Dominik Zaum
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199207435
- eISBN:
- 9780191708671
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207435.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book analyses the normative framework underlying the statebuilding activities of the international administrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor. It argues that a particular ...
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This book analyses the normative framework underlying the statebuilding activities of the international administrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor. It argues that a particular understanding of sovereignty has shaped the efforts of these international administrations, and examines the influence of this conception on three aspects of statebuilding: institution-building, the behaviour of international institutions towards local actors, and the timing and nature of the transition from international to local authority — the exit strategies of international administrations. The book argues that international administrations hold a conception of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’: states have to fulfil a set of responsibilities towards their population, in particular administrative effectiveness, the protection of human rights, democracy, the rule of law, and maintaining a free market economy. These responsibilities constitute a ‘standard of civilisation’, which legitimises sovereign authority, and failure to fulfil this standard can lead to international intervention and the denial of sovereign rights. The book shows how this ‘standard of civilisation’ is used by international administrations both to justify the denial of self-governance, and to serve as a blueprint for their institution-building activities. The restructuring of political and administrative practices to help post-conflict territories to meet this standard creates a sovereignty paradox: international administrations compromise one element of sovereignty — the right to self-government — in order to implement domestic reforms to legitimize the authority of local political institutions, and thus strengthen their sovereignty. In the light of the governance and development record of the three international administrations, the book assesses the promises and the pathologies of statebuilding, and develops recommendations to improve their performance.Less
This book analyses the normative framework underlying the statebuilding activities of the international administrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor. It argues that a particular understanding of sovereignty has shaped the efforts of these international administrations, and examines the influence of this conception on three aspects of statebuilding: institution-building, the behaviour of international institutions towards local actors, and the timing and nature of the transition from international to local authority — the exit strategies of international administrations. The book argues that international administrations hold a conception of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’: states have to fulfil a set of responsibilities towards their population, in particular administrative effectiveness, the protection of human rights, democracy, the rule of law, and maintaining a free market economy. These responsibilities constitute a ‘standard of civilisation’, which legitimises sovereign authority, and failure to fulfil this standard can lead to international intervention and the denial of sovereign rights. The book shows how this ‘standard of civilisation’ is used by international administrations both to justify the denial of self-governance, and to serve as a blueprint for their institution-building activities. The restructuring of political and administrative practices to help post-conflict territories to meet this standard creates a sovereignty paradox: international administrations compromise one element of sovereignty — the right to self-government — in order to implement domestic reforms to legitimize the authority of local political institutions, and thus strengthen their sovereignty. In the light of the governance and development record of the three international administrations, the book assesses the promises and the pathologies of statebuilding, and develops recommendations to improve their performance.
Dominik Zaum
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199207435
- eISBN:
- 9780191708671
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207435.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The first part of this chapter briefly explores the history of international administrations since the early 20th century, including administrations under the League of Nations and in the context of ...
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The first part of this chapter briefly explores the history of international administrations since the early 20th century, including administrations under the League of Nations and in the context of decolonization during the cold war. It provides the historical context in which contemporary international administrations are embedded, identifying precedents, ideas, and traditions on which contemporary international administrations draw. The second part discusses the sources of authority of international administrations. Drawing on the discussion of authority in the preceding chapter, it identifies five sources of authority, and analyses to what extent they are reflected in the mandates of the international administrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor. It concludes by discussing the issues of accountability and liability of international administrations.Less
The first part of this chapter briefly explores the history of international administrations since the early 20th century, including administrations under the League of Nations and in the context of decolonization during the cold war. It provides the historical context in which contemporary international administrations are embedded, identifying precedents, ideas, and traditions on which contemporary international administrations draw. The second part discusses the sources of authority of international administrations. Drawing on the discussion of authority in the preceding chapter, it identifies five sources of authority, and analyses to what extent they are reflected in the mandates of the international administrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor. It concludes by discussing the issues of accountability and liability of international administrations.
Simon Chesterman
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199263486
- eISBN:
- 9780191600999
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263485.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Transitional administrations represent the most complex operations attempted by the United Nations. The missions in Kosovo (1999—) and East Timor (1999–2002) are commonly seen as unique in the ...
