Dimitris Livanios
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199237685
- eISBN:
- 9780191717246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237685.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses two ‘failures’ of British foreign policy: the first concerns British attempts to construct a ‘neutral bloc’ in the Balkans, and bring about a rapprochement between Bulgaria and ...
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This chapter discusses two ‘failures’ of British foreign policy: the first concerns British attempts to construct a ‘neutral bloc’ in the Balkans, and bring about a rapprochement between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. These efforts failed for many reasons, including Bulgarian irredentism, the mutual distrust between Sofia and Belgrade, and the role of Turkey. The British insistence on not offering Macedonia to the Bulgarians played little role in this, as King Boris thought that only Russia and Germany would seal the fate of his country. The second British failure was their grandiose wartime plans about the future of Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, which centred around the construction of a Balkan federation with the two countries (and Macedonia) as federal units. These plans reflected British wishful thinking rather than Balkan realities, and were abandoned after Russian opposition.Less
This chapter discusses two ‘failures’ of British foreign policy: the first concerns British attempts to construct a ‘neutral bloc’ in the Balkans, and bring about a rapprochement between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. These efforts failed for many reasons, including Bulgarian irredentism, the mutual distrust between Sofia and Belgrade, and the role of Turkey. The British insistence on not offering Macedonia to the Bulgarians played little role in this, as King Boris thought that only Russia and Germany would seal the fate of his country. The second British failure was their grandiose wartime plans about the future of Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, which centred around the construction of a Balkan federation with the two countries (and Macedonia) as federal units. These plans reflected British wishful thinking rather than Balkan realities, and were abandoned after Russian opposition.
T. G. Otte
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199211098
- eISBN:
- 9780191705731
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199211098.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Asian History
This chapter begins with a brief examination of the process of China's gradual incorporation into a Western system of international relations, and the rise of the ‘China Question’ since the 1860s. It ...
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This chapter begins with a brief examination of the process of China's gradual incorporation into a Western system of international relations, and the rise of the ‘China Question’ since the 1860s. It then analyses the wider impact of Far East developments on Great power relations. Britain, the only truly global Power of the period, was particularly affected. The chapter examines the scholarly debate surrounding Britain's assumed policy of isolation, and stresses the importance of a range of relationships and factors — commercial, cultural, financial, diplomatic, and strategic — in analysing British foreign policy before 1914. It is rounded off by a discussion of the mechanics of decision-making. Particular attention is paid to the role of the prime ministers and foreign secretaries of the time — Lords Kimberley, Rosebery, Salisbury, and Lansdowne — and Britain's senior diplomats and Foreign Office officials.Less
This chapter begins with a brief examination of the process of China's gradual incorporation into a Western system of international relations, and the rise of the ‘China Question’ since the 1860s. It then analyses the wider impact of Far East developments on Great power relations. Britain, the only truly global Power of the period, was particularly affected. The chapter examines the scholarly debate surrounding Britain's assumed policy of isolation, and stresses the importance of a range of relationships and factors — commercial, cultural, financial, diplomatic, and strategic — in analysing British foreign policy before 1914. It is rounded off by a discussion of the mechanics of decision-making. Particular attention is paid to the role of the prime ministers and foreign secretaries of the time — Lords Kimberley, Rosebery, Salisbury, and Lansdowne — and Britain's senior diplomats and Foreign Office officials.
Dimitris Livanios
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199237685
- eISBN:
- 9780191717246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237685.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter analyses British foreign policy towards Macedonia from the 1870s to the mid-1930s, and argues that in the interwar years, Britain had no vital interests in the region apart from the ...
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This chapter analyses British foreign policy towards Macedonia from the 1870s to the mid-1930s, and argues that in the interwar years, Britain had no vital interests in the region apart from the preservation of the status quo, which was perceived as the only way of maintaining peace ‘in their time’. Consequently, Britain approached the Macedonian Question from a purely strategic point of view that prompted it to defend the Peace Treaties, and resist attempts to recognize a ‘Bulgarian minority’ in Yugoslavia. The chapter also examines the range of opinions on the appropriate solution of the Macedonian Question that existed between the centre (London) and the periphery of the Foreign Office (the British legations at Sofia and Belgrade), and demonstrates that in many cases much friction was produced over the policy that Britain ought to be pursuing in the Balkans.Less
This chapter analyses British foreign policy towards Macedonia from the 1870s to the mid-1930s, and argues that in the interwar years, Britain had no vital interests in the region apart from the preservation of the status quo, which was perceived as the only way of maintaining peace ‘in their time’. Consequently, Britain approached the Macedonian Question from a purely strategic point of view that prompted it to defend the Peace Treaties, and resist attempts to recognize a ‘Bulgarian minority’ in Yugoslavia. The chapter also examines the range of opinions on the appropriate solution of the Macedonian Question that existed between the centre (London) and the periphery of the Foreign Office (the British legations at Sofia and Belgrade), and demonstrates that in many cases much friction was produced over the policy that Britain ought to be pursuing in the Balkans.
