing new about the tactic of preserving indigenous institutions and acting through the agency of local rulers.Less
This chapter provides a discussion on the place of British Empire in British politics. Britain's governance of the British Empire involved dynamic processes, not static structures and inert constitutional frameworks, as some earlier imperial historians imagined. Among the various objectives of Imperial policy-makers in managing the Empire's constituent territories, the prime imperative — and major anxiety — remained the preservation of security and loyalty. To deal with awesome global responsibilities, Imperial administrators developed a range of strategies and techniques of management. Political institutions were the most prominent instrument of British rule. Indirect Rule emerged after 1900 as a much-publicized technique of Imperial management. There was nothing new about the tactic of preserving indigenous institutions and acting through the agency of local rulers.
Ross McKibbin
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199584697
- eISBN:
- 9780191702402
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199584697.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Those English who reached adulthood before 1914 and were still alive in 1945 witnessed a party-political transformation possibly unique in modern English history: namely, the effective destruction of ...
More
Those English who reached adulthood before 1914 and were still alive in 1945 witnessed a party-political transformation possibly unique in modern English history: namely, the effective destruction of the Liberal Party as one of England's two governing parties, and with it the marginalization of an important element of the country's political elite. Many of those marginalized were representatives of a form of social Liberalism which could claim to have dominated Edwardian politics both intellectually and politically. In 1914, few would have predicted this outcome and there is little agreement among historians as to why it happened. Nor how it happened; how far, especially, it was the result of the First World War. This chapter argues that the Edwardian system was based upon an equipoise in balance in 1914 but one delicate enough for it to be severely unbalanced by events which began with the outbreak of the First World War.Less
Those English who reached adulthood before 1914 and were still alive in 1945 witnessed a party-political transformation possibly unique in modern English history: namely, the effective destruction of the Liberal Party as one of England's two governing parties, and with it the marginalization of an important element of the country's political elite. Many of those marginalized were representatives of a form of social Liberalism which could claim to have dominated Edwardian politics both intellectually and politically. In 1914, few would have predicted this outcome and there is little agreement among historians as to why it happened. Nor how it happened; how far, especially, it was the result of the First World War. This chapter argues that the Edwardian system was based upon an equipoise in balance in 1914 but one delicate enough for it to be severely unbalanced by events which began with the outbreak of the First World War.
Peter J. Yearwood
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199226733
- eISBN:
- 9780191710308
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226733.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The book reconsiders the role of the League of Nations as an idea and as an institution in the development of British policy, 1914–25. It challenges the view that London took up the league idea ...
More
The book reconsiders the role of the League of Nations as an idea and as an institution in the development of British policy, 1914–25. It challenges the view that London took up the league idea reluctantly in response to outside pressures, and shows how the British government used the idea to manage Anglo‐American relations in wartime and eventually to provide the basis of an enduring hegemonic partnership. While thinking about the league eventually developed in several new directions after American entry into the war, the idea of a guarantee retained its centrality in British thinking. American rejection of the Covenant meant that post‐war British governments had to look at the League in an Anglo‐French context instead. The book breaks new ground in examining how London tried to use the League in the series of crises of the early 1920s over Armenia, Persia, Vilna, Upper Silesia, Albania, and Corfu. It shows how in the negotiations leading to the abortive Draft Treaty of Mutual Assistance (1923) and Geneva Protocol (1924), and the successful Locarno accords (1925) British policy‐makers tried to resolve the Franco‐German security question through the League. This involves a reconsideration of how these leaders tried to use the League as an issue in British domestic politics, and why it emerged as central to British foreign policy, and therefore as a key element in European stability after 1925.Less
The book reconsiders the role of the League of Nations as an idea and as an institution in the development of British policy, 1914–25. It challenges the view that London took up the league idea reluctantly in response to outside pressures, and shows how the British government used the idea to manage Anglo‐American relations in wartime and eventually to provide the basis of an enduring hegemonic partnership. While thinking about the league eventually developed in several new directions after American entry into the war, the idea of a guarantee retained its centrality in British thinking. American rejection of the Covenant meant that post‐war British governments had to look at the League in an Anglo‐French context instead. The book breaks new ground in examining how London tried to use the League in the series of crises of the early 1920s over Armenia, Persia, Vilna, Upper Silesia, Albania, and Corfu. It shows how in the negotiations leading to the abortive Draft Treaty of Mutual Assistance (1923) and Geneva Protocol (1924), and the successful Locarno accords (1925) British policy‐makers tried to resolve the Franco‐German security question through the League. This involves a reconsideration of how these leaders tried to use the League as an issue in British domestic politics, and why it emerged as central to British foreign policy, and therefore as a key element in European stability after 1925.
David P. Auerswald and Stephen M. Saideman
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159386
- eISBN:
- 9781400848676
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159386.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter looks at two countries, Australia and New Zealand, that are partners with but not members of NATO. Australia and New Zealand have British-style political institutions, with the key ...