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Transitional administrations represent the most complex operations attempted by the United Nations. The missions in Kosovo (1999—) and East Timor (1999–2002) are commonly seen as unique in the history of the United Nations. But they may also be seen as the latest in a series of operations that have involved the United Nations in ‘state‐building’ activities, in which it has attempted to develop the institutions of government by assuming some or all of those sovereign powers on a temporary basis. Viewed in light of earlier UN operations, such as those in Namibia (1989–1990), Cambodia (1992–1993), and Eastern Slavonia (1996–1998), the idea that these exceptional circumstances may not recur is somewhat disingenuous. The need for policy research in this area was brought into sharp focus by the weighty but vague responsibilities assigned to the United Nations in Afghanistan (2002—) and its contested role in Iraq (2003—).This book seeks to fill that gap. Aimed at policy‐makers, diplomats, and a wide academic audience (including international relations, political science, international law, war studies, and development studies), the book provides a concise history of transitional administration and a treatment of the five key issues confronting such operations: peace and security, the role of the United Nations as government, establishing the rule of law, economic reconstruction, and exit strategies. Research for the book has been conducted through extensive field research and interviews with key UN staff and local representatives in almost all of the territories under consideration. The unifying theme is that, while the ends of transitional administration may be idealistic, the means cannot be.Less
Transitional administrations represent the most complex operations attempted by the United Nations. The missions in Kosovo (1999—) and East Timor (1999–2002) are commonly seen as unique in the history of the United Nations. But they may also be seen as the latest in a series of operations that have involved the United Nations in ‘state‐building’ activities, in which it has attempted to develop the institutions of government by assuming some or all of those sovereign powers on a temporary basis. Viewed in light of earlier UN operations, such as those in Namibia (1989–1990), Cambodia (1992–1993), and Eastern Slavonia (1996–1998), the idea that these exceptional circumstances may not recur is somewhat disingenuous. The need for policy research in this area was brought into sharp focus by the weighty but vague responsibilities assigned to the United Nations in Afghanistan (2002—) and its contested role in Iraq (2003—).
This book seeks to fill that gap. Aimed at policy‐makers, diplomats, and a wide academic audience (including international relations, political science, international law, war studies, and development studies), the book provides a concise history of transitional administration and a treatment of the five key issues confronting such operations: peace and security, the role of the United Nations as government, establishing the rule of law, economic reconstruction, and exit strategies. Research for the book has been conducted through extensive field research and interviews with key UN staff and local representatives in almost all of the territories under consideration. The unifying theme is that, while the ends of transitional administration may be idealistic, the means cannot be.
Richard Caplan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199263455
- eISBN:
- 9780191602726
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263450.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Since the mid-1990s, the United Nations and other multilateral organizations have been entrusted with exceptional authority for the administration of war-torn and strife-ridden territories. In Bosnia ...
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Since the mid-1990s, the United Nations and other multilateral organizations have been entrusted with exceptional authority for the administration of war-torn and strife-ridden territories. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Kosovo, and East Timor, these organizations have assumed responsibility for governance to a degree unprecedented in recent history. These initiatives represent some of the boldest experiments in the management and settlement of intra-state conflict ever attempted by third parties. This book is a study of recent experiences in the international administration of war-torn territories. Examines the nature of these operations—their mandates, structures, and powers—and distinguishes them from kindred historical and contemporary experiences of peacekeeping, trusteeship, and military occupation. Analyses and assesses the effectiveness of international administrations and discusses, in thematic fashion, the key operational and political challenges that arise in the context of these experiences. Also reflects on the policy implications of these experiences, recommending reforms or new approaches to the challenge posed by localized anarchy in a global context. Argues that despite many of the problems arising from both the design and implementation of international administrations—some of them very serious—international administrations have generally made a positive contribution to the mitigation of conflict in the territories where they have been established.Less
Since the mid-1990s, the United Nations and other multilateral organizations have been entrusted with exceptional authority for the administration of war-torn and strife-ridden territories. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Kosovo, and East Timor, these organizations have assumed responsibility for governance to a degree unprecedented in recent history. These initiatives represent some of the boldest experiments in the management and settlement of intra-state conflict ever attempted by third parties.
This book is a study of recent experiences in the international administration of war-torn territories. Examines the nature of these operations—their mandates, structures, and powers—and distinguishes them from kindred historical and contemporary experiences of peacekeeping, trusteeship, and military occupation. Analyses and assesses the effectiveness of international administrations and discusses, in thematic fashion, the key operational and political challenges that arise in the context of these experiences. Also reflects on the policy implications of these experiences, recommending reforms or new approaches to the challenge posed by localized anarchy in a global context. Argues that despite many of the problems arising from both the design and implementation of international administrations—some of them very serious—international administrations have generally made a positive contribution to the mitigation of conflict in the territories where they have been established.
Nicholas Morris*
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199267217
- eISBN:
- 9780191601118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199267219.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Assesses the success of the two humanitarian interventions in the Balkans – Bosnia in 1995 and Kosovo in 1999 – from the perspective of humanitarian organizations. It argues how, ironically, the ...