KEITH NEILSON
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204701
- eISBN:
- 9780191676369
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204701.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses British policy toward Russia in the period from 1894 to 1917 and describes the group of men, who constituted the foreign-policy-making elite. Foreign policy making was centred ...
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This chapter discusses British policy toward Russia in the period from 1894 to 1917 and describes the group of men, who constituted the foreign-policy-making elite. Foreign policy making was centred in the Cabinet and determined almost exclusively by the secretary of state of foreign affairs. The civil servants were primarily in the Foreign Office, but occasionally in other departments of state, who provided ministers with advice and information. The British representatives in Russia gathered a wide range of information about Russia and helped to shape perceptions of Russia since they could decide what information was important and how it should be presented. The ‘old Russia hands’ possessed an expertise concerning Russia as a result of various circumstances. They reported on Russia to the other members of the elite, and helped shape the public's views of Russia.Less
This chapter discusses British policy toward Russia in the period from 1894 to 1917 and describes the group of men, who constituted the foreign-policy-making elite. Foreign policy making was centred in the Cabinet and determined almost exclusively by the secretary of state of foreign affairs. The civil servants were primarily in the Foreign Office, but occasionally in other departments of state, who provided ministers with advice and information. The British representatives in Russia gathered a wide range of information about Russia and helped to shape perceptions of Russia since they could decide what information was important and how it should be presented. The ‘old Russia hands’ possessed an expertise concerning Russia as a result of various circumstances. They reported on Russia to the other members of the elite, and helped shape the public's views of Russia.
T. G. Otte
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199211098
- eISBN:
- 9780191705731
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199211098.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Asian History
This final chapter reassesses the significance of the China Question for international politics and for British foreign policy in particular. China's perceived decline led to an increased interaction ...
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This final chapter reassesses the significance of the China Question for international politics and for British foreign policy in particular. China's perceived decline led to an increased interaction between European developments and the extra-European geo-strategic periphery. It stresses the need for a global, imperial approach to the study of pre-1914 British foreign policy. The China Question brought into sharper focus Britain's relations with the Franco–Russian combination and with Germany and Japan. The book ends with a paradox. Until 1905, the growing Anglo–Russian antagonism in Asia dictated British policy. The Anglo–Japanese combination was a tool for the containment of Russia; it did not mark the ‘end of isolation’. But its consequences — the Russo–Japanese War and Russia's subsequent international weakness — transformed the international environment, with Germany freed of Russian pressure in Europe. Thus, isolation had been reaffirmed in 1905. But its apparent success would undermine its continued justification.Less
This final chapter reassesses the significance of the China Question for international politics and for British foreign policy in particular. China's perceived decline led to an increased interaction between European developments and the extra-European geo-strategic periphery. It stresses the need for a global, imperial approach to the study of pre-1914 British foreign policy. The China Question brought into sharper focus Britain's relations with the Franco–Russian combination and with Germany and Japan. The book ends with a paradox. Until 1905, the growing Anglo–Russian antagonism in Asia dictated British policy. The Anglo–Japanese combination was a tool for the containment of Russia; it did not mark the ‘end of isolation’. But its consequences — the Russo–Japanese War and Russia's subsequent international weakness — transformed the international environment, with Germany freed of Russian pressure in Europe. Thus, isolation had been reaffirmed in 1905. But its apparent success would undermine its continued justification.
Matthew S. Seligmann
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199261505
- eISBN:
- 9780191718618
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199261505.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter assesses the impact of the many reports and memoranda sent by the service attachés in Berlin to their superiors in London. It shows that their dispatches were taken very seriously in the ...
