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This chapter discusses the importation and reproduction of European music in Manila and the Philippines, examining evidence of the transmission of commodities such as music scores, music treatises, and musical instruments. It reveals that many travelers to the colony possessed practical and theoretical skills in music—including composition, performance, and instrument building—which contributed to the creation of a colonial musical culture. European music, once it had taken root in Manila, became a powerful tool in the Spanish colonialists' pursuits of trade, diplomacy, and proselytization in the Asia‐Pacific region, and evidence illustrating this phenomenon is evaluated. The chapter also explores the cultural ramifications of the British occupation of Manila (1762–1764), giving examples of English musical practices that were introduced to the capital and then disseminated relatively rapidly to distant parts of the Philippine Archipelago.

Many contemporaries doubted neither the necessity nor the ultimate success of Britain's intervention in Egypt, designed to overcome the economic and political crisis of 1875–82. That there was some truth in Milner's description of Egypt's position on the eve of Britain's invasion is clear from the broad outlines of Britain's nineteenth century involvement with Egypt. British government pronouncements suggested that Britain's occupation was temporary, its intention being to ‘rescue’ Egypt from ‘disorder’ and the Egyptian throne from a nationalist movement, dubbed a ‘military mutiny’, and then to ‘retire’. There was in reality neither general agreement nor clearly conceived policy. British rule in Egypt was as authoritarian as that of the Khedives. For Imperial Britain, the occupation provided a naval base and strengthened control of an indispensable passage to Asia.

This chapter focuses on the critical episodes in the history of Iraq from the great revolt of 1920 to the revolution in 1958. It discusses the British occupation of Iraq and the crystallization of uprising across the country into a general revolt involving the Kurds, Turkmen, and Sunni Arab Muslims. The chapter highlights the installation of Faisal as the first king of Iraq and the role of Bakr Sidq in the conflicts in Iraq, and describes the political impact of the coup and countercoup and the Thirty-Day War.

The period 1830-1880 was one of comparative calm in the language controversy. Yet it was at this time that the controversy came to be seen as a contest between two varieties: katharevousa and demotic. The sections of this chapter alternate their focus between the development of written language use in Athens, and the literary production and the language debate in the British-protected Ionian Islands. Special emphasis is placed on the cultural and linguistic repercussions of the historically crucial decade of the 1850s. More is said about the relationship between Greek-speakers and the speakers of other languages at this time. Then attention turns to the continuing arguments in favour of the written use of the spoken language in the 1870s, and finally to the outburst of publications on national history, national folklore, and the history of Greek language and literature that paved the way for the demoticist movement.

This chapter traces the development of the BAOR in Germany during the Cold War in terms of size and organization, before analyzing its role in British policy toward Germany. When considering British occupation policy and the German reaction to it, both British and German publications cover the period between 1945 and 1949 generally in far more detail than they do the first half of the 1950s. The chapter also examines the broader context of the Cold War, British military strategy, and the BAOR's role. Despite the obvious importance of Anglo-German relations in the context of the making of postwar Europe, the coverage of the bilateral political and cultural cooperation between 1948 and 1957 is relatively sketchy and has only recently begun to attract wider scholarly attention.

This chapter presents the editorial, “The World in Africa Fortune,” where Fortune encouraged the El Mahdi forces in their resistance against British occupation. This editorial is not only a strong statement of support for the Sudanese fight for independence; it is also a staunch condemnation of imperialism in general.

This chapter relates the events that happened after the victory of the British at Sabraon, which marked the start of the British occupation. It discusses the two treaties, which are the Treaties of Lahore and the Treaty of Bhairowal. The Treaties of Lahore helped Lord Hardinge facilitate a takeover by weakening the Durbar state. This was done by reducing its army, depriving it of valuable territory, and boosting a rival power on its frontier. The Treaties of Lahore were replaced by the Treaty of Bhairowal, which stated that the British government is responsible for the maintenance of the protection and administration of the maharajah during his minority. This treaty allowed the British resident to be independent of the council of regency. It also allowed him to be elevated to the position of a governor.

This chapter discusses the four phases of the South African War of 1899–1902 in the Free State. The first two phases were characterized by conventional battles, with the Boers asserting themselves before the British, with the command passing to Lord Roberts, increasingly prevailed. The third period, following on the occupation of Bloemfontein, was characterized by irregular engagements and may, in turn, be subdivided into a period when the Boers still had the capacity to mount conventional operations and one when they were reduced to insurgency. From the Boers’ point of view, the war was one of increasing hopelessness. This chapter examines the British occupation of the Winburg district, the Boers’ withdrawal southward into the Brandwater Basin, and the surrender of the bulk of the Boer army in the field.

During the 1790s, Zephaniah Kingsley Jr. was a ship captain engaged in sugar and coffee trade in the West Indies. In 1793, his ship was seized by a French privateer and sold at an Admiralty Court auction at Charleston. With France and Britain at war and privateers capturing commercial vessels owned by citizens of an enemy nation, Kingsley decided to change his British nationality to that of a neutral nation. He pledged loyalty to the United States, and continued his maritime trade in the West Indies with an added degree of protection while sailing under a neutral flag. Between 1793 and 1797, while a massive slave rebellion against the French colonial government was underway in Saint-Domingue, the French colony on the Island of Hispaniola, Kingsley traded for coffee in the southern province then under military control of Britain. The United States then became involved in an undeclared naval war against France, however, endangering Kingsley’s neutral trading status. In 1798, he moved to the Danish Island of St. Thomas and pledged loyalty to neutral Denmark.