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Assesses the success of the two humanitarian interventions in the Balkans – Bosnia in 1995 and Kosovo in 1999 – from the perspective of humanitarian organizations. It argues how, ironically, the effectiveness of organizations such as UNHCR can dissuade powerful states from taking the necessary steps to address the root causes of massive human rights violations. Slow and ambiguous action from the international community can raise false expectations on the part of suffering civilians, and embolden those who commit atrocities. The author argues that the political, military, and humanitarian strands of interventions are always closely interwoven, and draws a series of lessons from the Balkans experience: the need for the international community to act early, credibly, and consistently; the importance of preserving the identity of a humanitarian operation; the imperative to end the impunity of those who orchestrate and commit massive violations of human rights; and the importance of engaging the United Nations.Less
Assesses the success of the two humanitarian interventions in the Balkans – Bosnia in 1995 and Kosovo in 1999 – from the perspective of humanitarian organizations. It argues how, ironically, the effectiveness of organizations such as UNHCR can dissuade powerful states from taking the necessary steps to address the root causes of massive human rights violations. Slow and ambiguous action from the international community can raise false expectations on the part of suffering civilians, and embolden those who commit atrocities. The author argues that the political, military, and humanitarian strands of interventions are always closely interwoven, and draws a series of lessons from the Balkans experience: the need for the international community to act early, credibly, and consistently; the importance of preserving the identity of a humanitarian operation; the imperative to end the impunity of those who orchestrate and commit massive violations of human rights; and the importance of engaging the United Nations.
Marko Attila Hoare
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263808
- eISBN:
- 9780191734458
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The war of 1992–1995, which pitted supporters of a unified and multinational Bosnia-Hercegovina against supporters of a Great Serbia, was in a sense a rematch of the Partisan–Chetnik war of a ...
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The war of 1992–1995, which pitted supporters of a unified and multinational Bosnia-Hercegovina against supporters of a Great Serbia, was in a sense a rematch of the Partisan–Chetnik war of a half-century before. Its outcome was equally paradoxical: the establishment of a Bosnian state formally independent but in fact under foreign rule; formally unified but in fact partitioned three ways; formally at peace but in fact locked in a permanent conflict, a conflict that is at once a cold war and a civil war. The very ambiguousness of this outcome is, perhaps, the best testimony to the enduring nature of the Partisan–Chetnik divide in Bosnia-Hercegovina.Less
The war of 1992–1995, which pitted supporters of a unified and multinational Bosnia-Hercegovina against supporters of a Great Serbia, was in a sense a rematch of the Partisan–Chetnik war of a half-century before. Its outcome was equally paradoxical: the establishment of a Bosnian state formally independent but in fact under foreign rule; formally unified but in fact partitioned three ways; formally at peace but in fact locked in a permanent conflict, a conflict that is at once a cold war and a civil war. The very ambiguousness of this outcome is, perhaps, the best testimony to the enduring nature of the Partisan–Chetnik divide in Bosnia-Hercegovina.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international ...
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The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international supervision is required in a particular territory in order both to maintain order and to foster the norms and practices of fair self‐government. This book rescues the normative discourse of trusteeship from the obscurity into which it has fallen since decolonization. It traces the development of trusteeship from its emergence out of debates concerning the misrule of the East India Company (Ch. 2), to its internationalization in imperial Africa (Ch. 3), to its institutionalization in the League of Nations mandates system (Ch. 4) and in the UN trusteeship system, and to the destruction of its legitimacy by the ideas of self‐determination and human equality (Ch. 5). The book brings this rich historical experience to bear on the dilemmas posed by the resurrection of trusteeship after the end of the cold war (Ch. 6) and, in the context of contemporary world problems, explores the obligations that attach to preponderant power and the limits that should be observed in exercising that power for the sake of global good. In Ch. 7, the book concludes by arguing that trusteeship remains fundamentally at odds with the ideas of human dignity and equality.Less
The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international supervision is required in a particular territory in order both to maintain order and to foster the norms and practices of fair self‐government. This book rescues the normative discourse of trusteeship from the obscurity into which it has fallen since decolonization. It traces the development of trusteeship from its emergence out of debates concerning the misrule of the East India Company (Ch. 2), to its internationalization in imperial Africa (Ch. 3), to its institutionalization in the League of Nations mandates system (Ch. 4) and in the UN trusteeship system, and to the destruction of its legitimacy by the ideas of self‐determination and human equality (Ch. 5). The book brings this rich historical experience to bear on the dilemmas posed by the resurrection of trusteeship after the end of the cold war (Ch. 6) and, in the context of contemporary world problems, explores the obligations that attach to preponderant power and the limits that should be observed in exercising that power for the sake of global good. In Ch. 7, the book concludes by arguing that trusteeship remains fundamentally at odds with the ideas of human dignity and equality.