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This chapter assesses the impact of the many reports and memoranda sent by the service attachés in Berlin to their superiors in London. It shows that their dispatches were taken very seriously in the three departments concerned with Britain's foreign and defence policy — the Admiralty, War Office, and Foreign Office — that received them; that they were also read by senior figures in government from the king and Prime Minister downwards; that they were often circulated to the cabinet and discussed in the Committee of Imperial Defence; and that they were the basis of a considerable amount of private correspondence among senior officials. Case studies of British aviation policy and British shipbuilding policy during the 1909 naval scare also reveal the considerable input that the intelligence provided by the attachés had on Government decision-making.Less
This chapter assesses the impact of the many reports and memoranda sent by the service attachés in Berlin to their superiors in London. It shows that their dispatches were taken very seriously in the three departments concerned with Britain's foreign and defence policy — the Admiralty, War Office, and Foreign Office — that received them; that they were also read by senior figures in government from the king and Prime Minister downwards; that they were often circulated to the cabinet and discussed in the Committee of Imperial Defence; and that they were the basis of a considerable amount of private correspondence among senior officials. Case studies of British aviation policy and British shipbuilding policy during the 1909 naval scare also reveal the considerable input that the intelligence provided by the attachés had on Government decision-making.
Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195093810
- eISBN:
- 9780199854127
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195093810.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
American citizens carried on their commerce in a world whose rules and conditions were largely laid down not by themselves but by Great Britain. Those conditions were not greatly altered by the Jay ...
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American citizens carried on their commerce in a world whose rules and conditions were largely laid down not by themselves but by Great Britain. Those conditions were not greatly altered by the Jay Treaty, at least not formally. Britain, owing to superior products, greater efficiency and lower prices, intimate knowledge of the market, and extensive credit facilities, would keep the lion's share of the market anyway. America, on the other hand, even while still with a colonial status, had already come to monopolize supply to the West Indies. Shortly after the institution of the federal government in 1789, a new study of British policy was begun by Lord Hawkesbury. The principal argument of the Hawkesbury Report, based on considerable research, was that Lord Sheffield had been right on every count. British policy had been an unqualified success, and it was felt that there was no need whatever to change it.Less
American citizens carried on their commerce in a world whose rules and conditions were largely laid down not by themselves but by Great Britain. Those conditions were not greatly altered by the Jay Treaty, at least not formally. Britain, owing to superior products, greater efficiency and lower prices, intimate knowledge of the market, and extensive credit facilities, would keep the lion's share of the market anyway. America, on the other hand, even while still with a colonial status, had already come to monopolize supply to the West Indies. Shortly after the institution of the federal government in 1789, a new study of British policy was begun by Lord Hawkesbury. The principal argument of the Hawkesbury Report, based on considerable research, was that Lord Sheffield had been right on every count. British policy had been an unqualified success, and it was felt that there was no need whatever to change it.
Douglas Newton
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203148
- eISBN:
- 9780191675744
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203148.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, European Modern History
This book explores the making of British policy towards Germany in the aftermath of its defeat in the Great War. The book shows how British pressures on Germany during the formative months of the new ...