This chapter focuses on Marcus Simaika's career in the Egyptian State Railways. When Simaika graduated in 1882, Egypt was under British occupation. Gross financial mismanagement, first by the viceroy, Said Pasha, and to a far greater extent by his nephew and successor, Ismaʻil Pasha, had put Egypt on its way to bankruptcy. After conducting an investigation, the British government implemented a number of measures that led to widespread nationalistic resentment in the country, particularly within the army. Simaika first worked at a hospital in Cairo before applying as a translator in the Engineering Department of the State Railways. He eventually transferred to the Purchasing and Contracts Office. In his memoirs, Simaika recounts several incidents in which he fell prey to machinations by colleagues and superiors who resented his accomplishments. In 1906, he resigned his position of chief auditor and retired from government service at the age of forty-two.

This chapter details the military history of Hispaniola from 1795, when the French Republic ejected the rival Spanish empire from the island, to 1801, when Toussaint Louverture unified the island under his rule. This is the first of two chapters to focus on the rise and governance of Louverture, a former slave who rose rapidly through the military ranks and, like his eventual nominal superior Napoleon Bonaparte, parlayed his military triumphs into political power. As Toussaint formulated an independent foreign policy, repelled British invaders from Hispaniola, and waged a brutal civil war against rival André Rigaud, Santo Domingo factored centrally into his strategic thinking, diplomacy, and military leadership. This chapter details these dynamics and culminates in Toussaint’s successful but short-lived invasion of Santo Domingo, which exacerbated a growing rift between the black general and France’s ruler, Napoleon Bonaparte.

This chapter examines the power struggle that emerged between British customary law and Shari'a law over matters pertaining to family. The conflict has its roots in the two different legal systems that governed Iraq during the British occupation—the rural population was subject to customary law through the TCCDR, while the urban population was subject to law under the civil and criminal courts that followed Shari'a law which were charged with handling matters of personal status among Iraqi Muslims. Islam in British rhetoric however was often synonymous with backwardness, and Islamic law, especially as regards women, was inconsistent with Western concepts. The chapter discusses how this power struggle further constructed women as “subordinate” and dependent, which left them unprotected from harsh treatment by kin and husbands and from uncompromising rulings by religious clerics.

This chapter analyses German Catholics’ transitions from war to peace during the mid-1940s. Beginning its analysis in summer 1944, the chapter initially explores Catholics’ attitudes as the Reich collapsed under the weight of Allied offensives, and the theological frameworks employed to understand this devastation and defeat. The chapter then proceeds to examine the reasons behind the Catholic Church’s rising power and influence over the later 1940s during the Allied occupation of the Rhineland and Westphalia, and considers whether this reflected continuity or discontinuity from its position during the Second World War itself. The chapter argues that the Catholic Church’s newfound influence during the early post-war period reflected the peculiar circumstances of foreign occupation, with the clergy emerging as champions of the German population’s grievances vis-à-vis the Allied occupiers in the absence of secular German authorities.

This chapter reconsiders the events of the 1959 Wadi Salib riots, examining them through the lens of how the legal system dealt with the leaders of the protest. It also looks into the deliberations of the state commission of inquiry, which served as a representation of the web of intra-Jewish relations. The urban topography, which generates congruence between geographic location, ethnic affiliation, and social class in Wadi Salib, emerges from the discussions of the inquiry. The chapter traces this topography during the period of British occupation, when segregation could already be discerned with Haifa’s rapid development toward the end of the Ottoman period. The British reluctance to invest in the city’s development deepened thee economic disparity between the Arab neighborhoods which failed to mobilize outside capital for their development, and the Jewish neighborhoods designed according to town planning principles and built with financial support mobilized by the Zionist movement.

This chapter connects the “beginning” and “ending” of the neighborhood of Wadi Salib. In the early twentieth century, the construction of the Hejaz railway and the railway station at Haifa’s eastern entrance constituted the first act of recognition of the city’s economic potential, stemming from its topography and unique location. The transition to British control ushered in imperialist perception and colonial planning, represented by major infrastructure projects in the city—the harbor, the refinery, and the oil pipeline. These attributes which marked Haifa as a city with a bright future were lost with the transition to Israel’s sovereignty. By breaking up the chronological order and ending the narrative with the beginning of the historical train of events, the chapter presents an account of Haifa in general and of Wadi Salib in particular as counterfactual history, as a future shelved with the transition from empire to nation-state.

This chapter provides a detailed account of the means by which the Ferron de la Ferronnays family, through their manager Pierre-Jacques Corbier, attempted to keep their Cul de Sac sugar plantation working throughout the revolutionary decades. It recounts the collaboration of this family with the French, British, and Haitian governments as the Ferron de la Ferronnays tried to keep its fortune together during their period of self-imposed exile from the French Revolution. It also recounts the Ferronnays' participation in the indemnity of 1825, which Haiti paid to France for recognition of its independence. The payment of the indemnity--including the way it touched the lives of successive generations of the Ferronnays family, their managers the Corbiers, as well as the slaves owned by these two families, illustrate the persistence well into the nineteenth century of the old regime plantation complex.

The Introduction lays out the book’s central argument about territoriality. I argue that Egypt constitutes an important case study given that it assumed more territorial definition as a modern nation-state in the late nineteenth century despite the absence of demarcated borders or clear-cut cartographic evidence. I seek to challenge prevailing historiography on territoriality that emphasizes the salience of border treaties and authoritative representational practices such as mapping, by showing instead the range of mechanisms that undergirded the projection of centralized territoriality in the nineteenth century. This argument has implications well beyond Egypt: territoriality as practiced—which we can glimpse by uncovering the lived experience of territoriality across the variegated domains of state space—was always a multilayered process of negotiation between an array of state and nonstate actors.