Brian Rathbun
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199283958
- eISBN:
- 9780191603297
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199283958.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Most commentary on the recent degradation of transatlantic relations sees it as the product of differences either in “national interests” between the United States and Europe, or of deep-seated ...
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Most commentary on the recent degradation of transatlantic relations sees it as the product of differences either in “national interests” between the United States and Europe, or of deep-seated national political philosophies and styles. Yet much of the disagreement is the temporary result of divergent partisan worldviews on the two sides of the ocean. Most Europeans are to the political left of the Bush administration, and many of their substantive criticisms of Bush’s policies reflect positions in well-established Right-Left debates.Less
Most commentary on the recent degradation of transatlantic relations sees it as the product of differences either in “national interests” between the United States and Europe, or of deep-seated national political philosophies and styles. Yet much of the disagreement is the temporary result of divergent partisan worldviews on the two sides of the ocean. Most Europeans are to the political left of the Bush administration, and many of their substantive criticisms of Bush’s policies reflect positions in well-established Right-Left debates.
Nicholas J. Wheeler
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199253104
- eISBN:
- 9780191600302
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253102.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Shows how the international community learnt particular lessons from the Bosnian conflict that it applied to the crisis in Kosovo. It explores the legality and legitimacy of NATO action in bombing ...
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Shows how the international community learnt particular lessons from the Bosnian conflict that it applied to the crisis in Kosovo. It explores the legality and legitimacy of NATO action in bombing Yugoslavia, focusing on the reaction in the Security Council to NATO's use of force without explicit Security Council authorization.Less
Shows how the international community learnt particular lessons from the Bosnian conflict that it applied to the crisis in Kosovo. It explores the legality and legitimacy of NATO action in bombing Yugoslavia, focusing on the reaction in the Security Council to NATO's use of force without explicit Security Council authorization.
Robert Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199262014
- eISBN:
- 9780191601033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199262012.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explores the issue of armed intervention in sovereign states where there are gross violations of human rights or other humanitarian problems, but no obvious threats to peace and ...
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This chapter explores the issue of armed intervention in sovereign states where there are gross violations of human rights or other humanitarian problems, but no obvious threats to peace and security. Four cases of intervention are considered: Iraq, Somalia, Bosnia, and Kosovo. It argues that the grounds for legitimate and lawful armed intervention in sovereign states, jus ad bellum, was restricted by international society during the course of the 20th century. However, interventions at the end of the century raise questions on whether these grounds are being expanded, and if so, can this be justified in a pluralist world.Less
This chapter explores the issue of armed intervention in sovereign states where there are gross violations of human rights or other humanitarian problems, but no obvious threats to peace and security. Four cases of intervention are considered: Iraq, Somalia, Bosnia, and Kosovo. It argues that the grounds for legitimate and lawful armed intervention in sovereign states, jus ad bellum, was restricted by international society during the course of the 20th century. However, interventions at the end of the century raise questions on whether these grounds are being expanded, and if so, can this be justified in a pluralist world.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as ...
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On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as the supreme form of political organization in post‐colonial international society—an international society in which dominions, colonies, principalities, free cities, and, of course, mandates and trust territories have all but vanished. However, the ostensible failure of this post‐colonial project—the fact that the promise of peace and prosperity held out by independent statehood is too often betrayed by appalling violence and absolute poverty—has reinvigorated interest in trusteeship as a way of responding to problems of international disorder and injustice. The purpose of this chapter is threefold: first, it examines the principal dilemma of decolonization that has resulted in a renewed interest in trusteeship; second, it considers this renewed interest in trusteeship in the context of international involvement in administering Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and, until recently, East Timor; third, it reflects upon the normative implications that a resurrected practice of trusteeship carries for a society of states that is premised on the juridical equality of all its members. The five sections of the chapter are: The False Promise of post‐Colonial Independence; Innovation and Convention—the case for trusteeship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor; The New International Legitimacy—the resurrection of trusteeship; A Universal Society of States?; and Answering the Call of Humanity.Less
On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as the supreme form of political organization in post‐colonial international society—an international society in which dominions, colonies, principalities, free cities, and, of course, mandates and trust territories have all but vanished. However, the ostensible failure of this post‐colonial project—the fact that the promise of peace and prosperity held out by independent statehood is too often betrayed by appalling violence and absolute poverty—has reinvigorated interest in trusteeship as a way of responding to problems of international disorder and injustice. The purpose of this chapter is threefold: first, it examines the principal dilemma of decolonization that has resulted in a renewed interest in trusteeship; second, it considers this renewed interest in trusteeship in the context of international involvement in administering Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and, until recently, East Timor; third, it reflects upon the normative implications that a resurrected practice of trusteeship carries for a society of states that is premised on the juridical equality of all its members. The five sections of the chapter are: The False Promise of post‐Colonial Independence; Innovation and Convention—the case for trusteeship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor; The New International Legitimacy—the resurrection of trusteeship; A Universal Society of States?; and Answering the Call of Humanity.