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This book explores the making of British policy towards Germany in the aftermath of its defeat in the Great War. The book shows how British pressures on Germany during the formative months of the new republic were crucial in debilitating the German Revolution and the faltering Weimar democracy. It reveals the inner workings of British policy-making: the long-standing reluctance to make any commitment to German democratization; the overwhelmingly hostile response to the socialist-led German Revolution; the shunning and starvation of the new socialist government; the support for the resuscitation of a degree of militarism to deal with ‘Bolshevism’ inside Germany; and the battle to achieve the only real concession made to Germany —the minor relaxation of the economic blockade, in March 1919, to allow emergency food relief. British policy towards the ‘new Germany’ was forged in an atmosphere of great tension. The ‘moderates’, especially strong in the intelligence services, who recommended policies of reconciliation, faced powerful ultra-patriotic and economic pressure groups, supported by the popular press who had long insisted upon a policy of aggrandizement in order to smother anticipated unrest in post-war Britain. Britain's decision-makers vacillated for months. With many misgivings, they eventually opted for a ‘harsh’ treaty, in spite of an emerging consensus among the intelligence ‘experts’ in favour of a moderate peace to consolidate Germany's transition to democracy. The book shows how domestic political priorities triumphed over expert opinion, with ominous consequences for the fate of German democracy and for the rest of Europe.Less
This book explores the making of British policy towards Germany in the aftermath of its defeat in the Great War. The book shows how British pressures on Germany during the formative months of the new republic were crucial in debilitating the German Revolution and the faltering Weimar democracy. It reveals the inner workings of British policy-making: the long-standing reluctance to make any commitment to German democratization; the overwhelmingly hostile response to the socialist-led German Revolution; the shunning and starvation of the new socialist government; the support for the resuscitation of a degree of militarism to deal with ‘Bolshevism’ inside Germany; and the battle to achieve the only real concession made to Germany —the minor relaxation of the economic blockade, in March 1919, to allow emergency food relief. British policy towards the ‘new Germany’ was forged in an atmosphere of great tension. The ‘moderates’, especially strong in the intelligence services, who recommended policies of reconciliation, faced powerful ultra-patriotic and economic pressure groups, supported by the popular press who had long insisted upon a policy of aggrandizement in order to smother anticipated unrest in post-war Britain. Britain's decision-makers vacillated for months. With many misgivings, they eventually opted for a ‘harsh’ treaty, in spite of an emerging consensus among the intelligence ‘experts’ in favour of a moderate peace to consolidate Germany's transition to democracy. The book shows how domestic political priorities triumphed over expert opinion, with ominous consequences for the fate of German democracy and for the rest of Europe.
Peter J. Yearwood
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199226733
- eISBN:
- 9780191710308
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226733.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The book reconsiders the role of the League of Nations as an idea and as an institution in the development of British policy, 1914–25. It challenges the view that London took up the league idea ...
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The book reconsiders the role of the League of Nations as an idea and as an institution in the development of British policy, 1914–25. It challenges the view that London took up the league idea reluctantly in response to outside pressures, and shows how the British government used the idea to manage Anglo‐American relations in wartime and eventually to provide the basis of an enduring hegemonic partnership. While thinking about the league eventually developed in several new directions after American entry into the war, the idea of a guarantee retained its centrality in British thinking. American rejection of the Covenant meant that post‐war British governments had to look at the League in an Anglo‐French context instead. The book breaks new ground in examining how London tried to use the League in the series of crises of the early 1920s over Armenia, Persia, Vilna, Upper Silesia, Albania, and Corfu. It shows how in the negotiations leading to the abortive Draft Treaty of Mutual Assistance (1923) and Geneva Protocol (1924), and the successful Locarno accords (1925) British policy‐makers tried to resolve the Franco‐German security question through the League. This involves a reconsideration of how these leaders tried to use the League as an issue in British domestic politics, and why it emerged as central to British foreign policy, and therefore as a key element in European stability after 1925.Less
The book reconsiders the role of the League of Nations as an idea and as an institution in the development of British policy, 1914–25. It challenges the view that London took up the league idea reluctantly in response to outside pressures, and shows how the British government used the idea to manage Anglo‐American relations in wartime and eventually to provide the basis of an enduring hegemonic partnership. While thinking about the league eventually developed in several new directions after American entry into the war, the idea of a guarantee retained its centrality in British thinking. American rejection of the Covenant meant that post‐war British governments had to look at the League in an Anglo‐French context instead. The book breaks new ground in examining how London tried to use the League in the series of crises of the early 1920s over Armenia, Persia, Vilna, Upper Silesia, Albania, and Corfu. It shows how in the negotiations leading to the abortive Draft Treaty of Mutual Assistance (1923) and Geneva Protocol (1924), and the successful Locarno accords (1925) British policy‐makers tried to resolve the Franco‐German security question through the League. This involves a reconsideration of how these leaders tried to use the League as an issue in British domestic politics, and why it emerged as central to British foreign policy, and therefore as a key element in European stability after 1925.
David French
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199548231
- eISBN:
- 9780191739224
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199548231.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
The veterans of the Fourteenth Army who fought in Burma between 1942 and 1945 called themselves ‘the forgotten army’. But that appellation could equally well be applied to the whole of the British ...