More
This chapter looks at two countries, Australia and New Zealand, that are partners with but not members of NATO. Australia and New Zealand have British-style political institutions, with the key decisions made by the prime minister and his or her minister of defense. The chapter then assesses whether membership in NATO makes a difference. It argues that non-membership can actually be a shield that countries use to deflect harder choices and more responsibilities. Otherwise, the domestic dynamics work like they do in Great Britain or Canada, demonstrating that the military constraints imposed by nations are driven far more by domestic politics than by NATO institutions.Less
This chapter looks at two countries, Australia and New Zealand, that are partners with but not members of NATO. Australia and New Zealand have British-style political institutions, with the key decisions made by the prime minister and his or her minister of defense. The chapter then assesses whether membership in NATO makes a difference. It argues that non-membership can actually be a shield that countries use to deflect harder choices and more responsibilities. Otherwise, the domestic dynamics work like they do in Great Britain or Canada, demonstrating that the military constraints imposed by nations are driven far more by domestic politics than by NATO institutions.
Nicholas Rogers
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201724
- eISBN:
- 9780191674990
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201724.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The 1790s is widely regarded as a critical decade in the development of popular politics in Britain. Fired by the twin experiences of the American and French Revolutions, the publication of Paine's ...
More
The 1790s is widely regarded as a critical decade in the development of popular politics in Britain. Fired by the twin experiences of the American and French Revolutions, the publication of Paine's Rights of Man in 1791 saw a dramatic growth in democratic radicalism among artisans and the labouring poor, and a corresponding loyalist reaction of unparalleled proportions. The social penetration of democratic ideas and the extent to which British politics became polarized along class lines has been hotly debated among historians. So too has the lineage of radicalism. This chapter explores the festival and political ideology of this troubled era. It focuses on the way in which radicals, reformers, and reactionaries marshalled popular support in the public domain, and how the robust traditions of street politics were mobilized, reshaped, and ruptured in the process.Less
The 1790s is widely regarded as a critical decade in the development of popular politics in Britain. Fired by the twin experiences of the American and French Revolutions, the publication of Paine's Rights of Man in 1791 saw a dramatic growth in democratic radicalism among artisans and the labouring poor, and a corresponding loyalist reaction of unparalleled proportions. The social penetration of democratic ideas and the extent to which British politics became polarized along class lines has been hotly debated among historians. So too has the lineage of radicalism. This chapter explores the festival and political ideology of this troubled era. It focuses on the way in which radicals, reformers, and reactionaries marshalled popular support in the public domain, and how the robust traditions of street politics were mobilized, reshaped, and ruptured in the process.
Ross McKibbin
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199584697
- eISBN:
- 9780191702402
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199584697.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Despite the Edwardian system's underlying instability and the corrosive effect of the First World War it had still not been completely destroyed by the end of the 1920s. The reformed Labour Party ...
More
Despite the Edwardian system's underlying instability and the corrosive effect of the First World War it had still not been completely destroyed by the end of the 1920s. The reformed Labour Party mobilized enough of the working-class vote to disrupt the system, but not enough to give the Party any real authority. The Conservative Party was recognizably the same; its leadership in fact almost identical. The Liberal Party hung on, recovery always (but not quite) around the corner, trapping much political talent that could have been put to better use. An attempt had been made to restore the pre-1914 economy. The Edwardian political economy therefore still stood, but shakily. In the 1930s, however, there was nothing provisional about England's political system and, unlike the 1920s, it represented economic and social reality. This chapter explains how this happened by examining the origins and consequences of the 1931 crisis — the financial crisis of August 1931 which felled the second Labour government (1929–31) and brought to power a National government dominated by the Conservatives.Less
Despite the Edwardian system's underlying instability and the corrosive effect of the First World War it had still not been completely destroyed by the end of the 1920s. The reformed Labour Party mobilized enough of the working-class vote to disrupt the system, but not enough to give the Party any real authority. The Conservative Party was recognizably the same; its leadership in fact almost identical. The Liberal Party hung on, recovery always (but not quite) around the corner, trapping much political talent that could have been put to better use. An attempt had been made to restore the pre-1914 economy. The Edwardian political economy therefore still stood, but shakily. In the 1930s, however, there was nothing provisional about England's political system and, unlike the 1920s, it represented economic and social reality. This chapter explains how this happened by examining the origins and consequences of the 1931 crisis — the financial crisis of August 1931 which felled the second Labour government (1929–31) and brought to power a National government dominated by the Conservatives.
Jon Lawrence
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199550128
- eISBN:
- 9780191701528
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550128.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter examines the history of public participation in election broadcasting since the 1950s, asking where the public fits in the complicated and often fraught relationship between politicians ...
More
This chapter examines the history of public participation in election broadcasting since the 1950s, asking where the public fits in the complicated and often fraught relationship between politicians and broadcasters. It examines whether broadcasters lived up to the ideals of promoting accessibility and accountability in British politics, and championing public movement in the political process; whether television really evolved to perform the democratic role once assigned to the public meeting; and whether broadcasters have done enough to facilitate the interrogation of politicians by members of the public. On the vital question about the future of democracy, this chapter argues that it is the British broadcasters, rather than the politicians, who are the masters now.Less
This chapter examines the history of public participation in election broadcasting since the 1950s, asking where the public fits in the complicated and often fraught relationship between politicians and broadcasters. It examines whether broadcasters lived up to the ideals of promoting accessibility and accountability in British politics, and championing public movement in the political process; whether television really evolved to perform the democratic role once assigned to the public meeting; and whether broadcasters have done enough to facilitate the interrogation of politicians by members of the public. On the vital question about the future of democracy, this chapter argues that it is the British broadcasters, rather than the politicians, who are the masters now.