Oisín Tansey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199561032
- eISBN:
- 9780191721496
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561032.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
This book is a study of regime change in the context of international administration, where the United Nations and other multilateral organizations hold temporary executive authority at the domestic ...
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This book is a study of regime change in the context of international administration, where the United Nations and other multilateral organizations hold temporary executive authority at the domestic level. Work on the politics of state-building has highlighted how these administration operations can influence nearly every aspect of politics in the country or territory in which they are deployed. This book concentrates in particular on the ‘regime-building’ practices of these missions, and examines the aims and influences of international administrations in the area of democratic development, as well as their ultimate impact on the process of regime change. Through a comparative analysis of events in Bosnia, Kosovo, and East Timor, the book demonstrates how external actors assume positions of power conventionally held by domestic elites, and in so doing gain the ability to affect democratic development in ways unavailable to international actors in more conventional settings. In particular, the case studies highlight the ways in which the democracy promotion objectives of international administrators can have both positive and negative effects on democratization processes, with the presence of international authorities helping to rule out non-democratic options in some areas, while at times undermining democratic development in others. The book identifies the key international actors involved, highlights the mechanisms of influence available to them in these contexts, and explores the crucial mediating role of domestic actors and structures.Less
This book is a study of regime change in the context of international administration, where the United Nations and other multilateral organizations hold temporary executive authority at the domestic level. Work on the politics of state-building has highlighted how these administration operations can influence nearly every aspect of politics in the country or territory in which they are deployed. This book concentrates in particular on the ‘regime-building’ practices of these missions, and examines the aims and influences of international administrations in the area of democratic development, as well as their ultimate impact on the process of regime change. Through a comparative analysis of events in Bosnia, Kosovo, and East Timor, the book demonstrates how external actors assume positions of power conventionally held by domestic elites, and in so doing gain the ability to affect democratic development in ways unavailable to international actors in more conventional settings. In particular, the case studies highlight the ways in which the democracy promotion objectives of international administrators can have both positive and negative effects on democratization processes, with the presence of international authorities helping to rule out non-democratic options in some areas, while at times undermining democratic development in others. The book identifies the key international actors involved, highlights the mechanisms of influence available to them in these contexts, and explores the crucial mediating role of domestic actors and structures.
Oliver P. Richmond
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195395914
- eISBN:
- 9780199776801
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395914.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Richmond suggests that this volume illustrates the emergence of a new stage in the development of peacebuilding: strategic peacebuilding. Strategic peacebuilding goes beyond security-focused ...
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Richmond suggests that this volume illustrates the emergence of a new stage in the development of peacebuilding: strategic peacebuilding. Strategic peacebuilding goes beyond security-focused strategies that build on the lessons of liberal peace, focusing on sustainable peacebuilding at all levels of society. He synthesizes insights from the volume’s authors and from his own fieldwork in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Timor-Leste, and the Solomon Islands, focusing especially on the role of the “local” in strategic peacebuilding. From this volume, Richmond believes, emerges a vision of a postliberal justpeace that is more robust, inclusive, locally informed, and contextually sensitive than dominant conceptualizations of peace.Less
Richmond suggests that this volume illustrates the emergence of a new stage in the development of peacebuilding: strategic peacebuilding. Strategic peacebuilding goes beyond security-focused strategies that build on the lessons of liberal peace, focusing on sustainable peacebuilding at all levels of society. He synthesizes insights from the volume’s authors and from his own fieldwork in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Timor-Leste, and the Solomon Islands, focusing especially on the role of the “local” in strategic peacebuilding. From this volume, Richmond believes, emerges a vision of a postliberal justpeace that is more robust, inclusive, locally informed, and contextually sensitive than dominant conceptualizations of peace.
Theodor Meron
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199608935
- eISBN:
- 9780191729706
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199608935.003.0028
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter presents Theodor Meron's speech at Potočari Memorial Cemetery. He shares his special wish to visit the cemetery because he had the privilege of sitting as the Presiding Judge in the ...