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The veterans of the Fourteenth Army who fought in Burma between 1942 and 1945 called themselves ‘the forgotten army’. But that appellation could equally well be applied to the whole of the British army after 1945. Histories of Britain's post‐war defence policy have usually focused on how and why Britain acquired a nuclear deterrent. This book takes a new look at it by placing the army centre‐stage. Drawing on archival sources that have hardly been used by historians, it shows how British governments tried to create an army that would enable them to maintain their position as a major world power at a time when their economy struggled to foot the bill. The result was a growing mismatch between the military resources that the government thought it could afford on the one hand, and a long list of overseas commitments, in Europe, Africa, the Middle East, and the Far East, that it was reluctant to surrender. The result was that the British created a Potemkin army, a force that had an outwardly impressive facade, but that in reality had only very limited war‐fighting capabilities.Less
The veterans of the Fourteenth Army who fought in Burma between 1942 and 1945 called themselves ‘the forgotten army’. But that appellation could equally well be applied to the whole of the British army after 1945. Histories of Britain's post‐war defence policy have usually focused on how and why Britain acquired a nuclear deterrent. This book takes a new look at it by placing the army centre‐stage. Drawing on archival sources that have hardly been used by historians, it shows how British governments tried to create an army that would enable them to maintain their position as a major world power at a time when their economy struggled to foot the bill. The result was a growing mismatch between the military resources that the government thought it could afford on the one hand, and a long list of overseas commitments, in Europe, Africa, the Middle East, and the Far East, that it was reluctant to surrender. The result was that the British created a Potemkin army, a force that had an outwardly impressive facade, but that in reality had only very limited war‐fighting capabilities.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273707
- eISBN:
- 9780191684067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273707.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The issues generated by Skybolt's demise spilt over into the subsequent Nassau meeting and the agreement, in principle, to sell Polaris missiles to Britain. Again, questions must be faced as to the ...
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The issues generated by Skybolt's demise spilt over into the subsequent Nassau meeting and the agreement, in principle, to sell Polaris missiles to Britain. Again, questions must be faced as to the nature of British objectives at this meeting, such as whether rescuing Skybolt remained a goal of some sections of the British policy apparatus, or whether there lobbies within the British side which were happy to use the situation to bring about a reordering of British priorities in the shape of a Polaris purchase From the American point of view, the outcome of the meeting was hostage to wider policy issues. In particular, there was concern about the impact of Nassau upon the two elements of European strategy, namely Britain's application for membership of the Common Market, and also the projected MLF Before exploring the background to the Nassau meeting. This chapter takes stock of developments in British nuclear strategy. It is only in the context of these changes that the significance of the switch to a Polaris system can be fully addressed.Less
The issues generated by Skybolt's demise spilt over into the subsequent Nassau meeting and the agreement, in principle, to sell Polaris missiles to Britain. Again, questions must be faced as to the nature of British objectives at this meeting, such as whether rescuing Skybolt remained a goal of some sections of the British policy apparatus, or whether there lobbies within the British side which were happy to use the situation to bring about a reordering of British priorities in the shape of a Polaris purchase From the American point of view, the outcome of the meeting was hostage to wider policy issues. In particular, there was concern about the impact of Nassau upon the two elements of European strategy, namely Britain's application for membership of the Common Market, and also the projected MLF Before exploring the background to the Nassau meeting. This chapter takes stock of developments in British nuclear strategy. It is only in the context of these changes that the significance of the switch to a Polaris system can be fully addressed.
STEPHEN HOWE
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204237
- eISBN:
- 9780191676178
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204237.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses how a changed political landscape in the colonies, along with shifts in British thinking, weakened the ethos of colonial ...
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This chapter discusses how a changed political landscape in the colonies, along with shifts in British thinking, weakened the ethos of colonial authority. It considers the influence of policies of South Africa and the United States. It argues that of the wartime manifestations of the Anglo-American alliance which had repercussions for British anticolonialists, the most immediate and far reaching in its effect was the Atlantic Charter of 1942.Less
This chapter discusses how a changed political landscape in the colonies, along with shifts in British thinking, weakened the ethos of colonial authority. It considers the influence of policies of South Africa and the United States. It argues that of the wartime manifestations of the Anglo-American alliance which had repercussions for British anticolonialists, the most immediate and far reaching in its effect was the Atlantic Charter of 1942.
Peter D. G. Thomas
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201427
- eISBN:
- 9780191674877
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201427.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This book studies the formulation of British policy towards the American colonies during the crucial period between the Boston Tea Party of December 1773 and the American Declaration of Independence ...
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This book studies the formulation of British policy towards the American colonies during the crucial period between the Boston Tea Party of December 1773 and the American Declaration of Independence in July 1776. It is set against the background both of British public opinion and of the developing resistance movement in America. The book examines the constraints on British policy-making, and analyses the failure of the colonists either to respond to British overtures or to produce positive proposals of their own. It shows how the crisis escalated as the Americans moved from constitutional demands to a military response, and finally took the decision to separate from Britain. This book provides an exploration of one of the most important phases of American history.Less
This book studies the formulation of British policy towards the American colonies during the crucial period between the Boston Tea Party of December 1773 and the American Declaration of Independence in July 1776. It is set against the background both of British public opinion and of the developing resistance movement in America. The book examines the constraints on British policy-making, and analyses the failure of the colonists either to respond to British overtures or to produce positive proposals of their own. It shows how the crisis escalated as the Americans moved from constitutional demands to a military response, and finally took the decision to separate from Britain. This book provides an exploration of one of the most important phases of American history.
George R. Boyer
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691178738
- eISBN:
- 9780691183992
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691178738.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
How did Britain transform itself from a nation of workhouses to one that became a model for the modern welfare state? This book investigates the evolution of living standards and welfare policies in ...
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How did Britain transform itself from a nation of workhouses to one that became a model for the modern welfare state? This book investigates the evolution of living standards and welfare policies in Britain from the 1830s to 1950 and provides insights into how British working-class households coped with economic insecurity. The book examines the retrenchment in Victorian poor relief, the Liberal Welfare Reforms, and the beginnings of the postwar welfare state, and it describes how workers altered spending and saving methods based on changing government policies. From the cutting back of the Poor Law after 1834 to Parliament's abrupt about-face in 1906 with the adoption of the Liberal Welfare Reforms, the book offers new explanations for oscillations in Britain's social policies and how these shaped worker well-being. The Poor Law's increasing stinginess led skilled manual workers to adopt self-help strategies, but this was not a feasible option for low-skilled workers, many of whom continued to rely on the Poor Law into old age. In contrast, the Liberal Welfare Reforms were a major watershed, marking the end of seven decades of declining support for the needy. Concluding with the Beveridge Report and Labour's social policies in the late 1940s, the book shows how the Liberal Welfare Reforms laid the foundations for a national social safety net. A sweeping look at economic pressures after the Industrial Revolution, this book illustrates how British welfare policy waxed and waned over the course of a century.Less
How did Britain transform itself from a nation of workhouses to one that became a model for the modern welfare state? This book investigates the evolution of living standards and welfare policies in Britain from the 1830s to 1950 and provides insights into how British working-class households coped with economic insecurity. The book examines the retrenchment in Victorian poor relief, the Liberal Welfare Reforms, and the beginnings of the postwar welfare state, and it describes how workers altered spending and saving methods based on changing government policies. From the cutting back of the Poor Law after 1834 to Parliament's abrupt about-face in 1906 with the adoption of the Liberal Welfare Reforms, the book offers new explanations for oscillations in Britain's social policies and how these shaped worker well-being. The Poor Law's increasing stinginess led skilled manual workers to adopt self-help strategies, but this was not a feasible option for low-skilled workers, many of whom continued to rely on the Poor Law into old age. In contrast, the Liberal Welfare Reforms were a major watershed, marking the end of seven decades of declining support for the needy. Concluding with the Beveridge Report and Labour's social policies in the late 1940s, the book shows how the Liberal Welfare Reforms laid the foundations for a national social safety net. A sweeping look at economic pressures after the Industrial Revolution, this book illustrates how British welfare policy waxed and waned over the course of a century.
Martins S. Navias
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198277545
- eISBN:
- 9780191684180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277545.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter traces the evolution of various significant issues in British nuclear strategic policy from the late 1940s until the mid-1950s. The object is to highlight the broader context and ...