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This chapter presents Theodor Meron's speech at Potočari Memorial Cemetery. He shares his special wish to visit the cemetery because he had the privilege of sitting as the Presiding Judge in the appeal which, for the first time, judicially recognized the crimes committed against the Bosnian Muslims in Srebrenica in 1995 as genocide. In that case, named Prosecutor versus Radislav Krstič, the Appeals Chamber of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia convicted one of the leaders of the Bosnian Serb assault on Srebrenica, General Radislav Krstič, for aiding and abetting genocide. In honor of the memory of the many victims of this crime lying in this cemetery, Meron reads a brief passage from the judgment in Krstič.Less
This chapter presents Theodor Meron's speech at Potočari Memorial Cemetery. He shares his special wish to visit the cemetery because he had the privilege of sitting as the Presiding Judge in the appeal which, for the first time, judicially recognized the crimes committed against the Bosnian Muslims in Srebrenica in 1995 as genocide. In that case, named Prosecutor versus Radislav Krstič, the Appeals Chamber of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia convicted one of the leaders of the Bosnian Serb assault on Srebrenica, General Radislav Krstič, for aiding and abetting genocide. In honor of the memory of the many victims of this crime lying in this cemetery, Meron reads a brief passage from the judgment in Krstič.
Robin Okey
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199213917
- eISBN:
- 9780191707490
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199213917.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Concentrating on the politics of the Habsburg Monarchy's self-proclaimed ‘cultural mission’ in occupied Bosnia in the period from 1878 to the outbreak of war in 1914, this book addresses two related ...
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Concentrating on the politics of the Habsburg Monarchy's self-proclaimed ‘cultural mission’ in occupied Bosnia in the period from 1878 to the outbreak of war in 1914, this book addresses two related issues: the impact of ‘Europeanization’ in a backward society, and the crystallization of the identities which have since dominated Bosnian life. On the basis of wide reading in the Austrian, Hungarian, and south Slav sources, including the Hungarian-language papers of the two leading administrators of Bosnia, Benjamin von Kállay and István Burián, this book provides fresh and wide-ranging perspectives on a whole range of issues, including the ‘Orientalist’ assumptions of Austrian policy, the struggle of administrators for the moral high ground with nascent Serb and Croat intelligentsias, Kállay's controversial policy of the ‘Bosnian nation’, and the strategy and personality of the intriguing Burián. The book also opens up the hitherto unexplored background to student terrorism in the secondary schools of pre-1914 Bosnia, from which the assassin of Archduke Franz Ferdinand was to emerge. Beyond this immediate historical context, the book also sheds much light on wider issues such as the construction of Serb and Croat nationhood in Bosnia, the beginnings of the Europeanization of Bosnian Muslims, and the new divisions created by the rapid pace of social, economic, and intellectual change as the nineteenth turned into the twentieth century.Less
Concentrating on the politics of the Habsburg Monarchy's self-proclaimed ‘cultural mission’ in occupied Bosnia in the period from 1878 to the outbreak of war in 1914, this book addresses two related issues: the impact of ‘Europeanization’ in a backward society, and the crystallization of the identities which have since dominated Bosnian life. On the basis of wide reading in the Austrian, Hungarian, and south Slav sources, including the Hungarian-language papers of the two leading administrators of Bosnia, Benjamin von Kállay and István Burián, this book provides fresh and wide-ranging perspectives on a whole range of issues, including the ‘Orientalist’ assumptions of Austrian policy, the struggle of administrators for the moral high ground with nascent Serb and Croat intelligentsias, Kállay's controversial policy of the ‘Bosnian nation’, and the strategy and personality of the intriguing Burián. The book also opens up the hitherto unexplored background to student terrorism in the secondary schools of pre-1914 Bosnia, from which the assassin of Archduke Franz Ferdinand was to emerge. Beyond this immediate historical context, the book also sheds much light on wider issues such as the construction of Serb and Croat nationhood in Bosnia, the beginnings of the Europeanization of Bosnian Muslims, and the new divisions created by the rapid pace of social, economic, and intellectual change as the nineteenth turned into the twentieth century.
Admir Jugo and Sari Wastell
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097560
- eISBN:
- 9781526104441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097560.003.0007
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Anthropology, Global
This paper will examine the excavation of mass graves in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which has evolved into a significantly standardized yet methodologically flexible set of procedures based on ...