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This chapter traces the evolution of various significant issues in British nuclear strategic policy from the late 1940s until the mid-1950s. The object is to highlight the broader context and historical legacy for nuclear strategic policy-making in the mid-1950s. It discusses the progress of policy in the areas of independent nuclear capabilities, the need for interdependence with the United States, the evolving strategic debate within the United Kingdom, the impact of thermonuclear weapons on British strategic appraisals, and the constraints imposed by economy and service proclivities on nuclear and conventional strategic choices.Less
This chapter traces the evolution of various significant issues in British nuclear strategic policy from the late 1940s until the mid-1950s. The object is to highlight the broader context and historical legacy for nuclear strategic policy-making in the mid-1950s. It discusses the progress of policy in the areas of independent nuclear capabilities, the need for interdependence with the United States, the evolving strategic debate within the United Kingdom, the impact of thermonuclear weapons on British strategic appraisals, and the constraints imposed by economy and service proclivities on nuclear and conventional strategic choices.
Martins S. Navias
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198277545
- eISBN:
- 9780191684180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277545.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The announcement of the 1957 White Paper took place against a background of attempts to shift the course of the Anglo-American relationship away from the dangerous path it was taking during and ...
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The announcement of the 1957 White Paper took place against a background of attempts to shift the course of the Anglo-American relationship away from the dangerous path it was taking during and immediately following the Suez crisis. Of central concern to British policy-makers was to create a more favourable perception of British actions within Washington and the securing of an agreement with President Eisenhower and Congress to allow for the amendment of the McMahon Act such that Britain could lay her hands on US nuclear technological know-how. This chapter explores the progress of the Atlantic relationship from the meeting at Bermuda to the changes made to the McMahon Act in 1958. An analysis of British nuclear targeting during this period, Britain’s attitude to improving Soviet capabilities, the ongoing negotiations over Thor missile deployments, and the Royal Air Force (RAF) and Navy nuclear ambitions are used as indications that nuclear interdependence was still receiving priority over nuclear independence.Less
The announcement of the 1957 White Paper took place against a background of attempts to shift the course of the Anglo-American relationship away from the dangerous path it was taking during and immediately following the Suez crisis. Of central concern to British policy-makers was to create a more favourable perception of British actions within Washington and the securing of an agreement with President Eisenhower and Congress to allow for the amendment of the McMahon Act such that Britain could lay her hands on US nuclear technological know-how. This chapter explores the progress of the Atlantic relationship from the meeting at Bermuda to the changes made to the McMahon Act in 1958. An analysis of British nuclear targeting during this period, Britain’s attitude to improving Soviet capabilities, the ongoing negotiations over Thor missile deployments, and the Royal Air Force (RAF) and Navy nuclear ambitions are used as indications that nuclear interdependence was still receiving priority over nuclear independence.
KEITH NEILSON
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204701
- eISBN:
- 9780191676369
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204701.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter explores British influence in the Far East through Anglo-Russian agreement over Chinese railway concessions. The Muravev-Scott agreement brought to an end four years of concession ...
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This chapter explores British influence in the Far East through Anglo-Russian agreement over Chinese railway concessions. The Muravev-Scott agreement brought to an end four years of concession hunting in China. Throughout the period, Kimberley and Salibury had both sought to come to an arrangement with Russia that would regularize their conflicting aspirations in the Far East. British commercial and banking interests in China became identified with British political interests and the wider aspects of British foreign policy.Less
This chapter explores British influence in the Far East through Anglo-Russian agreement over Chinese railway concessions. The Muravev-Scott agreement brought to an end four years of concession hunting in China. Throughout the period, Kimberley and Salibury had both sought to come to an arrangement with Russia that would regularize their conflicting aspirations in the Far East. British commercial and banking interests in China became identified with British political interests and the wider aspects of British foreign policy.
P. J. Cain
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203902
- eISBN:
- 9780191719141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203902.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter focuses on Part II of Imperialism: A Study, the part least often read in modern times. Part II was twice as long as Part I and contained some of Hobson's finest writing. In it were ...
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This chapter focuses on Part II of Imperialism: A Study, the part least often read in modern times. Part II was twice as long as Part I and contained some of Hobson's finest writing. In it were discussed a range of issues that he undoubtedly believed were of equal importance to the more nakedly economic arguments at the beginning of the book. In Part II, Hobson first investigated the political, social, and ideological forces making for expansion in Britain and then went on to discuss the impact of imperialism upon Africa, India, and China and upon the settlement colonies, the emerging Dominions. The chapter ends with a short survey of the reception of Imperialism: A Study. It shows that Imperialism: A Study was not received with acclaim even among those opposed to British policy in South Africa.Less
This chapter focuses on Part II of Imperialism: A Study, the part least often read in modern times. Part II was twice as long as Part I and contained some of Hobson's finest writing. In it were discussed a range of issues that he undoubtedly believed were of equal importance to the more nakedly economic arguments at the beginning of the book. In Part II, Hobson first investigated the political, social, and ideological forces making for expansion in Britain and then went on to discuss the impact of imperialism upon Africa, India, and China and upon the settlement colonies, the emerging Dominions. The chapter ends with a short survey of the reception of Imperialism: A Study. It shows that Imperialism: A Study was not received with acclaim even among those opposed to British policy in South Africa.
DOUGLAS NEWTON
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203148
- eISBN:
- 9780191675744
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203148.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, European Modern History
The chapter aims to show evidence for the experience of the British army officers who reported that great damage was being done to the cause of moderate and progressive politics by the continuing ...
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The chapter aims to show evidence for the experience of the British army officers who reported that great damage was being done to the cause of moderate and progressive politics by the continuing economic blockade and by the diplomatic isolation of the new regime. The chapter reviews the struggle that was required to bring this to the attention of the British government, and the political quarrel that erupted when this evidence was used for advocating a moderation of British policy towards Germany. The chapter also reveals that British leaders lurched from their previous conviction that the German revolution was all a charade, to a dread that Germany was probably on the edge of an irresistible Bolshevik revolution.Less
The chapter aims to show evidence for the experience of the British army officers who reported that great damage was being done to the cause of moderate and progressive politics by the continuing economic blockade and by the diplomatic isolation of the new regime. The chapter reviews the struggle that was required to bring this to the attention of the British government, and the political quarrel that erupted when this evidence was used for advocating a moderation of British policy towards Germany. The chapter also reveals that British leaders lurched from their previous conviction that the German revolution was all a charade, to a dread that Germany was probably on the edge of an irresistible Bolshevik revolution.
Dimitris Livanios
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199237685
- eISBN:
- 9780191717246
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237685.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Although the Macedonian Question and British foreign policy in the Balkans during the 1940s have attracted considerable interest, the relation between the two issues has not received much attention. ...
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Although the Macedonian Question and British foreign policy in the Balkans during the 1940s have attracted considerable interest, the relation between the two issues has not received much attention. This book explores the British connection of the Macedonian Question from the outbreak of the Second World War to the aftermath of the Tito-Stalin split. Its aim is two-fold: first, to investigate British views of and policy towards the Bulgar-Yugoslav controversy over Macedonia during that period, and to assess the impact of British actions and strategic plans within their historical context. Secondly, to discuss some salient dimensions of the Macedonian Question, including the emergence of the federal Macedonian unit within Tito's Yugoslavia and the functioning of the Macedonian national ideology, by offering a perspective based on British archival sources. It consists of three parts. The first part charts the background to the Macedonian Question, and includes an analysis of British foreign policy on Macedonia from 1878 to the outbreak of the Second World War. The second part focuses on developments during the Second World War, and examines British policy towards Bulgar-Yugoslav relations, their wartime planning concerning the future of Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, and their attempt to prevent a Balkan federation of the South Slavs. The third part covers the period from 1945 to 1949, and investigates British reactions to Tito's second attempt to absorb Bulgarian Macedonia and to create a federation.Less
Although the Macedonian Question and British foreign policy in the Balkans during the 1940s have attracted considerable interest, the relation between the two issues has not received much attention. This book explores the British connection of the Macedonian Question from the outbreak of the Second World War to the aftermath of the Tito-Stalin split. Its aim is two-fold: first, to investigate British views of and policy towards the Bulgar-Yugoslav controversy over Macedonia during that period, and to assess the impact of British actions and strategic plans within their historical context. Secondly, to discuss some salient dimensions of the Macedonian Question, including the emergence of the federal Macedonian unit within Tito's Yugoslavia and the functioning of the Macedonian national ideology, by offering a perspective based on British archival sources. It consists of three parts. The first part charts the background to the Macedonian Question, and includes an analysis of British foreign policy on Macedonia from 1878 to the outbreak of the Second World War. The second part focuses on developments during the Second World War, and examines British policy towards Bulgar-Yugoslav relations, their wartime planning concerning the future of Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, and their attempt to prevent a Balkan federation of the South Slavs. The third part covers the period from 1945 to 1949, and investigates British reactions to Tito's second attempt to absorb Bulgarian Macedonia and to create a federation.