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This paper will examine the excavation of mass graves in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which has evolved into a significantly standardized yet methodologically flexible set of procedures based on integrated principles of forensic archaeology, forensic anthropology and crime scene processing – the overall goal of which is to maximize the collection and documentation of all sets of human remains, forensic artifacts and features for the purposes of establishing an objective historical record, supporting the criminal justice process and the victim identification process. In particular, the phenomenon of the secondary mass grave will be explored. Why might a secondary mass grave play a distinct role from a primary mass grave, and in what ways, and for whom? Through an (admittedly implicit) description of the actor-network in which these graves are embedded, and the many sorts of actants with which they are in relation, the authors will attempt to describe the precarious and shifting place of Bosnia’s secondary mass graves in the country’s processes of social reconciliation and peace-building.Less
This paper will examine the excavation of mass graves in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which has evolved into a significantly standardized yet methodologically flexible set of procedures based on integrated principles of forensic archaeology, forensic anthropology and crime scene processing – the overall goal of which is to maximize the collection and documentation of all sets of human remains, forensic artifacts and features for the purposes of establishing an objective historical record, supporting the criminal justice process and the victim identification process. In particular, the phenomenon of the secondary mass grave will be explored. Why might a secondary mass grave play a distinct role from a primary mass grave, and in what ways, and for whom? Through an (admittedly implicit) description of the actor-network in which these graves are embedded, and the many sorts of actants with which they are in relation, the authors will attempt to describe the precarious and shifting place of Bosnia’s secondary mass graves in the country’s processes of social reconciliation and peace-building.
Rusmir Mahmutćehajić
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823225842
- eISBN:
- 9780823237159
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823225842.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This book is an extended meditation on a dimension of Islam unfamiliar to most Western readers. The mosque, this book argues, is not an analogue of the Christian church, not least because in Islam ...
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This book is an extended meditation on a dimension of Islam unfamiliar to most Western readers. The mosque, this book argues, is not an analogue of the Christian church, not least because in Islam there is no priesthood and no institutionalized hierarchy. Rather, every Muslim is his or her own priest, and most religious obligations are performed in the home. The function of the mosque is thus dispersed throughout society and, indeed, throughout the natural world as well. The Arabic word from which English mosque derives means literally “place of prostration”—the place one performs the daily ritual prayer of submission to God, so as to become a guest at the table God has sent down to manifest himself. That table is also the world's mosque, the world as mosque. Among the many tragic victims of the Bosnian genocide are its mosques; more than a thousand were destroyed. A part of the essential fabric of Bosnian life was changed. This book seeks to rebuild the spirit and majesty of each mosque that was destroyed, the spiritual grace it lent the Bosnian landscape.Less
This book is an extended meditation on a dimension of Islam unfamiliar to most Western readers. The mosque, this book argues, is not an analogue of the Christian church, not least because in Islam there is no priesthood and no institutionalized hierarchy. Rather, every Muslim is his or her own priest, and most religious obligations are performed in the home. The function of the mosque is thus dispersed throughout society and, indeed, throughout the natural world as well. The Arabic word from which English mosque derives means literally “place of prostration”—the place one performs the daily ritual prayer of submission to God, so as to become a guest at the table God has sent down to manifest himself. That table is also the world's mosque, the world as mosque. Among the many tragic victims of the Bosnian genocide are its mosques; more than a thousand were destroyed. A part of the essential fabric of Bosnian life was changed. This book seeks to rebuild the spirit and majesty of each mosque that was destroyed, the spiritual grace it lent the Bosnian landscape.
Paul B. Duff
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195138351
- eISBN:
- 9780199834150
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019513835X.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies
This chapter asks if the thesis that John invented, the crisis depicted in the visions of the Apocalypse, is credible. In answer to this question, the final chapter compares John's rhetoric to the ...
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This chapter asks if the thesis that John invented, the crisis depicted in the visions of the Apocalypse, is credible. In answer to this question, the final chapter compares John's rhetoric to the rhetoric used by the aggressors in the Bosnian and Kosovo crises in the 1980s and 1990s. In both the first‐ and twentieth‐century cases, there seemed to have been a great disparity between the stories told and the reality lived. In other words, a powerful story can easily overwhelm the realities of history. The chapter concludes with some thoughts on the final outcome of the crisis in the churches of the Apocalypse.Less
This chapter asks if the thesis that John invented, the crisis depicted in the visions of the Apocalypse, is credible. In answer to this question, the final chapter compares John's rhetoric to the rhetoric used by the aggressors in the Bosnian and Kosovo crises in the 1980s and 1990s. In both the first‐ and twentieth‐century cases, there seemed to have been a great disparity between the stories told and the reality lived. In other words, a powerful story can easily overwhelm the realities of history. The chapter concludes with some thoughts on the final outcome of the crisis in the churches of the Apocalypse.
Vjekoslav Perica
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195148565
- eISBN:
- 9780199834556
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148568.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Written on the basis of a wide range of South Slav sources and previously unpublished, often confidential documents from communist state archives, as well as on the author's own on‐the‐ground ...
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Written on the basis of a wide range of South Slav sources and previously unpublished, often confidential documents from communist state archives, as well as on the author's own on‐the‐ground experience as a journalist, this book explores the political role and influence of religious organizations, namely, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Catholic Church in Croatia and Bosnia‐Herzegovina, and the Yugoslav Muslim Organization (Islamic community) over the course of the last century. The author emphatically rejects the notion that a “clash of civilizations” has played a central role in fomenting aggression in the former Yugoslavia. He finds no compelling evidence of an upsurge in religious fervor among the general population. Rather, he concludes, the primary religious players in the conflicts have been activist clergy. What emerges from the book, which aims to be the first political history of religion in modern Yugoslav states, and combines narrative and analysis, is a deeply nuanced understanding of the history and troubled future of one of the world's most volatile regions. The narrative presents the process of the making, decay, and collapse of several regimes and nation‐states chronologically, highlighting the role of religion in these processes, while also presenting the history of the religious institutions mentioned above. The analysis deals with the role of religious institutions, symbols, and practices in state formation and destruction. The book starts with a chronology (1935–2002) and maps of the region as background to what follows in the 12 chapters.Less
Written on the basis of a wide range of South Slav sources and previously unpublished, often confidential documents from communist state archives, as well as on the author's own on‐the‐ground experience as a journalist, this book explores the political role and influence of religious organizations, namely, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Catholic Church in Croatia and Bosnia‐Herzegovina, and the Yugoslav Muslim Organization (Islamic community) over the course of the last century. The author emphatically rejects the notion that a “clash of civilizations” has played a central role in fomenting aggression in the former Yugoslavia. He finds no compelling evidence of an upsurge in religious fervor among the general population. Rather, he concludes, the primary religious players in the conflicts have been activist clergy. What emerges from the book, which aims to be the first political history of religion in modern Yugoslav states, and combines narrative and analysis, is a deeply nuanced understanding of the history and troubled future of one of the world's most volatile regions. The narrative presents the process of the making, decay, and collapse of several regimes and nation‐states chronologically, highlighting the role of religion in these processes, while also presenting the history of the religious institutions mentioned above. The analysis deals with the role of religious institutions, symbols, and practices in state formation and destruction. The book starts with a chronology (1935–2002) and maps of the region as background to what follows in the 12 chapters.
Keith Doubt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823227006
- eISBN:
- 9780823235872
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823227006.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This book seeks to articulate the evil that happened in Bosnia within the context of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Its analysis centers on the question of whether it is ...
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This book seeks to articulate the evil that happened in Bosnia within the context of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Its analysis centers on the question of whether it is possible to understand evil as action. Since the foundations of the social are found in human action, evil's assault on these foundations results in the demise of the social. While evil simulates the outer form of action, ultimately evil belies itself as action. Can someone act with an evil end? Socrates says no, no one willingly does evil. Although, with a mixture of reason and empiricism, the book tries hard to overcome the Socratic position—searching for evil's agency, purpose, means, conditions, and ethos—in the end, the search fails. The book concludes by accepting the Socratic position: action whose end is evil is unthinkable. This tack provides an alternative to recent theorizing about evil by philosophers such as Richard Bernstein and Jeffrey Alexander. The book understands evil via a neologism—as sociocide, the murdering of society. In Bosnia, not only were families destroyed, but their homes as well. Not only were bridges, libraries, schools, mosques, and churches demolished, but towns and cities were obliterated. Bosnian Muslims were murdered behind the mindless rhetoric of “ethnic cleansing,” and their history and collective memory were viciously attacked. In the first case, the social violence is called “domicide,” in the second, “urbicide,” and in the third, “genocide.” The book develops the significance of sociocide as the consequence of evil in order to understand the suffering and tragedy of people and communities in Bosnia.Less
This book seeks to articulate the evil that happened in Bosnia within the context of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Its analysis centers on the question of whether it is possible to understand evil as action. Since the foundations of the social are found in human action, evil's assault on these foundations results in the demise of the social. While evil simulates the outer form of action, ultimately evil belies itself as action. Can someone act with an evil end? Socrates says no, no one willingly does evil. Although, with a mixture of reason and empiricism, the book tries hard to overcome the Socratic position—searching for evil's agency, purpose, means, conditions, and ethos—in the end, the search fails. The book concludes by accepting the Socratic position: action whose end is evil is unthinkable. This tack provides an alternative to recent theorizing about evil by philosophers such as Richard Bernstein and Jeffrey Alexander. The book understands evil via a neologism—as sociocide, the murdering of society. In Bosnia, not only were families destroyed, but their homes as well. Not only were bridges, libraries, schools, mosques, and churches demolished, but towns and cities were obliterated. Bosnian Muslims were murdered behind the mindless rhetoric of “ethnic cleansing,” and their history and collective memory were viciously attacked. In the first case, the social violence is called “domicide,” in the second, “urbicide,” and in the third, “genocide.” The book develops the significance of sociocide as the consequence of evil in order to understand the suffering and tragedy of people and communities in Bosnia.
